Chapter LXIII: Book 11: , Reichsfuehrer SS HEINRICH HIMMLER (5)

In addition, one thing is quite obvious. All of us, who are members of the Germanic peoples, can be happy and thankful that once in thousands of years fate has given us, from among the Germanic peoples, such a genius, a leader, our Fuehrer Adolf Hitler, and you should be happy to be allowed to work with us.

Although I do not wish to discuss any individual official matters here, I would still like to mention in a slightly official way, in my capacity as a military man, what I said before about racial Germans. I beg you never to commit the psychological error of speaking of Germans who came from Roumania or Hungary or Croatia, as Croats, Roumanians or Hungarians. I also beg you never to make the mistake of letting a man who speaks [p. 12] German badly or cannot speak and read German, sense this, or let him sense the thought: “You are a second-rate German, for you can’t read or write German properly.” I beg you rather, (and here too I am stating a very sober opinion), to think in this case of these Germans in the whole of the Balkans, still more of those overseas, in America, when one day we must fetch over here in millions,--and we shall succeed in doing so--who have held out for centuries. I am certainly of the opinion that if a mighty German Reich with an incredible upward urge in its very being and a great German Fuehrer had not now come into being at this time and in the last few decades, it would have been the end of these Germans. A person with a very strong character can personally rise above his surroundings for years and perhaps for decades. A race, if it is in small groups, cannot in the long run hold out against its surroundings. And we must never forget this: these Germans do not usually live together in hundreds of thousands, but a thousand here in a few villages, and two thousand there, and 20 thousand at the most somewhere else. But they do not live together in large numbers. So they are always encircled by a foreign nation [Volkstum], and surrounded by its influence, but are above all surrounded by the influence of the people of the country. _They_ are not the people of the country, those are the others. They are subjects of a state of foreign nationality, which, in any moment of doubt, is their enemy, or at the very best, as, shall we say, Roumania, a tolerably neutral and impartial observer. But on the whole these Germans have lived, throughout the centuries of German weakness, from the Thirty Years’ War up till now, in surroundings calculated not to strengthen their consciousness of German race [Deutschtum] but to destroy it.

There was something else besides this. If one of these Germans wanted to get anywhere he could only do so by entering the state system of the foreign people as an official or an officer. It is no mere chance--[p. 13]. I am not making spiteful assertions now but merely stating the facts--that, for instance, among Hungarian generals there is such a considerable percentage of men of German origin, who of course had, in most cases, to alter their names if they wanted to get anywhere. In many cases, if they did not do so, and remained obdurate about it, they were subsequently removed from office. I quote here as an example the present Chief of the Hungarian General Staff, General Sombacke, who in his youth at the Austrian Military Academy still had the thoroughly good German name of Knaus. May I remind you of Feldmarschall or Feldmarschall-Lieutnant Raab, who as we all know, has now retired. Both are of German descent, and one could name countless hundreds of leading men in these South-Eastern States who are all of German origin, had to become part of the alien nation, and were then drained [eine Auslaugung bildeten] of their own most valuable national characteristics.

If, then, we get sons of these racial Germans [Volksdeutschtum] who have still survived there--(some are genuine volunteers, and others come as a result of a levy, for we have organized the racial groups from within the Reich through the SS, so that without possessing political power we have in fact, morally such strength and power among these people that we can compel a man, compel him morally, to serve with us in Germany, due entirely to the power of the whole German national community)--if we therefore get these men, you must not make it difficult for them to enter our community by calling him by the name which you judge he will not wish to hear. A Saxon from Siebenburg will never let it be said that he is a Roumanian. It’s just against that that he and his fathers have fought for 700 years. And a German from Hungary will never let it be said that he is a Hungarian. If you know how he has been thrashed by many a Hungarian gendarme, before he came to us, how his mother was thrashed, and his parents driven from hearth and home, you can imagine how bitter it is for him if he now joins German service-men and they say: here comes a Hungarian. Or you can imagine how bitter it is for him when he is reproached for something which he cannot help. If we had not been to a German school we should not be able to read and write German either. If we had been forced, shall we say, to go to a Polish school, we should write Polish too, although we profess to be Germans. And that is often the case with these men. I must therefore expect of you understanding and human sympathy in this matter, and must expect that the leaders, in addition to their many other duties, will undertake to see that additional German instruction in reading, speaking and writing, be given to these men at every opportunity that is offered. I lay special emphasis on this matter, because by negotiations, we have now managed to make an arrangement enabling us in future to enlist even those Germans who up to now have been serving in the Roumanian army. So we can expect a great influx from the Germans of the South-East.

We know that these clashes with Asia and Jewry are necessary [p. 16] for evolution. They give the cue [Auftakt] for the European Continent to unite. These clashes are the only evolutionary possibility which will enable us one day, now that Fate has given us the Fuehrer Adolf Hitler, to create the Germanic Reich. They are the necessary condition, for our race, and our blood to create for itself and put under cultivation, in the years of peace, (during which we must live and work austerely, frugally and like Spartans), that settlement area in which new blood can breed, as in a botanical garden so to speak. Only by this means can the Continent become a Germanic Continent, capable of daring to embark, in one or [p. 17] two or three or five or ten generations, on the conflict with this Continent of Asia which spews out hordes of humanity. Perhaps we shall also have to hold in check other coloured peoples who will soon be in their certain prime, and thus preserve the world, which is the world of our blood, of our children and of our grandchildren. Now it is just this world we like the best, the Germanic world, the world of Nordic life. We know that this conflict with the advancing pressure from Asia, with the 200 million Russians, is necessary. And we shall win as sure as I am speaking here in the University of Kharkow. We shall have to pass through many a valley, many a narrow defile. Many will grow tired on the way. Of course they will mostly be those who have no reason to do so. To put it vulgarly, many will do something in their trousers. Many people will get shaky at the knees. The only thing that matters is that we stand firm. This is what is important for us as SS-men, for our province of duty and our mission (it is a task additional to those of the whole German Armed Forces and the whole German people): That is what I would like to impress upon you, this is what I beg you, as Commanding Officers, as Chiefs, and as leaders to teach the young men again and again in their ideological instruction. That is what I demand and exact of you,--that you really concern yourselves with the man, the young fellow of 17 to 18 who comes to us, and with many who are in our ranks not as volunteers but as conscripts. I ask you to look after them, and guide them, and not let them go before they are really saturated with our spirit and are fighting as the old guard fought before us--that is what I request and demand of you.

