Chapter XIX: Section III: (wages) and Section V (utilization of labor) of the Reich (1)

Labor Ministry, together with their subordinate authorities, will be placed at the disposal of the Plenipotentiary General for the accomplishment of his task.

Fuehrer-Headquarters, 21 March 1942

The Fuehrer
Adolf Hitler

The Reich Minister and Head of the Reich Chancellery
Dr. Lammers

The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces
Keitel

1942 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 180

Ordinance for the execution of the Fuehrer’s decree concerning a
Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz of 27 March 1942

In pursuance of the Fuehrer’s Decree of 21 March 1942 (RGBl I, 179), I decree as follows:

1. My manpower sections [Geschaeftsgruppen Arbeitseinsatz] are hereby abolished. (Circular letter of 22 Oct 1936/St. M. Dev. 265). Their duties (recruitment and allocation of manpower, regulations for labor conditions [Arbeitsbedingungen]) are taken over by the Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz, who is directly under me.

2. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz will be responsible for regulating the conditions of labor (wage policy) employed in the Reich Territory, having regard to the requirements of Arbeitseinsatz.

3. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz is part of the Four Year Plan. In cases where new legislation is required, or existing laws require to be modified, he will submit appropriate proposals to me.

4. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz will have at his disposal for the performance of his task the right delegated to me by the Fuehrer for issuing instructions to the higher Reich authorities, their branches and the Party offices, and their associated organisms and also to the Reich protector, the General-Governor, the Commander-in-Chief, and heads of the civil administrations.

In the case of ordinances and instructions of fundamental importance report is to be submitted to me, in advance.

Berlin, 27 March 1942

The Deputy for the Four Year Plan
Goering
Reich Marshal

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1669-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Deputy of the Fuehrer
H/J

Munich, Briennerstrasse 45
Tel: 54901 and 58344
Munich, 28 August 1933.

Mr. Dr. Albrecht Hanshofer

BERLIN

Society of Geography, Wilhelmstr, BERLIN

My dear Doctor:

Many thanks for both your letters of the 23 and 24 of this month. I made all necessary arrangements concerning the Standartenfuehrers, immediately.

I would like very much to speak to Haselblatt before his convention starts. Probably I will be at Berlin around September 7. I don’t know yet if I shall be able to attend the Convention myself.

Concerning the American, would you please tell him, that in one case it is no longer the question of a “party” in the sense of the “custom” practiced since Washington’s time, that we are striving for, but this party is a section of the State itself. It is of utmost interest to me to know, whether any American official representatives ever attended meetings of the fascist party.

I reported the statements of the Polish Chief of Staff.

With hearty greetings
your
[Signature] Rudolf Hess.

Registered!

# # # # #

Berlin, August 1933.

EAST PRUSSIA
Dear Mr. Hess:

Today I have only two reports to pass on to you, having received them from a generally well informed source.

Primarily: Assertion of the Polish Chief of staff: “Once the damned civilians thwarted our East Prussian aim with their scruples & hesitation. That will not happen again. Precaution has been taken that these people are sent to a Concentration Camp if they should still dare to obstruct us.”

Secondly: A very delicate matter. It is known to yourself, that at some place in your organization, there are people, unable to subordinate their personal initiative for the benefit of the common good. I am informed that a personage very highly esteemed abroad, but completely retired at home, H * * * h B * * * g has to fear for her individual safety. The source of this insecurity, I was told is S.A. Standartleader Schoeneberg. I don’t have to point out to you the repercussions, abroad, which any personal accident would provoke. * * * Could you take care of internal curbing.

With hearty Greetings
Always Your

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1674-PS

1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PAGE 1044, 17 Aug. 1938

The second decree for the execution of the law regarding the change of the surnames and forenames of 17th August 1938.

On the basis of Article 13, of the law of 5 January 1938 (Reichsgesetzblatt I.S.9) concerning the change of the surnames and given-names, the following is ordered:

Art. 1

1. Jews may be given only such given-names as are cited in the directives issued by the Ministry of Interior concerning the utilization of given-names.

2. Para. (1) is not applicable to Jews who are foreign citizens.

Art. 2

1. In so far as the Jews are still using some other given-names different from those which are at their disposal according to Art. 1,--they are obliged to assume by the 1st January 1939, a second, additional given-name as follows; for males, the given-name Israel and for females the given-name Sara.

2. The person having to assume an additional forename according to para (1) is obliged to give a written notification in this matter to the registration office at which his birth, and marriage are registered. The same notification is to be given to the proper police-official in the registerer’s place of residence or customary habitat. The notifications are to be reported within a month from the date requiring him to assume an additional given-name.

3. In so far as the birth or marriage of the person who must register has been verified by a German diplomatic representative of a Consul, or has been verified in a German protectorate,--the notification, which must be made, is to be forwarded to the Register-Office I, Berlin. If the place of residence or customary habitat of the person registering is abroad, the notification in question, mentioned in Para (2), sentence (1) is to be forwarded to the competent German Consul instead of to the competent police-official.

4. For people who are unable, or are partially unable to conduct their own affairs, the obligation to register rests upon the legal representative.

Art. 3

As far as is customary in juridical and business procedure to indicate the given-names, the Jews are obliged always to indicate at least one of their given-names. In so far as they are required to assume an additional given-name as mentioned in Art. 2,--this additional given-name is to be indicated also. The present directives regarding the management of a business are not hereby altered.

Art. 4

1. Whoever deliberately disobeys the directives of Art. 3 is to be punished by imprisonment of up to six months. Cases of negligent disobedience will be punished by imprisonment of no more than one month.

