Chapter XVI: Section II: (mobilization)
The purpose of the said summary in Section II is to afford a complete survey in case mobilization should arise suddenly (without a previous period of tension).
The mob. measures common to all administrative authorities are listed in a special _Part II of the mobilization schedule_. They are not included in the separate parts of the mob. schedule.
10. Every part of the “Mobilization Schedule for the civil administrative authorities” (and therewith all the highest Reich Departments) is furnished with certain _code numbers_ with which the various measures are to be designated at all times.
The purpose of these code numbers is to enable certain measures to be put into effect quickly and under certain circumstances to be camouflaged. In order to guard against confusion with the code numbers of the Wehrmacht units, the letter _Z_ (for Zivilverwaltungen- i.e. civil administration) is to be set _before_ the code number wherever code numbers are given in the mob. schedule of the civil administration.
11. The “mobilization schedule for the civil administrative authorities” contains in--
_Part I_
The introduction to the mob. schedule No. 1-100
for the civil administrative
authorities
_Part II_
Measures applicable to all Code No. 0101-0500
administrations and in its subsequent
parts measures of the various
supreme Reich Departments.
_Part III_
Foreign Office Code No. 0501-1000
_Part IV_
Reich Ministry of the Interior Code No. 1001-1500
_Part V_
Reich Ministry for Popular Code No. 1501-2000
Enlightenment & Propaganda
_Part VI_
Reich Ministry of Justice Code No. 2001-2500
_Part VII_
Reich Ministry for Science, Code No. 2501-3000
Education and Popular Culture
_Part VIII_
Reich Traffic Ministry (Motor Code No. 3001-3500
traffic, shipping & waterways)
_Part IX_
Reich Post Code No. 3501-4000
_Part X_
Reich Traffic Ministry Code No. 4001-4500
(Railway Sections)
_Part XI_
General Inspector for German Code No. 4501-5000
roadways
_Part XII_
Special measures of the Plenipotentiary Code No. 5001-5500
for Economy
_Part XIII_
Reich Ministry for Economy Code No. 5501-6000
_Part XIV_
Reich Ministry for Food and Code No. 6001-6500
Agriculture
_Part XV_
Reich Ministry of Finance Code No. 6501-7000
_Part XVI_
Reich Ministry of Labor Code No. 7001-7500
_Part XVII_
Reich Forests Director Code No. 7501-8000
_Part XVIII_
Reichbank Directorate Code No. 8001-8500
_Part XIX_
Reich Department for Space Code No. 8501-9000
Regulation
_Part XX_
NSDAP Code No. 9001-9500
12. The various civil administrations will in their own sphere of authority keep _mobilization calendars_ based on the general measures set forth in the “mobilization schedule for civil administrative authorities”.
These calendars will comprise the individual measures and explanations necessary for the execution of the general measures in the same order and with the same code numbers as in the mobilization schedule.
That the code numbers of the mobilization schedule should agree with those on all mob. calendars is necessary to enable the measures ordered in accordance with the mob. schedule to be passed on quickly and camouflaged.
_The mobilization calendars of the civil administrative authorities_ shall be drafted and passed on in the same way in compliance with the executory provisions laid down by the OKW.
_C. Securing of sufficient money to cover mobilization._
13. The money set aside in the Reichsbank establishments for the purposes of the armed forces and the civil administration in the case of mobilization may be used for the advance measures and for the mobilization without public announcement (“Case X”).
The absolutely necessary payments before the publication of a mobilization order are to be entered under a special section of the present budget appropriations for the time being and will be transferred to the war budget later on, unless otherwise directed. This regulation is to be added to all mobilization calendars.
_D. Dates for Mob. Preparations in the Civil Administration._
14. In order that a new measure should be included in the mobilization schedule for the civil administrative authorities, application must be made to the Chief of the Reich Defense Committee (Section Defense of the Reich in the OKW).
15. In order that consistency may be preserved in preparing measures for the calendar for any mobilization year, alterations, and where possible, new measures should only be applied for once a year--at the latest--November 1st.
