Chapter CXXIV: Part III: Setting of penalties and Conclusion (1)

ARTICLE 7

Whoever purposely or carelessly acts in violation of a decree issued by authority of this law will be, insofar as a more severe punishment is not stipulated according to other directives, punished with jail and with fine or with one of these penalties.

ARTICLE 8

The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor will issue the necessary legal and administrative directives for carrying out of this law.

Berlin, 21 May 1935

The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor
(signed) ADOLF HITLER

The Reichsminister of war
(signed) VON BLOMBERG

The Reichsminister of the Interior
(signed) FRICK

# # # # #

Note on the law for the defense of the Reich of 21 May 1935

The publication of the law for the defense of the Reich of 21 May 1935 will be suspended. The law became effective 21 May 1935.

The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor
(signed) ADOLF HITLER

# # # # #

Copy

Decision of the Reichscabinet of 21 May 1935 on the Council for the
defense of the Reich

Supplementing the decision of the Reichscabinet of 4 April 1933 and 13 Dec 34 on formation of a council for defense of the Reich, the Reichscabinet has made the following decision:

1. The plenipotentiary-general for war economy appointed by the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor will begin his work already in peacetime. At the suggestion of the chairman of the Council for the defense of the Reich, he will direct the economic preparations for war, insofar as they do not, in reference to the armament industry fall into the province of the Reichs’ Ministry of war. In case of mobilization the following are subordinate to him:

Reichministry of economic affairs

Reichministry for food and agriculture

Reichministry of Labor

Reich’s forest-master and all Reichoffices immediately subordinate to
the Fuehrer.

In case of mobilization he will direct and be responsible for the financing of the war effort (in the province of the finance-ministry and the Reichsbank).

Those ministries and the Reich’s authorities are bound already in time of peace to observe his recommendations for the preparation of a war economy and the financing of the war-effort.

2. The Reichsminister of War and the plenipotentiary for war economy will effect the preparations for mobilization in closest cooperation on both sides.

3. The plenipotentiary-general for war-economy will be a permanent working committee he represents through his leadership staff the interests of war economy. The department heads [Referenten] for the defense of the Reich of the Ministries mentioned in Point I are bound by the recommendations of this leadership staff.

Foundation:

The State of War, an institution of the old law, as it was established in the old Reichsconstitution of 1871, the Prussian law on the state of siege of 4 June 1861 and the Bavarian law on the state of war of 5 Nov 1912, has been only incompletely replaced by Article 48 of the Reichsconstitution of 11 August 1919. Moreover, the provisions of Article 48 no longer correspond to the actual legal conditions.

The new law for the defense of the Reich should create clear legal bases for the transfer of the whole machinery of state from a state of peace to one of war. In this connection it was to be noted that a state of war can begin unexpectedly or from a state of foreign political tension. Since the time of such tension must be utilized as far as foreign political relations will bear, in order to create a readiness for war in time, the law for the defense of the Reich provides two steps for the transfer from state of peace to state of war:

1. The state of defense
2. The mobilization

For both steps of war preparation, the law gives the legal basis, upon which the individual measures of the Reichsdepartments can be built up as the council for the defense of the Reich instructs.

It is to be mentioned in regard to the provisions of the law in detail:

_To Article 2_

The exercise of the power of execution by the Reichsminister of war under the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor should emphasize the pressing necessity of all demands of the immediate conduct of the war and should guarantee their fulfillment.

_To Article 4, Section 3_

In numerous laws special provisions for war are contained. It is therefore necessary, to establish the beginning of a state of war, in respect to times in order to create clear conditions for the administration of justice etc. Since, however, in a future war official declarations of war are not to be expected, as a result of which Article 42 Section 2 of the Reichsconstitution also is obsolete, the beginning of a state of war is to be considered as being at the same time as the beginning of the mobilization.

_To Article 6_

The experiences of the great war have demonstrated the necessity of including during a war the entire economy and the financing of the conduct of the war under unified leadership. The plenipotentiary-general for war-economy should according to the will of the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor take over the responsible leadership and stands thereby independently along side the Reichsminister of war, the possessor of the power of execution, and responsible for his realm of activity under the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2270-PS

COORDINATION [GLEICHSCHALTUNG] OF COOPERATIVES

Issue 393, 16 May 1933, of “NSK” National Socialist Party Press
Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP, the official news agency of the
NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications of
the Reich Press Office Dr Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief. Published
by Franz Eher, Successor, Munich. [Pages 1-2].

NSK. The Executive Secretaries of the Reich League of German Cooperatives [Reichsverband Deutscher Konsumvereine] have issued the following statement:

The undersigned, legally competent executive secretaries of the Reich League of German Cooperatives, Cologne, and of the Gepag hereby submit themselves and all cooperatives affiliated to their League irrevocably and unconditionally to the command and administrative authority of the leader of the German Labor Front, Dr. Robert Ley, and of Party Member Karl Mueller, the Commissioner for Cooperatives appointed by him.

Signed: Peter SCHLACK
Signed: Rob. SCHLOESSER
Signed: Fritz KLEIN

# # # # #

The Executive Secretaries of the Wholesale Purchasing League of German Cooperatives have issued the following statement:

The undersigned, legally competent executive secretaries of the Wholesale Purchasing League of German Cooperatives, Inc., Hamburg, hereby submit themselves and all cooperatives affiliated to their League irrevocably and unconditionally to the command and administrative authority of the leader of the German Labor Front, Dr. Robert Ley, and of Party Member Karl Mueller, the Commissioner for Cooperatives appointed by him.