We have only one task, to stand firm and carry on the racial struggle without mercy. I will now say again something which I have already today said to the men elsewhere: we will never let that excellent weapon, the dread and terrible reputation which preceded us in the battles [p. 18] for Kharkow fade, but will constantly add new meaning to it. They can call us what they like in the world, the main thing is that we are the eternally loyal, obedient, steadfast and unconquerable fighting men of the Germanic people and of the Fuehrer, the SS of the Germanic Reich.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1932-PS

SS Main Economic Administrative office

[SS-Wirtschafts-Verwaltungshauptamt]

Oranienburg 7 June 1943

Office group D, Concentrations Camps

D I/ 1 Az: 14 c 2 / Ot / S.--Secret diary No. 743/43

Subject: Treatment of prisoners who fall under the night and fog
decree. [NN-Erlass].

Reference: Reich Security Main Office [Reichs-Sicherheitshauptamt] IV
c 2 General No. 103/42 g - issued 5 May, 1943

Annexes: None

SECRET

To the Camp commanders of the Concentrations Camps

Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Flossenburg, Neumarkt,
Auschwitz, Gross-Rosen, Natzweiler, Stu., Ravensbruck, Herz., Riga,
Lublin and the Civilian Camp Bergen-Belsen.

[Da., Sah., Bu., Mau., Flo., Neu., Au., Gr.-Ro., Natz., Stu., Rav.,
Herz., Ri., Lub., und Zil Bergen-Belsen.]

I send the following decree of the Reich Security Main Office [Reichssicherheitshauptamt] regarding treatment of Night and Fog [NN] prisoners for acknowledgement and strictest observation.

The purpose of the NN decree is the elimination of all anti-German forces in the occupied territories and their being brought into the Reich.

The relatives and the population are to be kept in uncertainty about the fate of these persons. In order to achieve this, the NN decree further provides that prisoners of this kind should be placed under prohibitions to write, to receive mail and parcels, to talk, or that information should be given about them. In this regard it is irrelevant whether it is the question of a NN-prisoner of the old or new type. By NN-prisoners of the old type are understood those whom the military courts have handed over to the disposing agencies for shipment to the Reich, while the so-called New-Type NN-prisoners have been brought directly by the arresting agencies of the Security-Police and of the SD to the concentration camps (KL) in the Reich without the participation of military courts.

The Agencies of the security police and of the SD in question are instructed to submit to the Reich security Main Office and to the concentration camp in charge questionnaires on all prisoners who fall under the NN-decree. This questionnaire should contain detailed personal data, data on racial origin, the reason for arrest, the former place of custody and other incriminating elements. These questionnaires are to be marked by a seal “Night and Fog” [Nacht und Nebel].

Upon the reports of the agencies of the Security Police and of the SD a collective order for protective custody will be issued here with the questionnaires attached and the agencies will be further instructed to transfer the arrestees to a concentration camp.

Insofar as Germanic NN-prisoners are concerned, they will be transferred from here to the concentration camp of Natzweiler exclusively; in all other cases the NN-prisoners will be shipped to a concentration camp depending on the location of the transferring agency of the Security Police and of the SD with consideration of the echelon division and of capacity of the concentration camp.

The camp commanders of concentration camps in which there are already NN-prisoners have to order immediately that the prisoners should be investigated according to racial points of view and that the _Germanic_ NN-prisoners should be transferred to the concentration camp of Natzweiler. Compliance with this order is to be reported on individual questionnaires for each prisoner. The camp commander of the concentration camp of Natzweiler has to take care that the NN-prisoners are to be kept separated from the other prisoners.

In other respects the directives of the RSHA-Referat ND 4--which have been sent together with the secret letter No. 551/42, dated 18 Aug. 1942, are referred to.

Furthermore it is pointed out again as has been ordered already in the circular decree, issued 2 Feb. 1943, secret diary No. 111/43--that death notices of NN-prisoners are to be submitted _exclusively_ to the agency particular transferring agency of the Security Police and of the SD, to the RSHA and to this agency, in order to exclude divulgence of the place of custody of an NN-prisoner. Hereby the decrees regulating the procedure in cases of death, particularly any notification of the relatives are cancelled. The effects of deceased Night and Fog prisoners are to be sent in their entirety to the transferring agency in charge which will guard it until further notice.

The chief of the central office
[signature illegible]
SS Lt. Colonel

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1933-PS

Main Bureau for SS Economic Administration

Bureau Group Chief D--Concentration Camp-- DI/l/Az: 14 f 13/L/S

Secret order of the day--No. 612/43

_Subject_: Action 14 f 13 in the concentration camps.

_Reference_: Local directive DI/1/Az: 14 f 13/OT/S--Secret order of
the day No. 34/43 of S.1.43

STATE SECRET

To the Camp Commanders of the Concentration Camps

Da., Sah., Bu., Mau., Flo., Neu., Au., Gr.-Ro., Natz., Stu., Rav.,
Ri., Herz., Lubl., and Bergen-Belsen.

Copy to: Chief of Bureau D II, III in the house

The Reich Fuehrer-SS and Chief of German Police has decided, after consultation, that in the future only mentally sick [geisteskranke] prisoners may be selected for action 14 F 13 by the medical commissions appointed for this purpose.

All other prisoners incapable of working (tubercular cases, bed-ridden cripples, etc.) are to be basically excepted from this action. Bedridden prisoners are to be drafted for suitable work which they can perform in bed.

The order of the Reich Fuehrer SS is to be obeyed strictly in the future.

Requests for fuel for this purpose therefore do not take place.