On the basis of such applications the mob. schedule will be altered by the following 1st of February in such a way that it will be decisive for calendar preparations for the current mob. year (April 1-March 31).
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1642-PS
Distribution List for the Secret map of the Soviet Union (European part)
OKW--(Supreme Command Armed forces):
Keitel, Jodl, Warlimont, Munch, Wedell, Canaris 6
Office for the Four year plan:
Koerner, Neuman, Gramsch and 12 others 15
Foreign office:
Grosskopf 2
OKH--(High Command Army):
Brauchitsch and Quartermaster-General 3
OKM--(High Command Navy):
Raeder and 1 other 2
Propaganda Ministry:
Goebbels, Gutterer 3
Reichs Ministry for Economy:
Funk 11
Police:
Himmler and 3 others 4
--
36
Own Ministry:
Sch., Mall., Leibl, Siew., Korpp, Meyer, Dreyer 8
--
44
[illegible] 2
--
46
and 50 persons
_Title of map_:
Union of the Socialist
Soviet republics
European part
scale 1 : 400000000 kilometer
Map I
OKW /(Supreme Command of the armed forces)
Office for Economy and armament/
Economy
(Wi Rue Amt/Wi)
1. March 1941
[Explanatory note: The map was found among the Rosenberg documents in a red folder carrying the remark “Frontiers”, with a distribution list in Rosenberg’s own handwriting. This distribution list refers apparently to plans worked out by Rosenberg for the administration of the occupied territories as the map shows lines in blue pencil indicating possibly the extent of the intended administration through the Rosenberg Ministry.]
SYNOPSIS OF DOCUMENT 1643-PS
Synopsis of letter written 29 November 1942 by Dr. Casdorf to various
Reich officials: Leader of the SS; Chief of the German police; Main
Government Office of Economics of the SS.
Invitation extended to various responsible officials for a meeting to be held on 17 December 1942 at 10 o’clock, for the purpose of discussing the legal aspects of the confiscation of property by the SS for enlarging the concentration camp at Auschwitz as suggested in the attached letter.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter written 7 November 1942 by SS General Pohl to the
Reich Minister of Finance for the enlargement of the concentration
camp at Auschwitz.
The Reichsfuehrer of the SS expressed the wish that the territory of Auschwitz concentration camp should be increased to about 4640 acres and become a private estate owned by the Reich. The area in question (to be confiscated as soon as possible) belonged to various owners such as (1) Jewish and Polish private land owners, (2) towns in which most of the industrial property belonged to the Poles and the Jews, (3) the Polish State, (4) the community, (5) the church, (6) racial Germans.
Different authorities were in charge and different rules had to be applied which made the transfer of property an impractical legal procedure. For this reason, the Minister of Justice introduced a new regulation on 23 May 1942 which made a new system of property registration possible.
The SS suggests that the Reichskommissar, for the securing of the German element, should be authorized to transfer estates under categories 2-6. Racial Germans should be compensated for their estates in money or in allotting other ground properties to them.
It is desired that all authorities concerned should be notified and invited for a discussion on this subject. In this meeting, Dr. Fiedler (Office of the Reichskommissar for the strengthening of the German element) and Mr. Korch [Zentralbodenamt] should participate.
# # # # #
Synopsis of teletype letter from the Chief of the ORPO to the
Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz, 8 December 1942, forwarded to the
Reich Minister on 9 December 1942.
The chief of police orders:
The creation of an independent police district for the concentration camp and quarters [Lager und Wehnsiedlung] for inmates in Auschwitz, headed by the camp commandant. This new regulation will not affect the police functions of the Landsrat in Bielitz or of the Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz. The commander of the camp will be the police chief of the town of Auschwitz. The disciplinary measures ordered by the camp commander against the camp inmates should not have the character of police measures, and his functions as camp commander and police chief should be kept distinct. The field police can be ordered by the camp commandant for special duty within the camp itself; but such an order can be given only by the camp commander.
# # # # #
Synopsis of a copy of minutes of meeting held on 17 and 18 December
1942 about the confiscation of territory for the enlargement of the
Auschwitz concentration camp.