Signed: H. EVERLING
Signed: A. GRAHL

# # # # #

Pursuant to these statements the leader of the German Labor Front has issued the following order:

_As previously announced by Party Member Bank Director Mueller on my behalf, the German Labor Front has today taken over the leadership of the cooperatives. The legally competent executive secretaries of the Wholesale Purchasing League of German Cooperatives, Inc., Hamburg, and of the Reich League of German Cooperatives, Cologne, have submitted unconditionally and unreservedly._

The Chief of the economic enterprises of the German Labor Front, Party Member Bank Director Mueller, also assumes the management of the cooperatives. This action is being taken for the benefit of the German worker, in order to safeguard the savings of the masses here also, and in order not to permit the decay of the assets which the cooperatives hold for the benefit of the people.

The action in itself is a winding-up action, which means that their further extension will not be tolerated, that everything that is rotten and burdensome must be gotten rid of now in the shortest possible time, that in agreement with the representative organizations of the middle class an equitable settlement is being initiated now already. Offices of the NSDAP are requested to shed their hostile attitude towards cooperatives, because they can rest assured that everything is being done by the leadership which profits the benefit of the people and the benefit of Germany.

Future organization of the cooperatives is as follows:

_The two great Reich Leagues of cooperatives will become members of, and be merged into one Reich League. Great savings will thus be effected in administration._

_As a matter of principle there will be no more voting in any organization, but the leader, Party Member Mueller, is appointed by me and he is authorized to appoint additional leaders of the individual regions and localities._

_The Administrative Council, which is to help Party Member Mueller, will constitute the Executive Chamber_ [_Kleine Kammer_], _in addition a Plenary Chamber will be formed, so as to definitely clarify the relationship between the new corporate structure and the cooperatives, and to shape the winding-up more decisively and organically._

The leader of the German Labor Front
Dr. R. Ley

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2271-PS

ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP

[Organisationsbuch der NSDAP]

Editions of 1936, 1938, 1940, & 1943

Editor the Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP (Dr. Robert Ley).

Published by the Central Publishing House of the NSDAP, Franz Eher
Successor, Munich. [Pages 185-187].

The NSBO

The National Socialistic Factory Cells Organization.

[Die Nationalsozialistische Betriebszellen-Organisation]

The NSBO is a union of the political leaders of the NSDAP in the DAF [German Labor Front].

The NSBO is the carrier of the organization [Organisationstraeger] of the DAF.

The duties and responsibilities of the NSBO have passed over to the DAF.

The political leaders who have been transferred from the NSBO to the DAF guarantee the ideological education of the DAF in the spirit of the National Socialistic idea.

The German Labor Front

Including
the NS Community Strength through Joy [Kraft Durch Freude]

Decree of the Fuehrer on the Nature and Goal of the German
Labor Front, dated 24 October 1934

Nature and Goal

Article 1

The German Labor Front is the organization of creative Germans of brain and fist.

In the main, the members of the former unions, the former employee unions and the former employer unions are united in it as members with equal rights.

Membership in the German Labor Front _cannot_ be substituted by memberships in professional, social, political, industrial or ideological organizations.

The Chancellor of the Reich can decree that class-organizations which have been recognized by the law should belong corporatively to the German Labor Front.

Article 2

The aim of the German Labor Front is to create a true social and productive community of all Germans [Volks- und Leistungsgemeinschaft].

Its task is to see that every single individual should be able to take his place in the industrial life of the nation in that intellectual or physical capacity which enables him to perform maximum work and thus guarantees a maximum of benefit for the community of the nation.

Article 3

The German Labor Front is a branch of the NSDAP according to the Law for Securing the Unity of Party and State, issued on 1 December 1933. (According to the law, issued 29 March 1935, the DAF will be designated as an affiliated organization [Verband] of the NSDAP. The editor.)

Leadership and Organization

Article 4

The NSDAP has the leadership of the German Labor Front.

The Staff leader of the Political Organization [PO] is the leader of the German Labor Front. He is assigned by the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.

He assigns and dismisses the other leaders of the German Labor Front.

These posts should be given in the first place to members of the existing branches of the NSBO and of the NS-Hago [NS Handelsund Gewerkbetreibenden Organization, or the National Socialist Organization of Tradesmen and Commercial Men] who are in the NSDAP, and further to members of the SA and SS.

Article 5

The regional organization of the German Labor Front corresponds to that of the NSDAP.

The aim toward an organic order as laid down in the program of the NSDAP determines the professional organization of the German Labor Front.

The staff leader of the Political Organization determines the regional and professional organization of the German Labor Front; they will be published in the service book of the German Labor Front. [In the 1943 edition the following is added: “Organization Book of the NSDAP”].

Article 6

The accounts [Kassenfuehrung] of the German Labor Front are under the control of the treasurer of the NSDAP on the basis of the first executive decree to the law securing the unity of Party and State, issued 23 March 1934.

Tasks

Article 7

The German Labor Front has to secure the peace of labor by creating understanding among the enterprise leaders for the justified claims of their following [Gefolgschaft] understanding among the following for the situation and possibilities of their enterprise.

The German Labor Front has the task of finding the common basis between the justified interests of all participants which is in accordance with the national socialistic basic principles and which reduces the number of the cases which are to be referred to the State agencies alone in charge on the basis of the law of 20 January 1934.