[signature illegible]
SS-Brigadefuehrer and Major General of the Waffen-SS

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1939-PS

A “Proclamation to Workers” addressed to employees and employers by Dr. Robert Ley on 5 September 1939. Quoted from the chapter “The German Worker Has Recognized * * *” pp. 14-17, of “Forge of the Sword”, a collection in book form of speeches by, and articles about, Dr. Robert Ley, published in 1942 by the Central Publishing House of the NSDAP, Franz Eher Successor, Munich, with a foreword by Reichs Marshal Goering.

The German people in its over-all attitude is what the Fuehrer has made of that people after the collapse. The poised and self-assured attitude of the German people in the current world crisis contrasts so enormously with the insecurity of the so-called democratic nations, that each thinking human being must ask himself about the cause of this state of affairs, which is so full of hope for us Germans.

The achievement of the Fuehrer in the entire political sphere is a LARGE SCALE AND UNIQUE ACHIEVEMENT OF EDUCATION. The following principles have been taught by the Fuehrer and are decisive for the present strong attitude of Germany.

The Fuehrer has taught the German people that its existence and its being is dependent upon the unqualified perception of all Germans that the battle for life of the German people cannot be fought in limited areas, but that this battle for life means wrestling and battling in all spheres of life. It is the teaching of the totality for the battle for life.

We National Socialists say: social policy and economy are one and belong together. Progress and development are socialism. A socialist can never be a pacifist; on the contrary, he must ALWAYS STAND PREPARED AT THE HIGHEST PITCH OF MILITARY READINESS to attain the socialist objective. Peace and war are not separate, mutually exclusive conditions, but in each case they are only a different guise [Erscheinungsform] for one and the same struggle of the people to secure its living potentialities. We National Socialists do not hope for gifts and miracles, but we recognize that every thing must be fought and worked for honestly. We do not believe in chance, and we leave nothing to arbitrariness either. To us Fight is Life, and to us Life means Fight. We have no inclination to rest and restrict ourselves to watching, but we know that Life would simply pass us by were we to withhold ourselves from the Fight. We could never make up for what we neglect today.

BECAUSE OF THAT THE FUEHRER HAS FURTHERMORE TAUGHT US THAT OUR GERMAN PEOPLE MUST COMMIT ALL THE STRENGTH AND ENERGY IT POSSESSES TO FIGHT THROUGH THE STRUGGLE OF LIFE AND DESTINY, SO AS TO ATTAIN VICTORY. We National Socialists REJECT HALF MEASURES AND COMPROMISES. They never lead to the goal, but lull people to sleep until they wake up one day in horror and dread. COWARDS PERISH!

Because of that we National Socialists have mobilized all resources and all our energies during the past seven years, so as to be equipped for the supreme effort of battle. WE DO NOT THROW OURSELVES INTO ADVENTURES, AND WE ARE NOT SO UNSCRUPULOUS AS TO LEAVE ANYTHING TO ACCIDENT.

True,--when according to human judgment and according to the state of our knowledge all preparations have been made, then we have never as yet hesitated to venture the ultimate.

OBSERVE THE FUEHRER! Is he not the living model! His own career, his leadership of the NSDAP, the seizure of power, the conduct of the state, the regaining of Austria, the Sudeten area, Bohemia and Moravia and finally the Memel territory,--all great events demonstrate ever anew the fortunate fact that the Fuehrer prepares anything and everything to the last detail. He calculates, ponders, elucidates,--he acts. But when a decision has been arrived at, then there is no more going back. He holds fast. He is tenacious.

Thus did the Fuehrer’s great successes come about, and thus new successes will be added.

In conclusion the Fuehrer has taught a third principle: THE PREREQUISITE for any battle and THE PREREQUISITE for the mobilization of all our strength and energy is the _folk and fate community of all Germans_. [Volks und Schicksalsgemeinschaft]. Even though our professions may differ, even though our interests may clash, even though the individuality of the various tribes and provinces may reveal itself, one thing encompasses us, whether we are workers or soldiers: THE RECOGNITION, THAT WE GERMANS BELONG TOGETHER IN AN INDISSOLUBLE COMMUNITY OF FATE.

For example, what a splendid example was the building of the West Wall, which revealed convincingly and unforgettably the cohesion of worker and soldier!

THE COMMUNITY OF THE FACTORY IS NOT A MATTER OF PAPER VERBIAGE, BUT IT IS AN UNEQUIVOCAL FACT.

The Great War 1914/1918 was not lost because the German soldier had become a coward, but because dissension and discord tore the people asunder.

Destiny will test us anew. This time we will demonstrate what the National Socialist community can accomplish. This community is not a matter of paper verbiage, it is not a phrase! The first precautionary measure, the introduction of rationing certificates has proven how seriously the National Socialist state believes in the total people’s community.

Thus you, German man and German woman workers, will understand that in this gigantic fight of Germany for justice and freedom, for living space and bread, THERE IS NO PLACE WHATEVER FOR EVERYDAY QUARRELS. YOU, working German, will learn to understand THAT THE LONG-RANGE PLANS OF THE FUEHRER AUTOMATICALLY PRECLUDE ALL DISSENSION.

It will be impossible in future, too, to play the Home Front against the Fighting Front and Fighting Front against the Home Front. Not a front sector at some border is alone involved in battle, but the entire German people. The worker at his drill press, the merchant at his counter, the inventor in his laboratory, the soldier in the trenches, they are all equally determined to fight for Germany’s freedom.

No one will be able to evade the question: “Do you believe in Germany?”, and no one will want to evade that question. And the answer to this question will resound audibly for the whole world: “Yes, indeed, we believe in Germany because we believe in the work of the Fuehrer.”

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1940-PS

VOELKISCHER BEOBACHTER, Southern German Edition (Publisher Franz Eher,
Successor), issue 136, of 11 May 1933, Page 1, column 5.

THE GERMAN LEADERS OF LABOR AN EDICT BY ADOLF HITLER

Berlin, 10 May

The Fuehrer Adolf Hitler has issued the following edict:

I appoint the Chief of Staff of the Political Organization [P.O.] of the NSDAP, Dr. Robert Ley, as leader of the German Labor Front.