In order to be able to enlarge the territory of the Auschwitz concentration camp, it would be expedient to transfer all the estates to be confiscated to the “Zentralbodenamt” which is an agency of the Reichsfuehrer SS. However, in order to carry out this transaction, all those agencies which are at present responsible for the various types of real estate in question, have to give their approval.
The officials in charge of the church property and of the former Polish State property gave their consent to release the estates under their jurisdiction to the Zentralbodenamt. However, the representative of the Reich Minister of the Interior claimed that he had no authority to dispose of the property.
Of the community, in spite of arguments to the contrary from other officials, a further discussion on 21 December 1942 was to be held between the representatives of the Reich Ministry of the Interior and the Reichsfuehrer SS.
On 18 December 1942 the representative of the Haupttreuhandstelle Ost agreed to release the estates under their jurisdiction and empower the officials in charge to initiate the transactions. The still remaining legal requirements for the release of properties belonging to industrial enterprises, racial Germans, and the town of Auschwitz were finally discussed. The list of participants appears on page 4. Attached, an authorization from the Reich Minister of Finance (Haupttreuhandstelle Ost) issued 12 January 1943, giving full power of attorney to the Bodenamt of the Reichsfuehrer SS to make out the necessary declarations in regard to the real estates.
# # # # #
Synopsis of teletype letter from Dr. Hoffman, representing the Reich
Ministry of the Interior, to the Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz,
dated 22 January 1943.
The territory of the Auschwitz concentration camp will be changed into an independent estate. For this purpose it must become the property of the Reich, represented by the Reichsfuehrer SS. This transaction must be carried out quickly. Land belonging to the Auschwitz district or to former Reich communities will be transferred after individual agreements have been made between the owners and the Reichsfuehrer SS or his agencies. The other community property will be transferred to the Bodenamt from the respective communities through the mediation of the Regierungspraesident. Regardless of how much of a property will become part of the new concentration camp estate, it will have to be purchased in its entirety. After the measurements have been completed, the part not needed for the camp estate will be returned to the original owner. In the Interior the Reichsfuehrer will administer the property.
Finally the legal aspects of the compensation are discussed.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter from Dr. Hoffman, representative of the Reich
Ministry of the Interior, to the Oberpraesident of Kattowitz, dated
9 June 1943.
Inquiry as to whether the new Auschwitz estate has already been formed.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter from the Chief President of Upper Silesia to the
Reich Minister of the Interior, dated 16 August 1943.
Since the new estate of the concentration camp Auschwitz could not be created fast enough because two private properties could not be purchased, the President of Upper Silesia issued a decree creating a new district for Auschwitz. This decree, issued 31 May 1943, is attached in two copies. It gives a detailed description of the border line of the newly created Auschwitz district. Relevant maps are enclosed in folder.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1650-PS
SECRET STATE POLICE--STATE POLICE OFFICE COLOGNE
Branch Office, Aachen
To be transmitted in secret--To be handled as a secret government
matter.
DOR. BERLIN NUE 19 507 March 4 1944 1430--WF--
To all State Police Directorates except PRAGUE and BRUNN--Inspectors of the Security Police and of the Security Service.
Subject: Measures to be taken against captured escaped prisoners of
war who are officers or not working non-commissioned officers,
except British and American prisoners of war.
The Supreme Command of the Army has ordered as follows:
1. Every captured escaped prisoner of war who is an officer or a not working non-commissioned officer, except British and American prisoners of war, is to be turned over to the Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service under the classification “Step III” regardless of whether the escape occurred during a transport, whether it was a mass escape or an individual one.
2. Since the transfer of the prisoners of war to the security police and security service may not become officially known to the outside under any circumstances other prisoners of war may by no means be informed of the capture. The captured prisoners are to be reported to the Army Information Bureau as “escaped and not captured”. Their mail is to be handled accordingly. Inquiries of representatives of the Protective Power of the International Red Cross, and of other aid societies will be given the same answer.