It is the exclusive task of the German Labor Front to represent all the parties which are required for the conciliation. It is prohibited to create other organizations in this domain or to permit their activities in this field.

Article 8

The German Labor Front is the carrier of the National Socialist Organization “Strength Through Joy.”

The German Labor Front has to provide for professional training.

Furthermore, it has to fulfill the tasks which have been assigned to it by the law of 20 January 1934.

Article 9

The property of the former organizations as mentioned in Article 1 of this decree, including their help and compensation organizations, property managements and industrial enterprises, constitutes the property of the German Labor Front. This property is the original capital for the self-help organization of the German Labor Front.

The German Labor Front, through its self-help organization, should guarantee the existence of each of its members in emergency cases in order to facilitate the progress of the most qualified Germans [Volksgenossen] or to help them to secure an independent life, if possible, on their own ground and soil.

Article 10

This order becomes valid on the day of its publication.

Berlin, 24 October 1934.

Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
Adolf Hitler

My decree, issued 24 October 1934 about the German Labor Front will be changed so that Article 4 will read as follows:

Leadership and Organization

Article 4

The NSDAP has the leadership of the German Labor Front. The Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP is the leader of the German Labor Front. He is designated by the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.

He designates and dismisses the other leaders of the German Labor Front.

These posts should be given in the first place to members of the branches NSBO and NS Hago who are in the NSDAP and further to members of the SA and SS.

_Furthermore_: In Article 5, Par. 3, the word “Staff Leader of the PO” will be substituted by _“Reich Organization Leader” of the NSDAP_.

Berlin, November 12, 1934.

Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
Adolf Hitler

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2273-PS

Draft

TOP SECRET

[Geheime Reichssache]

SPECIAL PURPOSE GROUP “A”

[Einsatzgruppe A]

* * * * * * *

III

Jews

The systematic mopping up of the Eastern Territories embraced, in accordance with the basic orders, the complete removal if possible, of Jewry. This goal has been substantially attained--with the exception of White Russia--as a result of the execution up to the present time of 229,052 Jews (see Appendix). The remainder still left in the Baltic Provinces is urgently required as labour and housed in Ghettos.

To attain this object various kinds of measures were necessary in the different areas of the [Ostland].

In the three Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, Jewry did not make itself decisively felt until the Bolsheviks had come into power there. But even before that the Jewish influence on the one hand and the anti-Jewish feeling of the population on the other hand, were very strong.

In the following the various areas of the Eastern Territories will be dealt with separately:

1. _Estonia_

As Estonia, until the middle of the last century, was part of a closed zone of the Russian Empire, into which it was forbidden for Jews to immigrate, the number of Jews in the country has always been insignificant.

At the beginning of 1940 there were living in Estonia about 4,500 Jews out of a total population of 1.2 millions. Their influence on the economic life of the country was considerably stronger than the proportion of Jews to the whole population. For instance 11% of Estonian industry was in Jewish hands. During the Bolshevik time it is true Jewish private property was nationalized, but nevertheless the Jews themselves were almost everywhere left as Directors of their former enterprises. By means of connections with the NKWD the Jews got themselves into a very strong position. They controlled the Press, cultural institutions, forced their way into the open professions, and were the only minority besides the Germans to have the right to cultural autonomy.

With the advance of the German troops the majority of the Jews, together with the Soviet-Russian authorities, left the country. Approx. 2,000 Jews remained behind in the country. Out of these almost 1,000 lived in Reval alone.

The Estonian Self Protection Movement [Selbstschutz], formed as the Germans advanced, did begin to arrest Jews, but there were no spontaneous pogroms. Only by the Security Police and the SD were the Jews gradually executed as they became no longer required for work.

Today there are no longer any Jews in Estonia.

2. _Latvia_

The total number of Jews in Latvia amounted in June 1935 to 93,479 or 4.79% of the total population.

When the Bolsheviks came into power in Latvia in June 1940, their Soviet-Russian racial comrades succeeded in obtaining authoritative influence for the Latvian Jews, who previously had been predominantly Zionist. Whereas before 1940 there were no Jews as State officials in Latvia, in fact were no Jews in the State Administration at all, in the Soviet Russian Republic all the influential State positions were quickly in the hands of the Jews. Half of the total number of Judges were Jewish. The number was up to 80% in the Higher Courts and in particular on the Tribunal. Equally strong was the influence of the Jews on the economy and cultural life.

When the German troops marched in there were still 70,000 Jews in Latvia. The remainder had fled with the Bolsheviks. The Jews left behind were actively engaged in sabotage and setting fire to places. In Duenaburg so many fires of this kind were started by the Jews that a large part of the Town was destroyed.

After the terror of the Jewish-Bolshevik rule--altogether 33,038 Letts were transported, imprisoned or murdered--an extensive pogrom carried out by the population might have been expected. In fact, however, only a few thousand Jews were eliminated by local forces on their own initiative. In Latvia it was necessary to carry out extensive mopping-up operations by means of Sonderkommandos with the help of forces picked from the Latvian Auxiliary Police (mostly relations of the Letts who had been carried off or murdered).

Up to October 1941 approximately 30,000 Jews had been executed by these Sonderkommandos. The remaining Jews who were still indispensable from the economic point of view were collected in Ghettos, which were established in Riga, Duenaburg and Libau.