I appoint District Leader [Gauleiter] Forster Danzig, as leader of the Employees’ Associations [Angestelltenverbaende].

I appoint the leader of the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization [N.S.B.O.], Schuhmann, as leader of the Workers’ Associations [Arbeiterverbaende].

Berlin, 10 May
Adolf Hitler.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1942-PS

LEGAL REGULATIONS AND LEGAL PROBLEMS OF THE MOVEMENT

[Rechtseinrichtungen und Rechtsaufgaben der Bewegung] by Dr. Otto
Gauweiler (Munich 1939), page 20.

_a. Amendments in Reich Legislation_:

By an order of the Fuehrer, dated 25 July 1934, his Deputy, as well as appointed reviewers, were given the power to take part in the editing of bills dealing with all the departments of the Reich. On the basis of this decree, the Deputy of the Fuehrer was to be invited to all discussions of the department heads, to which he could also send his representatives. Drafts of the laws had to be presented to the Deputy of the Fuehrer in the form of reviewer’s drafts [Referentenentwuerfe] and not as Cabinet bills. From a special order from the Fuehrer, 6 April 35, this privilege of participation in government affairs by the Fuehrer’s Deputy was expanded to include all executive decisions and orders insofar as they were published in the Reichsgesetzblatt. The Deputy of the Fuehrer can on his own initiative introduce bills, etc. regardless in what field; insofar as the good of the party is concerned, he is the man in charge.

Thus, the direct influence of the movement on the legislation and the executive branch was assured at a point where up to now the laws were an internal affair of the individual ministries. From now on, technical considerations or considerations of time cannot interfere with the requests and plans of the party.

PARTIAL COPY OF DOCUMENT 1947-PS

From: Freiherr v. Fritsch.

To: Baronin Margot v. Schutzbar.

Achterberg, 11 Dec 38.

My dear Baroness:

Many thanks for your two letters. * * * It is really peculiar that so many people should look to the future with increasing fears, in spite of the Fuehrer’s indisputable successes during the past years. Herr von Wiegand’s letter interested me very much and I am returning it herewith. Unfortunately, I am afraid he is right when he speaks of the profound hate which is directed to us by a large part of the world.

Soon after the war I came to the conclusion that we should have to be victorious in three battles, if Germany were to become powerful again:

1. The battle against the working class--Hitler has won this.

2. Against the Catholic Church, perhaps better expressed against Ultramontanism, and

3. Against the Jews.

We are in the midst of these battles and the one against the Jews is the most difficult. I hope everyone realizes the intricacies of this campaign.

* * * * * * *

(signed): FRITSCH

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1948-PS

The Reichsstatthalter in Vienna

I a Pol.--VIII--136/40 Vienna 7 November 1940

Subject: Compulsory Labor of Able-bodied Jews.

1. Notice:

On 5 November 1940 telephone conversation with Colonel [Standartenfuehrer] Huber of the Gestapo. The Gestapo has received directions from the Reich Security Main Office [RSHA], as to how able-bodied Jews should be drafted for compulsory labor service. Investigations are being made at present by the Gestapo, to find out how many able-bodied Jews are still available in order to make plans for the contemplated mass projects. It is assumed that there are not many more Jews available. If some should still be available, however, the Gestapo has no scruples to use the Jews even for the removal of the destroyed synagogues.

SS Colonel Huber will report personally to the “Regierungspraesident” in this matter.

I have reported to the “Regierungspraesident” accordingly. The matter should further be kept in mind.

2. Presented anew: 25 November 1940

Presented anew: 20.12.40

[Initialed]

By order:

[Signed] Dr. Fischer.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1949-PS

State Administration of Reich Gau Vienna

Statistical Office for Reich Gau Ostmark

Zl. 3305/I 39

Vienna, 15 December 1939
1. Heldenplatz, Neue Burg
Tel. R 27-5-65

To the Reich Commissar for the Reunion of the Austrian Nation with
the German Reich

through channels via the Governor [Regierungspraesident] of Vienna

The Statistical Office for Reich Gau Ostmark has the honor to submit herewith, in the enclosure, an initial compilation of early results of this year’s census relative to the number and reduction in number of Jews and part Jews in Reich Gau Ostmark, especially in the Vienna districts, together with a brief commentary.

[Signature illegible]

1 file of the Statistical Office for the Reich Districts (Gaue) of the Ostmark, together with a summary of 15 December 1939. Zl. 3305/I 39

# # # # #

_Jews and Part Jews in the Reich Districts [Gaue] of the Ostmark_

In the census of 17 May 1939, the question was put for the first time whether one of an individual’s grandparents was full Jew by race. The declarations were to be made by the people on the “Supplementary Card for Data on Descent and Education” in full and to the best of their ability; this supplementary card was to be given to the honorary census taker in a sealed, opaque envelope, which was opened only when the statistical count was made. No check has yet been made as to the correctness of the information submitted. In the compiling of the statistics, everyone who reported that three or four of his grandparents were full Jews was counted as a full Jew himself, everyone with two Jewish grandparents as a part Jew, Grade I, and correspondingly everyone with only one Jewish grandparent as a part Jew, Grade II. The resulting slight deviation from the pertinent legal definitions of full Jew and part Jew was occasioned by formulation of the question in the simplest possible way.

According to the initial results of this year’s census, there were 91,480 full Jews and 22,344 part Jews of Grades I and II in Vienna as of 17 May 1939. In the remaining Reich Districts of the Ostmark there were 3,073 full Jews and 4,241 part Jews. According to this, there were altogether 121,138 Jews in the Ostmark, of whom 113,824, i.e. 94%, lived in Vienna, 3% in Niederdonau, 1% in the Steiermark, and less than 1% in each of the remaining Gaus.

While 80% of all the Jews in Vienna were full Jews and only 14% were part Jews, Grade I, and 6% part Jews, Grade II, in the other Reich Gaus the part Jews predominated, totaling 58%, as against 42% who were full Jews. Only in Niederdonau were the full Jews, with a total of almost 2,000, approximately as numerous as the part Jews.