3. If escaped British and American prisoners of war who are officers or not working non-commissioned officers, respectively, are captured they are to be detained at first outside the prisoner of war camps and out of sight of prisoners of war; if Army owned buildings are unavailable they are to be placed in police custody. In every instance the Corps Area Command will request speedily the Supreme Command of the Army (Chief, Prisoner of War Section) for a decision as to whether they are to be turned over to the Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service.
In reference to this, I order as follows:
1. The State Police Directorates will accept the captured escaped officer prisoners of war from the prisoner of war camp commandants and will transport them to the Concentration Camp Mauthausen following the procedure previously used, unless the circumstances render a special transport imperative. The prisoners of war are to be put in irons on the transport--not on the station if it is subject to view by the public. The camp commandant at Mauthausen is to be notified that the transfer occurs within the scope of the action “Kugel” [translator’s note: the literal translation of “Kugel” is “bullet”]. The State Police Directorates will submit semi-yearly reports on these transfers giving merely the figures, the first report being due on 5 July 1944 (sharp). The report is to be made under the reference “Treatment of Captured Escaped Prisoners of War who are officers within the Scope of the Action ‘Kugel’.” In the case of special events, reports are to be submitted immediately. The State Police Directorates will maintain exact records.
2. For the sake of secrecy, the Supreme Command of the Armed Force has been requested to inform the prisoner of war camps to turn the captured prisoners over to the local State Police Office and not to send them directly to Mauthausen.
3. Captured escaped British and American officers and not working non-commissioned officers are to be detained in police custody in a city in which a State Police office is located provided the Army has no suitable quarters. In view of the existing crowding of police prisons, the State Police officer will accept captured prisoners only if the Army actually does not dispose of any suitable space. The prisoner of war camp commandants are to be contacted in reference to their quarters immediately after the receipt of this order. In the interest of the secrecy of this order, confinement outside of police jails, e.g. in Labor Education Camps is not permissible.
4. If escaped prisoners of war who are officers and not working non-commissioned officers except British and American prisoners of war are captured by police authorities, reasons of practicability render it unnecessary to return the prisoner to the prisoner of war camp commandant once the facts have been clarified adequately. The prisoner of war camp is to be informed of the capture and is to be requested for a transfer under the classification “Step III”. Captured escaped British and American prisoners of war who are officers and non-commissioned officers are always to be turned over to the Army.
5. The city and county police authorities are not to be informed of this order.
Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service
IV D5d--B.NR. 61/44 GRS.--For the Chief--(signed) Mueller.
SS General.
Branch Office Aachen. Aachen 6 March 1944
_IV D No. 26/44 g Rs_
1. Two extract copies were made of this order.
1st Copy to IV A--6 March.
2nd Copy to IV D--2 March.
2. To be filed with IV C.--IV 3 Noted.
ROSCHER 19 June
[two illegible signatures]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1652-PS
1933 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 135
Decree of the Reichs President for Protection against treacherous
Attacks on the Government of the Nationalist Movement 21 March 1933
On the basis of Article 48, Par. 2 of the constitution the following is decreed:
Par. 1
1. Any person possessing a uniform of an organization supporting the government of the nationalist movement without being entitled thereto through membership in the organization or otherwise, will be punished with imprisonment up to two years.
2. Any person wearing the uniform or an insignia representing membership of an organization designated in Par. 1, without being a member of the organization, will be punished with imprisonment of at least one month.
Par. 2
1. Whoever commits a punishable act against persons or objects or threatens the same and while so doing wears or carries with him the uniform or insignia designating membership in an organization of the kind listed in Section 1 (1) without being a member of the organization, will be punished with a penitentiary sentence; in case of mitigating circumstances, with imprisonment of not less than 6 months.
2. If the offense was committed with the intention to incite a revolt or to create fear or panic among the populace or to cause difficulties for the German Reich in its foreign affairs, the punishment is a penitentiary sentence of from 3 years to life. In especially severe cases the death penalty may be exacted.
3. According to these regulations a German can also be prosecuted if he has committed the offense in a foreign country.
Par. 3
1. Whoever purposely makes or circulates a statement of a factual nature which is untrue or grossly exaggerated or which is apt to seriously harm the welfare of the Reich or of a state or the reputation of the national government or of a state government or of the parties or organizations supporting these governments, is to be punished, insofar as no more severe punishment is decreed in other regulations, with imprisonment up to two years and, if he makes or spreads the statement publicly, with imprisonment of not less than three months.