As a result of punishments instituted for not wearing the Jewish star, black market, thieving, fraud, but also to prevent the danger of epidemics in the Ghettos, further executions were subsequently carried out. In this way 11,034 Jews were executed in Duenaburg on 9.11.41, and, as the result of an action ordered and carried out by high authorities and Police chiefs, 27,800 were executed in Riga at the beginning of December 1941, and, in the middle of December 1941, 2,350 were executed in Libau. At the moment there are in the Ghettos (other than Jews from the Reich) Latvian Jews in

Riga approximately 2,500
Duenaburg approximately 950
Libau approximately 300.

These are indispensable at the moment as they are specialized workers necessary for maintaining the country’s economy.

3. _Lithuania_

Until the Bolsheviks marched in, according to a census taken in 1923 there were 153,743 Jews living in Lithuania, forming 7.58% of the total population. Whereas their influence had previously for the greater part been restricted to the business world, the Lithuanian Jews, who had already been working illegally for Bolshevism, now quickly became a dominating influence in public life. In particular Jews of both sexes supported the activities of the NKWD. The transporting of 40,000 Lithuanians to Siberia is traceable to the preliminary work done by the Jews.

When the German troops marched in the Lithuanians expressed their hatred of the Jews in active pogroms, at the same time Jewish communist youths set fire to many towns, through which the German armoured units had passed leaving them little damaged, by means of tins of petrol which they had previously put ready.

As a result of the pogroms carried out by the Lithuanians, who were nevertheless substantially assisted by Sipo and SD, 3,800 Jews in Kauen and 1,200 in the smaller towns were eliminated.

Where Jews were able to escape they were not infrequently handed over to the authorities by the farmers.

These spontaneous mopping-up actions were, however, insufficient to stabilize this rear section of the Front, and at the same time the enthusiasm of the local inhabitants waned.

Therefore by means of selected units--mostly in the proportion of 1:8--first of all the prisons, and then systematically district by district the Lithuanian sector was cleansed of Jews of both sexes. Altogether 136,421 people were liquidated in a great number of single actions. It is worthy of note that many of the Jews used force against the officials and Lithuanian auxiliaries who were carrying this out, and before their execution still expressed their Bolshevik convictions by cheering Stalin and abusing Germany.

As the complete liquidation of the Jews was not feasible as they were needed for labour, Ghettos were formed which at the moment are occupied as follows:

Kauen approximately 15,000 Jews.
Wilna approximately 15,000 Jews.
Schaulen approximately 4,500 Jews.

These Jews are used primarily for work of military importance. For example up to 5,000 Jews are employed in 3 shifts on the aerodrome near Kauen on earth-works and work of that sort.

4. _White Russia_

The White Russian Sector is more thickly populated by Jews than all the other States in the Ostland. In the year 1926, far more than 400,000 Jews were counted in the then BSSR. The last Polish census showed more than 500,000 Jews in the provinces [Wojwodschaften] of Bialystock, Nowo Grodlek, Polesien and Wilna. These figures are however approximate and most certainly too low, which is further apparent from the fact that far more people have given “Yiddish” as their mother tongue than there were supposed to be Jews counted in the same area. Quite half of the Jews in the White Russian Settlement Area lived at the beginning of the war in the larger towns. Minsk was occupied to a very particular extent by Jews, in 1939 there were approximately 100,000 out of a total population of 238,000.

The social structure of the Jews shows a broad lower stratum of very poor Jews, both in the area formerly Polish, and in the White Russian Sector which was Bolshevik before the Russo-Polish war.

The proportionately thin upper stratum dominated simply every sphere of life in the former Polish sector, mainly as a result of its strong economic position, and in the former Soviet-Russian sector as a result of their influence in the leading party positions. The Jew in the area formerly Polish is a particularly dangerous element, because of his intelligence and activity. But even the Soviet-Russian Jew has during the 25 years of Bolshevik domination assumed a very self-sufficient and arrogant air, which he has even retained after the entry of the German troops.

The final and fundamental elimination of the Jews remaining in the White Russian sector after the entry of the Germans is fraught with certain difficulties. Just in this place the Jews form an extremely high percentage of the specialized workers, who are indispensable because of the shortage in other reserves in this area.

Furthermore Einsatzgruppe A did not take over this area until after the heavy frost had set in, which made mass executions much more difficult. A further difficulty is that the Jews live widely scattered over the whole country. In view of the enormous distances, the bad conditions of the roads, the shortage of vehicles and petrol and the small forces of Security Police and SD, it needs the utmost effort in order to be able to carry out shootings in the country. Nevertheless 41,000 Jews have been shot up to now. This number does not include those shot in operations by the former Einsatzkommandos. From estimated figures about 19,000 partisans and criminals, that is in the majority Jews, were shot by the Armed Forces [Wehrmacht] up to December 1941. At the moment approximately 128,000 Jews must still be reckoned with in the area of the Commissariat-General. In Minsk itself--exclusive of Reich Germans--there are about 1,800 Jews living, whose shooting must be postponed in consideration of their being used as labour.

The Commander in White Russia is instructed to liquidate the Jewish question as soon as possible, despite the difficult situation. However a period of about 2 months is still required--according to the weather.

The shutting up of all the remaining Jews in special Ghettos is also almost completed in the towns in White Russia too. They will be used for work to the fullest extent by the authorities of the Armed Forces, the Civil Administration and German Authorities.

The feeding of the Jews in the Ghettos causes considerable difficulty, especially in White Russia but also in Lithuania. Together with the general decrease in working capacity, there is increased susceptibility to all contagious diseases.