These varying proportions of full Jews and part Jews are explained primarily by the emigration of Jews following the political change over. This emigration had reduced the number of _full Jews_ in the Reich Gaus of the Ostmark, excluding Vienna and Niederdonau, to a small remainder of 1,103 by the time of the census.

The extent of the emigration of full Jews can be estimated approximately by comparison with the number of persons of Jewish faith reported in the census of 1934. It must be remembered, however, that in 1934 the number of those of Jewish faith did not include all full Jews and that, on the other hand, a small number of those of Jewish faith were part Jews, Grades I and II.

With this reservation, it can be stated that the number of Jews in the Ostmark (not including the annexed Sudeten-German regions) has diminished from 191,528 Jews by faith to 94,384 full Jews. At the same time the number of Jews in the Reich Districts (Gaus), excluding Vienna, decreased by 13,000 i.e. approximately 82% to 3,000. In Vienna alone, the decrease amounted to 84,000 persons, i.e. 48%.

The ratio of the sexes among full Jews has become so greatly dislocated that there are 100 male full Jews to every 136 female full Jews in Vienna, which can probably be ascribed to the earlier emigration of the Jewish males. The ratio among the part Jews, comparatively few of whom are thought to have emigrated, is 100:112, more nearly the average surplus of women in the population of Vienna.

According to data furnished by the Central Office for Jewish emigration, Vienna IV., about 100,000 Jews emigrated from the Ostmark in the period between the change over [Umbruch] and the census. This number is very close to the figure of 97,000 given above as the reduction in Jews since the census of 1934. Some 26,000 persons of Jewish faith emigrated from the Ostmark in the months succeeding the census.

While the problem of full Jews is almost completely solved, therefore, in the Reich Districts of the Ostmark, with the exception of Vienna, from a numerical standpoint the problem of part Jews still plays a relatively large role. For example, almost half of the approximately 1,000 Jews in Oberdonau are part Jews, Grade I, and more than one quarter are part Jews, Grade II. Similar conditions prevail in the remaining Reich Gaus, particularly in Salzburg, in Carinthia, and in the Tyrol.

Nevertheless the problem of part Jews in the Ostmark is first and foremost a problem for the Reich District of Vienna, where there are 86% of the part Jews Grade I and 80% of the part Jews Grade II. Gau Niederdonau takes second place, with a large interval, but has only 6% of the part Jews Grade I and 8% of the part Jews Grade II.

Out of all the part Jews in the Ostmark, 68% had two Jewish grandparents and 32% had one Jewish grandparent. It is worth noting that 70% of all Jews in Vienna were half-Jews, whereas less than 60% were half-Jews in the remaining Gaus of the Ostmark.

At the present time the problem of part Jews in Vienna is still numerically overshadowed by the large number of full Jews, of whom there are estimated in round figures to be 70,000, since approximately 4,000 persons of Jewish faith have emigrated from the Ostmark every month since the census--with the exception of September.

[Signature illegible]
15.12.39.

JEWS AND PART JEWS IN THE DISTRICT OF VIENNA

Preliminary Results of 1939 Census * JEWS

---------------------+--------------------------+-------------------------- | GRAND TOTAL | FULL JEWS DISTRICTS +--------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------- | total | male | female | total | male | female ---------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------- I. Innere Stadt | 6,825 | 3,001 | 3,824 | 5,947 | 2,596 | 3,351 II. Leopoldstadt | 33,889 | 14,483 | 19,406 | 31,564 | 13,370 | 18,194 III. Landstrasse | 7,623 | 3,290 | 4,333 | 5,890 | 2,530 | 3,360 IV. Wieden | 3,166 | 1,365 | 1,801 | 2,121 | 901 | 1,220 V. Margareten | 2,712 | 1,229 | 1,483 | 1,769 | 788 | 981 VI. Mariahilf | 4,634 | 2,016 | 2,618 | 3,826 | 1,653 | 2,173 VII. Neubau | 5,187 | 2,263 | 2,924 | 4,181 | 1,786 | 2,395 VIII. Josefstadt | 3,699 | 1,668 | 2,031 | 2,958 | 1,314 | 1,644 IX. Alsergrund | 12,784 | 5,179 | 7,525 | 11,281 | 4,527 | 6,754 X. Favoriten | 2,307 | 1,057 | 1,250 | 1,393 | 609 | 784 XI. Aimmering | 447 | 218 | 229 | 265 | 134 | 131 XII. Meidling | 1,986 | 900 | 1,086 | 1,045 | 444 | 601 XIII. Hietzing | 2,008 | 851 | 1,157 | 1,310 | 524 | 786 XIV. Penzing | 1,729 | 759 | 970 | 933 | 403 | 530 XV. Fanfhaus | 3,667 | 1,572 | 2,095 | 2,573 | 1,051 | 1,522 XVI. Ottakring | 3,123 | 1,440 | 1,683 | 1,874 | 831 | 1,043 XVII. Hernals | 1,690 | 760 | 930 | 934 | 394 | 540 XVIII. Wahlring | 3,246 | 1,411 | 1,835 | 2,155 | 922 | 1,233 XIX. Dobling | 2,961 | 1,325 | 1,636 | 2,030 | 845 | 1,185 XX. Brigittenau | 7,082 | 3,020 | 4,063 | 6,025 | 2,519 | 3,506 XXI. Floridsdorf | 1,391 | 671 | 720 | 524 | 224 | 300 XXII. Grossenzerdorf | 171 | 82 | 89 | 45 | 21 | 24 XXIII. Schwechat | 364 | 215 | 149 | 286 | 175 | 112 XXIV. Modling | 365 | 176 | 189 | 113 | 56 | 57 XXV. Liesing | 507 | 205 | 302 | 240 | 89 | 151 XXVI. Klosternauburg | 340 | 161 | 179 | 198 | 93 | 105 ---------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------- Total |113,824 | 49,317 | 64,507 | 91,480 | 38,798 | 52,682

Table continued ...