2. If through this deed, heavy damage for the Reich or a state resulted, penitentiary punishment can be exacted.
3. Whoever commits an act through negligence, will be punished with imprisonment up to 3 months, or by a fine.
Par. 4
Whoever has acquired membership in an organization surreptitiously is counted as a non-member in the application of this decree.
Par. 5
This decree becomes effective on the day following its publication.
Berlin, 21 March 1933
Reichs President
von HINDENBURG
Reichs Chancellor
Adolf HITLER
Reichs Minister of the Interior
FRICK
For the Reichs Minister for Justice
The Deputy of the Reichs Chancellor
von PAPEN
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1653-PS
1934 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 81
First regulation concerning the new building of the Reich of 2 February
1934
Under the authority of Article 5 of the law on the Reconstruction of the Reich from 30 January 1934 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 75), the following decree is published herewith:
Article 1
To exercise sovereign rights--a function which was transferred from the provinces onto the Reich--shall be a function exercised by the provincial governments as a mandate and on behalf of the Reichs, since the Reich shall not make use of its right to exercise this function, either generally or in individual cases.
Article 2
Treaties or agreements in the realm of administration which the provinces may have concluded among each other or with the Reich shall not be affected by this transfer of the sovereign rights from the provinces onto the Reich.
Article 3
1. Laws need the assent of the competent Minister of the Reich.
2. In his own domain the competent Minister of the Reich may order that the drafts of laws be submitted to him before the law is published.
Article 4
The highest echelons of the provincial governments shall, within the realm of their tasks, obey the orders issued by the competent Ministers of the Reich.
Article 5
Employees of the provincial governments may be transferred into the Reich’s civil service, and employees of the government of the Reich may be transferred into the civil service of the provinces.
Article 6
This decree became valid on 30 January 1934.
Berlin, 2 February 1934
The Minister of the Interior
FRICK
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1654-PS
1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PAGE 369, Nr. 28 dated 16 March 1935
TO THE GERMAN PEOPLE!
When in November 1918, the German people trusting the assurances given in Wilson’s 14 points, laid down their arms, after four and a half years of glorious resistance in a war which they never wanted, they believed, not only to have rendered a service to tortured mankind but also toward a great idea. Suffering the most, under the consequences of this insane battle, millions of our people faithfully grasped at the thought of a reorganization of the relationship between people. This would be improved by the elimination of secret diplomatic cabinet politics on one hand, and the horrible means of war on the other. The harshest results of defeat which are history appeared, to many German people as the necessary sacrifices in order to free the world once and for all of similar horrors.
The idea of the League of Nations has probably not aroused a more hearty approval in other nations than in the German which lost all earthly happiness. And so it was easy to understand, why the German people occupied and fulfilled the inane requests for destruction of armaments. The German people, and especially the administration, were convinced that through their fulfillment of orders for disarmament, laid down at Versailles, an international disarmament program was going to be started and guaranteed. For only in a fulfillment of these orders, by both sides, lies a moral sensible justification for a demand, which if unilaterally imposed and executed, will lead to eternal discrimination and with that, to a declaration of inferiority, of a great nation. But such a peace treaty could never be the prerequisite for a real inner reconciliation of the people and with that lead to a pacification of the world; but it would only create an eternal burning hatred. Germany has fulfilled the imposed disarmament obligations laid down by the Inter-Allied Control Commission.
The following were the works of the destruction of the German military power and its means which were certified to, by this commission.