5. _Jews from the Reich._

Since December 1940 transports containing Jews have arrived at short intervals from the Reich. Of these 20,000 Jews were directed to Riga and 7,000 Jews to Minsk. The first 10,000 Jews evacuated to Riga were housed partly in a provisionally erected reception camp and partly in a newly established hut encampment near Riga. The remaining transports have for the time being been directed into a separate part of the Riga Ghetto.

The building of the hut encampment, as a result of the employment of all Jews fit for work, is so advanced that all evacuated Jews who survive the winter can be put into this camp in the spring.

Only a small section of the Jews from the Reich is capable of working. About 70-80% are women and children or old people unfit for work. The death rate is rising continually, also as a result of the extraordinarily hard winter.

The amount done by those few Jews from the Reich who are fit for work is satisfactory. They are preferred as labour to the Russian Jews, because they are German speaking and because of their _comparatively_ greater cleanliness. Worthy of note is the adaptability of the Jews, with which they attempt to form their life in accordance with the circumstances.

The crowding together of the Jews into the smallest space, which occurs in all the Ghettos, naturally causes greater danger of epidemics, which is being combatted as much as possible by the employment of Jewish doctors. In isolated instances sick Jews with contagious diseases were selected under the pretext of putting them into a home for the aged or a hospital and executed.

# # # # #

CHART [See Chart _Number 4_ in the last volume of this publication.]

Judenfrei--free of Jews

Jewish Executions carried out by Special Purpose Group A.

Estimated number of Jews still remaining--128,000.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2275-PS

THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE--AIM--MEANS

[Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen--Ziel--Wege] Issued by the Scientific Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing House of the German Labor Front, 1943

[Footnote, page 11].

More than nine-tenths of all working Germans are members of the German Labor Front. Shortly before the outbreak of war the German Labor Front had 23 million individual members in the then Reich territory. In addition there were corporate members [Korporative Mitglieder], the number of which can be estimated at 10 millions after eliminating all multiple memberships.

The members of such organizations are “corporatively” affiliated to the German Labor Front which have collectively joined the German Labor Front on the basis of special agreements. But the members of such organizations can nevertheless become individual members of the German Labor Front.

Among others the members of the following organizations are “corporative” members of the German Labor Front: Reich Chamber of Culture; Reich Food Estate; Reich League of Graduate Farmers; Organization of Trade Economy; Experts’ Council on Public Health; Attorneys’ League; Reich League of German Civil Servants; National Socialist Teachers’ League; Reich Labor Service; Armed Forces; Nurses’ Association. In other words, practically all important professional or economic organizations have led their members into the German Labor Front.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2276-PS

THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE--AIM--MEANS

[Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen--Ziel--Wege] Issued by the Scientific Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing House of the German Labor Front, 1943

[Page 55].

During the years from 1933 to 1939 everything necessary had been done in secrecy [in aller Stille] that seemed necessary to the conservation of the nation in the anticipated clash with an envious surrounding world. As always, when taking precautionary defense measures in a newly-won field, it was not possible here either to plan in a way that would be satisfactory. It was necessary to check what was on hand, and build with that the most essential and the momentarily most useful. It could not be obviated that the result, measured with the yardstick of what had been planned for the future, would appear modest and perhaps even inadequate.

It has not always been simple for those charged with practical social work to master satisfactorily the juxtaposition of old, scantily mended institutions and new ones. But certainly it was even more difficult for the biggest part of the people to see how the effort supported by it was, year after year, applied to tasks which initially necessitated renunciation after renunciation. After all, it seemed like a small matter to apply the energies released by the National Socialist revolution to the improvement of social conditions desired for so long. Instead the leadership chosen by the people and over again confirmed by it, channeled all its strength into armaments [Wehrhaftigkeit]. And--won the consent especially of those sections of the people who had had to suffer most from social conditions prevailing up to then.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2277-PS

STATEMENT

of Gustav Schiefer, born 17 July 1876, residence: Munich 9, No. 3 Armanspergstrasse, about what happened to him when the Nazis came on 9 March 1933.

I was employed as part time worker [Hilfsarbeiter] by the former Trade Union Society, Munich, beginning 11 November 1911. During the years 1914-1918, I was in the World War.

After the revolution in November 1918 I was elected Executive Chairman of the General German Trade Union Association [Allgemeiner Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund], Local Committee, Munich. I held this position without interruption until 9 March 1933.

On that day the Nazis stormed the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, 40/42 Pestalozzistrasse. The offices remained closed until 15 March. On 13 March my late colleague Erhard Kupfer, former District Secretary of the General German Trade Union Association [ADGB] and I had to report to the, then, State Commissar Wagner, and were ordered to reopen the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, and with it the offices, by 15 March, and to resume normal activity within the framework of the trade unions.

Since I was at the same time chairman of the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, Inc., it became my task to take over the house in its entirety, and with it the individual offices of the trade unions.

Because safes and strong-boxes, in fact everything that was locked, had been smashed open, and because safes and tills, in the main, were empty, I refused to take over the house and offices in their present condition. I stated that I would take over the house only in the condition in which it was when it was taken away from us on 9 March.

The house had been taken over on 9 March 1933 by Herr Kurt Frey, and returned to us on 15 March by the former executive secretary of the Hotel, Restaurant, etc. Employees’ Association, Herr Reichart. This Nazi, with whom I did not get along too well because of his equivocal attitude, believed that the opportunity had arrived to wreak his vengeance on me.