---------------------+-------------------------+------------------------- | PART JEWS, GRADE I | PART JEWS, GRADE II DISTRICTS +--------+-------+--------+-------+--------+-------- | total | male | female | total | male | female ---------------------+--------+-------+--------+-------+--------+-------- I. Innere Stadt | 650 | 293 | 357 | 228 | 112 | 116 II. Leopoldstadt | 1,862 | 885 | 977 | 463 | 228 | 235 III. Landstrasse | 1,180 | 520 | 660 | 553 | 240 | 313 IV. Wieden | 698 | 31 | 388 | 348 | 154 | 193 V. Margareten | 632 | 293 | 339 | 311 | 148 | 163 VI. Mariahilf | 608 | 263 | 345 | 200 | 100 | 100 VII. Neubau | 740 | 356 | 384 | 266 | 121 | 145 VIII. Josefstadt | 534 | 256 | 278 | 207 | 98 | 109 IX. Alsergrund | 1,076 | 498 | 578 | 347 | 154 | 193 X. Favoriten | 609 | 292 | 317 | 305 | 156 | 149 XI. Aimmering | 127 | 57 | 70 | 55 | 27 | 28 XII. Meidling | 610 | 298 | 312 | 331 | 158 | 173 XIII. Hietzing | 457 | 210 | 247 | 241 | 117 | 124 XIV. Penzing | 506 | 230 | 278 | 290 | 126 | 164 XV. Fanfhaus | 758 | 368 | 390 | 336 | 153 | 383 XVI. Ottakring | 833 | 410 | 423 | 416 | 199 | 217 XVII. Hernals | 508 | 249 | 259 | 248 | 117 | 131 XVIII. Wahlring | 744 | 329 | 415 | 347 | 160 | 187 XIX. Dobling | 633 | 315 | 318 | 298 | 165 | 133 XX. Brigittenau | 754 | 339 | 415 | 304 | 162 | 142 XXI. Floridsdorf | 540 | 279 | 261 | 327 | 168 | 159 XXII. Grossenzerdorf | 69 | 35 | 34 | 57 | 26 | 31 XXIII. Schwechat | 44 | 23 | 21 | 34 | 18 | 16 XXIV. Modling | 146 | 67 | 79 | 106 | 53 | 53 XXV. Liesing | 185 | 80 | 105 | 82 | 36 | 46 XXVI. Klosternauburg | 88 | 41 | 47 | 54 | 27 | 27 ---------------------+--------+-------+--------+-------+--------+-------- Total | 15,591 | 7,296 | 8,295 | 6,753 | 3,223 |3,530

Decrease of Jews in the Reich Districts [Gaue] of the Ostmark[3] (Based on preliminary results of 1939 census)

-----------+----------+--------+-------------------+--------
| | | Numbers less |
| | | in 1939 than |
Reich | Jews by | Full | in 1934 |
Gau | religion |Jews by +--------+----------+ Jews
| as of | race, | | | by
| 22 Mar | as of | | |religion
| 1934 | 17 May |Absolute|In percent| 1934
| | 1939 | | |
-----------+----------+--------+--------+----------+--------
Vienna | 175,099 | 91,480 | 83,619 | 47.8 | 91.4
Niederdonau| 11,439 | 1,836 | 9,603 | 83.9 | 6.0
Oberdonau | 1,257 | 216 | 1,041 | 82.8 | 0.7
Steiermark | 2,818 | 563 | 2,255 | 80.0 | 1.5
Karnten | 273 | 60 | 213 | 78.0 | 0.1
Salzburg | 239 | 67 | 172 | 72.0 | 0.1
Tirol | 361 | 119 | 242 | 67.0 | 0.2
Vorarlbg. | 42 | 43 | 1 | ... | 0.0
-----------+----------+--------+--------+----------+--------
OSTMARK | 191,528 | 94,384 | 97,144 | 50.7 | 100.0
-----------+----------+--------+--------+----------+--------

Table continued ...

-----------+-------------------
|Local distribution
+-------------------
Reich | 1939
Gau +-------------------
| | Part Jews
+ Full +-----+------
| Jews |Grade|Grade
| | I | II
-----------+------+-----+------
Vienna | 96.9 | 86.8| 80.3
Niederdonau| 2.0 | 5.6| 7.1
Oberdonau | 0.2 | 2.4| 3.4
Steiermark | 0.6 | 2.9| 5.2
Karnten | 0.1 | 0.7| 1.5
Salzburg | 0.1 | 0.7| 1.0
Tirol | 0.1 | 0.8| 1.1
Vorarlbg. | 0.0 | 0.1| 0.4
-----------+------+-----+------
OSTMARK |100.0 |100.0|100.0
-----------+----- +-----+------

FOOTNOTES:

[3] Regional status as of Oct. 15, 1938, without the annexed Sudeten-German districts.

# # # # #

Jews and Part Jews in the Reich Districts (Gaus) of the Ostmark (Preliminary results of the census of 17 May 1939)

-----------+----------+--------+-----------------+-------------------
| | | These include | In percentages
| +--------+-----------------+-------+-----------
| | | Part Jews | |Part Jews
Reich | Jews and | +--------+--------+ Full +-----+-----
Gau |part Jews | Full | Grade | Grade | Jews |Grade|Grade
| together | Jews | I | II | | I | II
-----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+-----+-----
Niederdonau| 3,737 | 1,970| 1,117| 650| 52.7| 29.9| 17.4
Oberdonau | 1,015 | 251| 468| 296| 24.7| 46.1| 29.2
Steiermark | 1,512 | 563| 508| 441| 37.2| 33.6| 29.2
Karnten | 313 | 60| 129| 124| 19.2| 41.2| 39.6
Salzburg | 273 | 67| 123| 83| 24.5| 45.1| 30.4
Tirol | 360 | 119| 147| 94| 33.1| 46.8| 26.1
Vorarlberg | 104 | 43| 23| 38| 41.4| 22.1| 36.5
-----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+-----+-----
Total | 7,314 | 3,073| 2,515| 1,726| 42.0 | 34.4| 23.6
-----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+-----+-----
Vienna | 113,824 | 91,480| 15,591| 6,753| 80.4 | 13.7| 5.9
Ostmark | 121,138 | 94,553| 18,106| 8,479| 78.1 | 14.9| 7.0
-----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+-----+-----