A. Army
59 897 guns and barrels
130 558 machine guns
31 470 trench mortars and barrels
6007 000 rifles and carbines
243 957 machine gun barrels
28 001 gun carriages
4 390 trench mortar carriages
38750 000 projectiles
16550 000 hand and rifle grenades
60400 000 fuzes
491000 000 small arms ammunition
335 000 shells
23 515 cartridges and bullets
37 600 powder
79 500 empty shells
212 000 telephones
1 072 flamethrowers
31 armored trains
59 tanks
1 762 observation cars
8 982 wireless stations
1 240 Field bakeries
2 199 pontoons
981 pieces of equipment for soldiers and
8230 350 sets of equipment for soldiers
7 300 pistols and revolvers
180 machine gun sleighs
21 mobile workshops
12 AA gun carriers
11 caissons
64 000 steel helmets
174 000 gas masks
2 500 machines of former war industry
8 000 rifle barrels
B. Air
15 714 fighter planes and bombers
27 757 Airplane engines
C. Navy
26 battleships
4 coast guard vessels
4 destroyers
19 small destroyers
21 school and special ships
83 torpedo boats
315 U-Boats
Remarks to A and B
Further under the destruction duties; vehicles of all kinds, means of gas attack and partly gas defense, gas and explosives, searchlights, sighting mechanisms, range-finding and sound-ranging devices, optical apparatus of all kinds, harnesses for horses, narrow gauge equipment, field printing shops, field kitchens, workshops, slash and stabbing weapons, steel helmets, ammunition transport material, normal and special machines of the War industry as, buildings, blueprints thereof, airplane and zeppelin hangars, etc.
Following this unprecedented historical fulfillment of a treaty, the German people had the right to expect the redemption of the introduced duties also from the other side.
Because:
1. Germany has disarmed.
2. In the peace treaty it was plainly required that Germany must be disarmed in order to set precedent for general disarmament; this means, it was said that only in Germany’s armament alone lies the basis for the armament of other nations.
3. The German people were filled with such principles in its governments and in its Parties which completely agreed with the pacifistic-democratic ideals of the League of Nations and its founders.
While Germany however had fulfilled its obligations on one side of the treaty, there remained the redeeming of the obligations on the other side. That means: the high treaty-makers of the former victorious states have unilaterally released themselves from the obligations of the Versailles treaty!
Not enough that every disarmament, was in some way or another comparable to the German destruction of arms, discontinued, no: Not even a standstill in the armament was seen, on the contrary the armament of a whole number of states became visible. What was discovered during the War in the way of new destructive machinery now was completed in a methodical-scientific way. In the field of creating mighty tanks, fighters and bombers, uninterrupted and terrible improvements took place. New large guns were constructed, new high explosive, incendiary and gas bombs were developed.
In the meantime however, the world resounded again with war cries as if there never had been a World War and never a Versailles Treaty. Germany was an empty powerless space, among these highly armed War states, which continually made available the most modern motorized equipment [Kraefte] and had no defense against any menace or threat. The German people recall the disaster and suffering from fifteen years of economical distress, political and moral humiliation. It is therefore easily understood when Germany began to ask loudly for the redeeming of the promise of the disarmament of the other nations.
Because this is clear, the world would not tolerate a hundred year long peace but it must be an unmeasurable blessing to her. But it would not endure a hundred year long break between conqueror and conquered.
The feeling regarding the moral rectification and necessity of an international disarmament was not only active in Germany but also within many other nations. Out of the pursuance of these strengths resulted attempts to try and direct an armament reduction by means of conferences and thereby bring about a general international assimilation on a lower level.
And so resulted the first proposition for an international armament abrogation, of which we have the memory of the MacDonald Plan as being significant.
Germany was prepared to accept this plan and to take it as foundation of a final agreement.
It failed due to the rejection by other nations and was finally abandoned. Since the German people and Reich under such circumstances found no realization in the equality of rights solemnly guaranteed in the December declaration of 1932, the new German government saw in themselves, the guardians of the honor and the living rights of the German people; they were not in the position to continue to take part in such conferences or to belong to the League of Nations.
Even after the leaving of Geneva, the German Government was still prepared not only to consider proposals by other nations but also to make several practical proposals themselves. They undertook thereby the conception, which was coined by other nations themselves, that the creation of short services Armies are inappropriate for purposes of aggression and therefore are to be recommended for a peaceful defense.