I was dragged to the great hall, paper and pencil put before me with the challenge to designate these Nazis who had committed thefts during the period of 9 to 15 March 1933. I could not do that, since I did not know the individuals. As I refused my signature about 10 Nazis beat me promiscuously and indiscriminately until I collapsed. Upon that they seized me and threw me into the bottom of the light shaft of the Trade Union Headquarters Building. After lying there for some time I summoned up my strength and tried to rouse myself. When the Nazis noted that, they again dragged me into the hall and beat me until I collapsed and fainted. My colleagues Josef Gessl, former executive secretary of the Cobblers’ Association, and Richard Moses, employee of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, grabbed me and brought me in this condition to the Munich-Schwabing hospital. In addition to many other injuries, Professor Dr. Kerschensteiner, director of this institution, diagnosed serious concussion of the brain with hemorrhage into the brain. I remained from 15 March to 5 May 1933. On 5 May the Precinct Physician, at that time already a Nazi, certified that I was sufficiently fit for arrest. On 5 May I was transported to the Ettstrasse Police Prison, and from there to Stadelheim. I remained in Stadelheim until 25 August 1933.

It is due to an extraordinarily fortunate circumstance that I was saved from Dachau in 1933. Medical Privy Councillor Dr. Geisendoerfer, who was chief physician in Stadelheim, knew me from the Cooperative Sickness Benefit movement (I had been on the Committee of the General Mutual Insurance Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, for 25 years). Through the many negotiations with the physician I had been in close touch with the above-named gentleman. During my stay in Stadelheim the Gestapo had me examined five times by the chief physician, who always held a protective hand over me, and to whom I am also indebted for my early release, due to a serious illness (intestinal gap of 15 cm depth and 7-8 cm length).

I was then sick and unable to work until 24 December 1933. On that day I was sent away by the Trustee Physician of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office, Munich (city), in spite of my request to allow me to draw sickness benefits until the eve of the New Year. He said that there was no reason to grant the request. As far as I know this Trustee Physician was Medical Councillor Dr. Plate.

I was then unemployed until May/June 1934 and then accepted various jobs as representative. After my release from Stadelheim I had to report to the police every third day for almost 2 years. Constant police supervision was one of the simplest cases of chicanery.

Upon the initiative of my colleague Wilhelm Leuschner, Berlin, I joined the movement against the Nazi system in good time; and it was exclusively due to the steadfastness of my colleague Leuschner that I, like many other friends, am still alive.

After the assassination attempt on Hitler on 20 July 1944, I was again arrested and shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. As is well known, that project was called “Gitter.”

On 6 October 1944 I was released without any interrogation. I was extraordinarily fortunate. Since 2 May 1945 I am again active, in the trade union as well as the political movement and also in social work and life.

As witnesses for the correctness of my statements I name the persons already mentioned above, who brought me to the Schwabing hospital (Josef Gessl and Richard Moses).

And how decent were we once more in the year 1945. Not a hair on the head of any of these swine was harmed on behalf of the trade unions. We bore witness, and still bear witness today, for human dignity and justice.

Other liberated colleagues of the Free Trade Unions got away with beatings in the cellar of the Trade Union Headquarters Building in the beginning. Among others my colleague, Anton Friebl, now living at 4 Gabrielenstrasse, 2nd floor. Many deceased colleagues, such as Georg Kandlbinder, Josef Ertl, Heinrich Gassner and many others.

Munich, 17 October 1945
[signed] G. SCHIEFER

Today on the 19th of November 1945, I have reread and signed every single page of the statement given by me on 17 October 1945. I declare hereby under oath that this statement is true.

[signed] _Gustav Schiefer_
Gustav Schiefer

SWORN TO BEFORE ME this 19th day of November 1945, Munich, Germany.

[signed] Kurt A. Baer, 0-1041959
Captain, CAC

3rd Military Government Regiment
APO 403, U. S. Army

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2278-PS

Official tour of Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart to the districts of
Warsaw, Lublin, and Radom from 17th November to 22nd November 1939

Those taking part were:

1. Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart.

2. Dr. Sild.

3. Dr. Rahn, department of food and agriculture in the office of the General Governor.

4. Legation Councillor [LGR] Dr. Goetze, economic department. 17.11. Departure at 7.0 a.m. from Burg Cracow in a car. To Warsaw via Mislowitz, Sosnowitz, Czestochau, Radomsko, Petrikau, Lodz, Tomaszow and Rawa. Arrival 1.0 p.m. Received by the governor, Dr. Fischer and the gentlemen of his staff, followed by a small luncheon party.

At 3.0 p.m., Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart addressed the department heads of the District Chief and stated, among other things, that the chief guiding rule for carrying out the German administration in the General Government must be solely the interests of the German Reich. A stern and inflexible administration must make the area of use to German economy and so that excessive clemency may be guarded against, the results of the intrusion of the Polish race into German territory must be brought to mind.

Following that the Reich Minister held conferences with the governor, Dr. Fischer, and Section Head, Dr. Barth, on administrative and economic questions; later on, experts and heads of departments were called into the conferences to make reports.

Among other specifications, Dr. Fischer submitted to the Reich Minister the specification attached to the plan for the preliminary arrangement of the departments in the office of the District Chief and of the authorities in Warsaw.

Dr. Fischer reported that, in particular, the number of personnel was still considerably too small. Three out of 14 Sub-Prefects [Landraete] were also missing. Of the departments in the District Office, only a few had their full complement; that was also the case with the department of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda and the Labour department. Of important experts, there were still none for taxes and monopolies. In the Health Service, one medical advisor was, at the same time, head of the Health Department and district physician. The accommodation of the authorities also left much still to be desired.

Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart then stated that a large sum for the productive support of unemployed would be made available. This sum could be used for erecting or repairing any buildings required by the administration.

The governor, Dr. F., reported that further German administrative and municipal officials were also required for the administration of the city of Warsaw. Then a discussion took place on the organization of the district authorities, the occupation of the rural districts [Landkreise] and on the question of transferring the remaining 5 communities of the Gtojec district from the district of Radom, and a further 5 communities of the Garwolin district from the district of Lublin, to the district of Warsaw. Reich Minister S. I. promised to look into this affair. After that, general questions on the division and personnel to occupy the districts were discussed. Reich Minister S. I. agreed that should the District captain [Kreishauptmann] not be a lawyer the best arrangement for a district captaincy [Kreishauptmannschaft] was to assign to him a representative who was trained in legal matters. Dr. Fischer reported that, up to now, the German administration had been set up as essentially a supervising authority over a Polish administration. Questions arose from this as to what range of subjects should be included in the functions of the District chief. It was superfluous to draw up any building regulations, for should accommodation be had, it concerned only the Poles themselves. Then the question of using Polish employees at the German administrative courts was touched upon. There were some 300 Polish employees working at the office of the District Chief of Warsaw. The administration by the German authorities would have especially to serve for the utilization of the Government’s sphere for German economy, so the administration of agriculture, Labour, and Roads especially would have to be well-ordered, on the other hand, trade, settlements, or even the accountancy of the Polish communities are of less importance.

Dr. Fischer then raised the question of prices. Price commissars were to be sent from the Reich and they would equalize the standard of prices with that in the Reich. Wages would then, however, have to be adapted to his standard and this might have unforeseen consequences. Reich Minister S. I., on the other hand, stated that Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch wished to place army orders for textiles cheaply in Lodz and suitable industrial centres. Dr. F. thought that higher prices had their good points as at Warsaw, for instance which had only been fed because of higher prices which gave the farmers an incentive to bring their goods into the city. Thereupon, Reich Minister S. I. put the question of how a definite influence could be obtained on the price system and on the system of distributing goods by setting up monopolies for essential goods such as salt, sugar, coal, petrol, and tobacco. If these goods are in one’s hands and if it be possible to make them available to the farmer for a definite price, he would also be prepared to sell his products for a corresponding price in order to obtain the goods he requires. Moreover for the time being it could not be a question of furnishing better living conditions for the Poles, but merely of securing the minimum of existence for them. However, it could not be regarded in that light when a forced laborer was paid nine Zloty per week.

Hereupon Reichsminister Dr. S.I. received the report of the City President [Stadtpraesidenten] of Warsaw, Dr. Dengel. He declared the problem of the unemployed to be the most urgent one. Until now taxes to the amount of 150,000 RM had been received, but this would not be nearly sufficient, not even for the reconstruction of the most urgently needed public buildings. The city budget was now in preparation, but already it became apparent, that a loan to the amount of 50,000,000 Zloty from the Reich Credit Bank [Reichskreditkasse], was needed. Sufficient city property was available as security, of which an inventory was being prepared. Later on the tax revenue would probably be sufficient for regular interest on the loan. Regarding the tax system, the City President reported that the cities received shares and additional payments over and above the remittances [Ueberweisungen] of State taxes, about the same as in the old Austria. The administration of property taxes would be partially difficult, since during this mix-up no status of persons or assets could be established.

On the question being put by Reichsminister Dr. S.I. the City President reported that in Warsaw about 40% of the buildings would be again habitable, after part of them had been repaired. Dr. F. thought, one would leave one quarter of the destroyed city for inspection, but otherwise lay out grass plots in place of the debris. The City President then mentioned the question of the Polish City officials. For their necessities they have been receiving so far up to 250 Zlotys a month and those with higher salaries half of the surplus up to 1200 Zloty. Dr. F. pointed to the decree of the Governor General, whereby 100% of the basic salaries and not over 1,000 Zloty could be paid. The activity of the banks was then mentioned. Stocks in gold, precious metals, and foreign currencies had been delivered by them to the Reichsbank. The inhabitants were obliged to deposit all their money at the bank, withdrawals depending on the approval of the City President. Dr. F. explained that the banking system was now attached to the Department of Economic Affairs at the office of the District Chief.

The City President now reported on welfare questions. Specific difficulties had arisen from the sudden departure, on higher authority, of the relief train Bavaria. Workers who could buy no food for themselves, were frequently unable to continue working. The welfare service of the NSV confined itself to the racial Germans, whereby certain difficulties were caused by the question of determining who were racial Germans, of which about nine to ten thousand were now living in Warsaw. Jews were not aided, even out of municipal funds.

For the care of the Poles, the Polish social Self-Help was to be called into activity again, and was to be continued by the men who had formerly directed it. The supervisor was to be supplied, against payment, with motor cars and trucks with fuel, and permission was to be granted to the organization to accept voluntary contributions in the country. The confiscated bank accounts of about 9,000,000 Zloty are to be at the disposal of the organization.

The City President then pointed to the absolute necessity of the speediest establishment of criminal justice officials as well as a civil court. An orderly continuation of economic life depended on the latter. He then also reported on the Court of Corporal Punishment [Pruegelstrafengericht], which had been established for the punishment of crimes amongst the Poles.

Dr. F. pointed out that possibly greater treasures might be hidden in the Jewish quarter.

Reichsminister S.I. commented then that the building up of the administration to be effected in Poland, was a good school for those participating in it.