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1950-PS

COPY

The Reichminister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory

_RK. 789 B secret_

Berlin, W8 3 Dec. 40
Voss Str. 6

SECRET

To the Reich Governor in Vienna Gauleiter von Schirach

VIENNA

Dear Mr. von Schirach,

As Reichleiter Bormann informs me, the Fuehrer has decided after receipt of one of the reports made by you, that the 60,000 Jews, still residing in the Reichsgau Vienna, will be deported most rapidly, that is still during the war, to the General Gouvernement because of the housing shortage prevalent in Vienna. I have informed the Governor General in Cracow as well as the Reichsfuehrer-SS about this decision of the Fuehrer, and I request you also to take cognizance of it.

HEIL HITLER!
Yours Obedient
/s/ Dr. LAMMERS.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1954-PS

Deposition of Field-Marshal Wilhelm Keitel

Investigating Officer: Dr. Bohuslav Ecer, Colonel of the Czechoslovak
Judge-Advocate’s Department.

Secretary: Elizabeth Radziejewska, WCB, USFET.

Present: Dr. Schwartz, L. of Judge-Advocate’s Department

Place: Ashcan--Time: 3rd August 1945, afternoon.

On being interrogated Keitel deposes:

I am Wilhelm Keitel, born 22 September 1882 at Helmscherode, district of Gandersheim, Brunswick. Married to Liza, born Fontaine, I have 5 children. I have 3 sons, 30, 28, and 26 years old, the last one killed in action in the East in 1941, and 2 daughters; one of them 35 years old, married. The other one died at the age of 30. I saw my wife for the last time in middle of April 1945.

_My functions._

On 4 February 1938 I was appointed Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces by Adolf Hitler. Before I was appointed there was a Reich-Minister for War, who was at the same time Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. It was von Blomberg. On 4 February 1938 Adolf Hitler ordered a change. He abolished the functions of the Minister for War, and himself took over the functions of Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces.

At that time I became entrusted with certain functions of the Minister for War, and that from case to case. The three Supreme Commanders of the three formations of the Armed Forces--Air Force, Army, Navy--were under direct orders of the Fuehrer, and contrary to Blomberg, I had no command authority with respect to them. Therefore I was not entitled to give orders independently, but only by order of Adolf Hitler and after reporting to him. I had no authority of command, my role was really that of a Chief of Staff. I was, however, able to submit proposals in military matters to the Fuehrer in his capacity as Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces on my own initiative, if the three Supreme Commanders of the formations of the Armed Forces had not done so themselves; and generally the Fuehrer asked for my opinion in military matters. The decision was made by the Fuehrer alone.

On 1 September 1939 a Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich was created under the chairmanship of Hermann Goering. I was a member of this board only in so far as it dealt with military matters. I was never made a member of the Reich Government and I never had seat or vote in the Cabinet. For seat and vote in the Cabinet was never granted to me.

_Relations to the Party._

In spring 1939 I was awarded the Golden Badge of Honor of the Party as a decoration. I never applied formally for admission to the Party. The Party considered me a member after the alteration of the law concerning the Armed Forces as from autumn 1944, because I held the Golden Party Badge; they asked me to pay a voluntary contribution to the Party. To begin with I sent them 1000 marks at that time. Personally I was a faithful follower of Adolf Hitler and my political conviction was National-Socialist. But when the Fuehrer granted me his confidence, I developed into National-Socialist under the influence of this personal contact. Even today I am a convinced adherent of Adolf Hitler; this does not exclude that I do not identify myself with some items of the Party programme and of the Party policy.

_The German rearmament._

The German rearmament began approximately in the year 1935; at first to a modest extent, after we had withdrawn from the League of Nations and had reestablished the German sovereignty of arms.

Question: How much was the total expenditure for the German Armament up to 1 September 1939?

Answer: For the Armed Forces about 30 and not more than 40,000,000,000.

Q. Do you know about the speech of Adolf Hitler, delivered at the Sport Palace on 1 September 1939, in which he admitted to have spent 90,000,000,000 marks for German rearmament?

A. Yes. I know of his speech and also of the figure mentioned. I was utterly surprised by this figure and I nearly fainted when I heard this figure. As far as my knowledge went, this figure was exaggerated by about two thirds.

Q. Was it the purpose of German rearmament to prepare for a war of aggression?

A. Even during the years 1938 and 1939 none of us soldiers gave thought to a war of aggression. I knew that we were not at all prepared for a war of aggression, and even less for a world war.

Q. Did you ever advocate a German war of aggression in your official capacity?

A. I was in favor of a war of aggression under certain conditions, e.g. if by such a war of aggression a certainly impending attack of an adversary was to be prevented.

Q. What were the reasons for the German attack on the Soviet Union?

A. Because we had sure knowledge of the preparations of the Soviet Union for an attack and wished to prevent it.

Q. Did you know that some individuals in Germany, both military and civilian, advocated a total war?

A. No.

Q. Did you yourself favor total war, i.e. a war disregarding international law of warfare?

A. No.

Q. Was Germany prepared for a world war at the time of the Munich crisis?

A. No, for at that time no preparations had been made on our side, neither strategically nor operationally.

Q. Would Germany have begun the military attack if France and Gt. Britain had not agreed to the Munich Treaty?

A. Hardly, in my opinion, because as I said before, we were not prepared for a war at that time, especially if France had fulfilled her obligation to help Czechoslovakia.

Q. Had Adolf Hitler made up his mind firmly to get his political aims, even at the price of war of aggression waged by Germany or even of a world war?

A. I do not know that, but I am firmly convinced that he did not want a world war.

Q. Did you, in your capacity as Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, never sign an ordinance which might have implied a violation of the International Law of Warfare?