They were therefore prepared to convert the long-service Reichswehr into a short service Army according to the wishes of other nations. Their proposals of the winter 1933/34 were practical and easy to accomplish. Their rejection as well as the final rejection of the similar proposed Italian and English plan however led us to believe that the inclination toward a further sensible fulfillment of the Versailles disarmament provision no longer exists.
Under these circumstances, the German government was forced to take every necessary measure which would guarantee the termination of conditions, which are just as unworthy as menacing; of the helpless defenselessness of a great people and Reich.
They started out from the same motivations as the very true expression given by Minister Baldwin in his last speech:
“A country, which is not willing to seize the necessary precautionary measures for its own protection will never have might in this world, neither moral nor material might.”
The Government of the present day German Reich however, only wishes one single moral and material might; it is the power to be able to protect the peace for the Reich and with that, peace for all of Europe!
Therefore she did everything that was in her power and what could serve toward the furtherance of the peace.
1. For a long period of time she has proposed to all her neighbor nations, the signing of non-aggression pacts.
2. She has sought and found an agreeable arrangement with the eastern neighbor nation, which, thanks to the great arbitrary understanding, has for ever decontaminated the menacing atmosphere which existed when they took over the power, and it will lead to a lasting understanding and friendship between the two peoples.
3. She has finally given France the solemn security that Germany, after the effectuated arrangement of the Saar question will not place or raise any more territorial claims against France. She believes thereby to have created, in a historically rare form the prerequisite for the termination of a hundred year long conflict between two large nations through a great political and essential sacrifice.
However, the German government must witness to its regret, that for months a continually rising rearmament is taking place in the world. She sees in the creation of a Soviet-Russian Army of 101 Divisions, which means 960,000 men in present peacetime strength, an element which could not be foreseen at the time of the composition of the Versailles Treaty.
She sees further signs of rejecting the disarmament idea, proclamated in its time, in the overdoing of similar measures. It is far from the German Government to reproach any nation. However, she sees today that through the present resolved introduction of the two-year military service in France, the basic ideas of the creation of a short service defense Army has been abandoned in favor of a long-service organization.
This, however, was one of the arguments used in the demands on Germany, to surrender its Reichswehr.
* * * Under these circumstances, the German government feels that it is impossible longer to postpone taking the necessary measures for the security of the Reich, or even to hide them from the knowledge of the world.
Therefore, if it now complies with the desire, expressed in the speech of the English Minister Baldwin on November 28, 1934 for a clarification of the German intentions, then this is done:
1. IN ORDER TO GIVE THE GERMAN PEOPLE THE CONVICTION AND THE OTHER STATES THE KNOWLEDGE THAT THE MAINTAINING OF THE HONOR AND SECURITY OF THE GERMAN REICH WILL, FROM NOW ON, AGAIN BE ENTRUSTED TO THE GERMAN NATION’S OWN POWER.
2. But in order, by fixing the extent of the German measures, to invalidate these assertions which wish to imply that the German people are striving for a position of military hegemony in Europe.
What the German government desires, as the guardian of the honor and interests of the German nation, is to guarantee the extent of those means of power which are required not only for maintaining the integrity of the German Reich, but also for the international respect and esteem of Germany as a co-guarantor of the general peace.
For in this hour the German government renews, before the German people and before the whole world, the assurance of its determination never to trespass the limit of guarding German honor and the freedom of the Reich, and especially of its determination to (wish to) form, in the national German armament, not an instrument of military attack, but rather exclusively one for defense, and thus for maintaining the peace.
In so doing, the German Reich Cabinet expresses the confident hope that the German people, which thus regains its honor, may be permitted, with independent equal right, to make its contribution to the pacification of the world in a free and open cooperation with the other nations and their governments.
In this spirit the German Reich Cabinet has today passed the following law:
Law for the Organization of the Armed Forces of March 16, 1935.
The Reich Cabinet has passed the following law which is herewith promulgated:
Section 1
Service in the Armed Forces is based upon compulsory military duty.
Section 2
In peace time, the German Army, including the police troops transferred to it is organized into:
12 Corps and
16 Divisions.
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Nazi conspiracy and aggression, Volume 04 (of 11)Chapter XVI: Section II: (mobilization)
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