The ideal arrangement would be that a Party man with strong initiative should stand at the head of the administration, at whose side would be experts and an experienced administrator, in order to include the work in the general system.

The head of the department, Labour Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe then spoke. He expressed the hope that it would later on be possible to exchange forced labor by normal labor. There was a definite lack of tools; he had therefore started a small factory for the manufacture of tools, and now construction of the most primitive sort was going on at the airport and on the highways. The question of transport was the most important and would have to be tackled ahead of the clearing-up work. At present a survey was being made of all undertakings which were at all capable of production, and, after the Reich had decided what was to be manufactured, they were to begin operations. Possibly three shifts were to work in these factories to equalize the destruction.

A difficult problem was the multitude of the new unemployed Polish intellectuals. The students could still be trained in handicraft, but for the 80,000 to 90,000 Polish officials, one must, if occasion arises, revert to reconstruction of the Polish Administration Departments.

Reichminister S.I. then stated clearly that a second Polish subadministration would be considered by the German authorities solely in the form of a welfare organization.

Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe remarked that the activity of the sick fund and of social welfare would largely be dependent on the functionaries of the railroad and postal systems. Both welfare branches were controlled by a head institution for social security which was already again showing a certain profit. The administrative office could also be rebuilt with available materials. The property of the head institution is said to have been largely transferred to Russia in the form of securities. Fortunately, it was largely a question of mortgages, which could be declared invalid.

As an added difficulty, Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe then also mentioned that wages had been brought down below the former level, due to surplus labour.

Reichsminister Dr. S.I. asked if the proclaimed tariffs were really to be enforced. In any case no official Polish State should be set up. Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe thought that, on the basis of tax collection, this decree was advantageous, and one could naturally not suffer the obvious ignoring of regulations which we had promulgated. Reichsminister Dr. S.I. thought that this was no further problem east of the Reich border. One could, at an opportune moment, seize upon a case of border violation for corresponding exemplary and also otherwise useful action.

Then the representative of the Reich Railways at the office of the District Chief, Oberreichs Bahnrat Prasch, appeared to give a report. He said now that military transport had come to an end, traffic from the west was going on well. Also trains to Cracow went through Kattowitz. The number of locomotives taken over was fairly satisfactory, the major part, however, had gone to Russia where they possibly would not even be needed because of the change in the railway gauge, which had already been started to great extent. Trains were already going to Lublin, also. Today, two railroad bridges were in operation. Reichsminister S.I. pointed out that, above all, the tracks to Cracow which do not go through Kattowitz, had to be restored in order that the necessary gasoline and petroleum could be brought from the oil field region to Warsaw. Admittedly, an increased amount of suitable freight cars was still necessary, but that could be accomplished by repairing the existing damaged tank cars.

The director of the “Trade Economy” Department, Regierungsrat Dr. von Coelln now came forward to give a report. He stated that, in the district of Warsaw, almost all branches of industry were represented. French and Dutch capital was invested in the oil field enterprises. Dr. von Coelln then said that in the district of Warsaw still considerable supplies of raw materials were stored in soap factories. These soap factories should again be put into operation. The produced soap was made of a higher solution of fat acid than was at present stipulated in the Reich. Reichminister Dr. S. I. said the Order of the Governor General according to which the factories were permitted to produce one-third of their pre-war production, must be amended and the soap should be confiscated. Furthermore, it was agreed that war economic works, car factories, the chemical and optical industries, etc., should be put quickly into operation. Dr. von Coelln then also raised the question of how the import and export between the Reich and the “Government” should be arranged, if the coal region with Sosnowic, Dabrowa, and Trzebinia also becomes German territory and, after the 20th the control of foreign currencies and customs will be carried out. He then reported that the electrical plants in Warsaw were in working order. In spite of an order to the contrary, there were about 30 night clubs in Warsaw.

Of primary importance was the question of safeguarding the still existing supplies of soap, tea, etc. The control of such goods as petroleum, light, salt, fertilizers, etc., by some method of monopoly, could best be accomplished through consumer cooperatives.

Now appeared State Farmer Leader Koerner. He reported that the supplying of Warsaw with food from Lublin and Radom must be made to operate better. Up to now, Warsaw had been supplied in that respect by Posen. Five thousand tons of grain were now going to be supplied to Warsaw, 15,000 of which were already on the way. 20% of the grain in the “Government” was destroyed through military action. There was also a shortage of meat and similar commodities. In this case, however, as a matter of principle, nothing should be sent in from the Reich. Until the next harvest, the Polish population should be principally provided with sufficient amounts of grain and potatoes only. It would take about from 3 to 4 years to build up the stock of cattle again. The prices of grain should be kept on a level of from 25 to 30% above those of 1 September 1939. Such prices were sufficient for the farmers.

At 8.00 P. M. supper with the commanding officer of the city garrison.

18. 11. 8 o’clock departure from Hotel Europejski in Warsaw for a drive of inspection within the Warsaw district accompanied by the Governor Dr. Fischer. Survey of the destroyed bridges over the Bug at Wyszkow, and then on via Lochow to Ostrow.

At Ostrow visit to the Sub-Prefect [Landrat] von Boehnau, who reports on his work to Reichsminister Dr. Seyss-Inquart. Boehnau sees a special difficulty in the fact that the administrative services of the Wehrmacht will be recalled in the very near future. The Sub-Prefects [Landraete] have relied mainly on these units. After they have gone away they will be very short of labor.