A. Not that I know of.

The investigating officer submits at this instance an ordinance of the Fuehrer concerning a General Trustee for the Employment of Labor to Wilhelm Keitel, an ordinance dated 21 March 1941.

Q. Were you one of the signatories of this ordinance?

A. Yes.

Q. Were you aware of the fact that a rule of International Law is violated by the employment of prisoners of war and the civilian population of the occupied countries in the German armament industry?

A. No, as long as the ordinance is applied in accordance with International Law. I am not responsible for further ordinances issued later on the basis of this ordinance in order to carry it into effect. I add, that the Fuehrer would have issued the ordinance also without my counter-signature; or to put it better that he would not have made the ordinance of 21 March 1942 dependent on my counter-signature.

_The Czechoslovakian Problem._

Q. Who conceived the idea to solve the problem of the Sudeten-Germans by means of an occupation by German forces, and to solve the whole problem of Czechoslovakia forcibly by means of an occupation of the remainder of the Republic?

A. That was exclusively the idea of the Fuehrer, although possibly political advisers cooperated; about this I know nothing, though.

Q. Was there a part-mobilization or were there movements of German forces against Czechoslovakia during the second half of May 1938 with the purpose of solving the Sudeten-German problem by the use of force?

A. No. The idea of military action was not yet discussed at that time, so far as I know.

Q. Do you remember an order of Adolf Hitler’s of 28 May 1938, ordering the preparation of military action against Czechoslovakia for the 2 October?

A. I do not remember such an order, although I should have known about it.

The investigating officer now reads to Wilhelm Keitel the following passage from the Reichstag speech of Adolf Hitler’s of 30 January 1939, page 453 of the book “Dokumente der deutschen Politik” (Documents of German Policy), vol. 7, part 2:

As Germany had not mobilized, let alone any intentions to attack
Czechoslovakia, the situation was bound--there is no doubt about
it--to lead to a grave loss of prestige of the Reich. This unbearable
provocation, made still worse by a really infamous prosecution and
terrorization of our Germans living there, has led me to the decision
to solve the Sudeten-German problem now finally and radically. On 28
May

(1) I ordered to prepare military interference against this state for
the 2 October.

(2) I ordered the enormous and speedy completion of our defensive
front in the West.

Keitel declares thereto:

Such orders may have been given, although from my memory I do not
know anything about it; for according to my memory the respective
preparatory measures were ordered only later, during the summer. I
believe, though, that the declarations of Hitler’s are correct, but I
do not know where they come from.

I stress the fact that Germany was not prepared for military action
against Czechoslovakia in May 1938. I know, it is true, that the
Fuehrer had made up his mind to solve the Sudeten-German problem in
any case and within a reasonable space of time.

Q. Was the danger of a Czechoslovakian mobilization discussed at the time of the invasion of Austria by German forces?

A. I myself have drawn the attention of the Fuehrer to the fact that we were not prepared and could not occupy Austria if Czechoslovakia would mobilize. This indication was rejected by the Fuehrer.

Q. Do you know that at the time of the Austrian crisis Goering and Neurath gave guarantees, both in their own names and that of the Fuehrer, to Czechoslovakia that Germany felt bound by the Treaty of Arbitration concluded with Czechoslovakia in 1925 and that Germany had no intentions of attacking Czechoslovakia?

A. I do not know anything about such a guarantee.

_Munich._

I was present, I admit, in Berchtesgaden, Godesberg, and Munich when Neville Chamberlain visited the Fuehrer. But I did not participate in any of the discussions and was but passively present, ready for any military information required.

Q. Did the Fuehrer consult you with regard to the military possibilities of Germany before the meetings with Chamberlain?

A. No. He was well informed about the military possibilities proper, and he knew that we were not at all prepared for war at the time of the Munich crisis.

Q. Was then Adolf Hitler in favor of war at that time?

A. No, because Germany was not prepared for war, as I have to stress again.

Q. What would have happened militarily, if Gt. Britain, France and the Soviet Union had taken the side of Czechoslovakia, and if they had declined the discussions with Germany and Italy, which led to the Munich Treaty?

A. The military means of the German Reich were by no means sufficient against such a constellation. An action at such a time would have been madness.

Q. Was it the political purpose of the Munich Treaty to eliminate the Soviet Union from the European affairs?

A. That is correct, for Czechoslovakia was considered to be a virtual field of deployment of the Soviet Union which might have dangerous consequences for military operations.

Q. Did the Armed Forces as a whole make their influence felt by means of an official representative with regard to the designation of the borderline in consequence of the so-called Munich Treaty?

A. I personally did not, neither did an officer of my Staff to my knowledge; but it may be that a representative of the Army was given the duty to point out strategical points of view, when the borderline was discussed.

signed: Wilhelm KEITEL

Wilhelm Keitel has signed this protocol consisting of 9 (nine) pages, on all copies and on every page in my presence.

signed: Guy A. Weill O-513470
Capt, AUS.

Signed Col. Dr. B. Ecer

Signed Lt. Dr. P. Schwarz

Signed Elisabeth Radziejewska.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1956-PS

Das Archiv, Vol. 22-24, Page 1342 January 1936.

Meaning and tasks of the Secret State Police.

In order to refute the malicious rumours spread abroad, the “Voelkische Beobachter” (V.B. of 22.1.36) published an article on the origin, meaning and tasks of the Secret State Police; extracts from this read as follows:

The Secret State Police was created simultaneously in all German Provinces after the National Socialist Revolution owing to cogent political necessity. In Prussia its creator was Prime Minister Goering who is still the Chief of the Secret State Police today. In Bavaria the Bavarian Political Police was created by the Reichs Leader of the S.S. Himmler, who at the same time directed the building of the political police forces in the other provinces outside Prussia. The Political Police Forces became uniformly coordinated when, in the spring of 1934, Prime Minister Goering appointed the Reichs Leader of the S.S. as deputy Chief of the Prussian Secret State Police--cf. Si P.38 (Vol. 1). Thereby a unified leadership and a proportionate extension of the Political Police Forces of all provinces was assured.