2. Whoever deliberately or carelessly neglects to give the proper notification according to Art. 2 is to be fined or punished by imprisonment of no more than one month.

Berlin, 17th, August 1938.

Reichs Minister of the Interior:
Representative, Dr. Stuckart.

Reichs Minister of Justice:
Dr. Guertner.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1676-PS

Voelkischer Beobachter
Southern Germany Edition
28/29 May 1944

A Word on the enemy air-terror
by Reichsminister Dr. Goebbels

Nowadays, it is no longer disputed by anyone that the enemy air-terror pursues almost exclusively the aim of breaking the morale of the German civil population. The enemy wages war against the defenseless, against women and children in particular, in order to compel the men of our country to yield. This intention of his is proved on one hand by the facts themselves and on the other hand by the abundance of existing statements by enemy publicists. As far as the facts are concerned one needs only to visit one of the often bombed towns in the Reich or in the occupied territory in order to determine without doubt by one’s own examination that our war potential is damaged by perhaps at the most only 1% by enemy air-terror and the remaining 99% plainly falls upon the civil sector.

A short time ago, the leading representatives of the French, and Belgian Episcopate, who certainly cannot be suspected of acting according to German orders, objected with flaming protest directed to the international public against the enemy’s barbarous methods of aerial warfare, which kills old people, women and children, as well as destroys churches, venerable cultural monuments and thickly settled civilian residential sections, without any military objectives being apparent. To this we need to add nothing more.

Our enemies do not try to conceal their intentions in this matter. One does not need to look far in British and American press in order to find substantial proof of this. “Lay the great cities in ruins and you will crush the will to fight”. Thus wrote the English air expert T. M. Epaight in his book “Air power and the cities” in 1930. Nothing in this tendency of the British aerial warfare has changed since then. “It is not possible to draw a boundary-line between the civil population and the combatants”. With this cowardly excuse the “Daily Mail” attempts to justify publicly this rough and low method of the enemy aerial warfare. Much more explicit becomes influential British naval officer who states in the English military publication “The Army Quarterly”: “Does the concept of non-combatants exist at all? A small child is neither in peace nor in war a useful member of the national community. No one has in reality the right to demand inviolability for himself even if he can attempt to do so in the name of humanity. Germany must become more desolate than the Sahara Desert”.

The well known London’s newspaper “News Chronicle” is not missing in this choir of hatred. It adds “We favor that every living being in Germany be wiped out. Man, woman, child, bird and insect. We would not let even a blade of grass grow”. This causes the respected British author H. G. Wells to name the following demand: “Treat the German people like a troublesome native tribe”. The American publicists are no less robust. One of their leading spokesmen Raymond Clapper writes with evident pleasure: “Terror and brutality are the best sides of aerial warfare!” One might object, perhaps, that not all influential Americans and Englishmen think this way. Wrong! Even the Anglican High Church declares in its official organ “Church of England” on the 28 of May 1943: “It is a perverse view of Christianity to suppose that civilians must not be killed”. Even the Archbishop of York, Dr. Cysill Barbett, blesses the barbaric methods of the Anglo-American aerial terrorism in his pastoral letter of June 1943 with the words: “It is only a small evil to bomb German civilians.”

We had so far desisted from making known to the German people the meanest of the statements from which we have only presented a small selection and which all together represent a simple demand for the murder of women and children, because we were afraid that in view of this cynicism it would take measures of self-defense and revenge itself with the same measures upon the enemy pilots who bail out of shot down enemy planes. In the meantime, however, circumstances have arisen which prevent us from continuing to maintain this reserve in the future.

The Anglo-American terror flyers in the last few weeks, besides indiscriminately bombarding the residential quarters of our cities have taken to attacking the German civilian population openly, directly and without even any superficial respect, for the international rules of warfare, by strafing them and slaughtering them in cold blood. No more excuses can be brought toward in this matter because the enemy planes sweep low over villages, fields and highways, and direct their machine-guns upon harmless groups of people who are minding their own business. This has nothing more to do with war. This is naked murder. There is no rule of international law which the enemy can call on in this matter. The Anglo-American pilots place themselves through such a criminal mode of warfare, outside the pale of every internationally recognized rule of warfare. On last Sunday, for example, to take only one of a thousand examples, in the rural countries of Saxony, groups of playing children were attacked by strafing, and suffered considerable casualties.

No one will be astonished by the fact that the population concerned which, as is known in the whole world, can understand any soldierly type of warfare has been seized with a terrible rage on account of these cynical crimes. It is only possible with the aid of arms to secure the lives of enemy pilots who were shot down during such attacks, for they would otherwise be killed by the sorely tired population. Who is right here? The murderers who after their cowardly misdeeds await a humane treatment on the part of their victims, or the victims who wish to defend themselves according to the principle: “An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth”? This question is not hard to answer. In any case it would be demanding too much of us if it were asked of us that we use German Soldiers for the defense of murderers of children against the parents who seized with blind rage, having just lost their most valuable treasure through the brutal cynicism of the enemy, take measures of self-defense. If the English and Americans as they themselves say, regard and treat us as troublesome native tribes, then it is our business whether we stand for it. The German people is known in the whole world for the fact that it gives to war what war demands from it. But too much is too much and here the boundaries of what can be borne have been far overstepped.

It seems to us--hardly possible and tolerable to use German police and soldiers against the German people when it treats murderers of children as they deserve. Even the arbitrary methods of warfare of the Anglo-Americans must end somewhere. The pilots cannot say that they as soldiers acted upon orders. It is not provided in any military law that a soldier in the case of a despicable crime is exempt from punishment because he passes the responsibility to his superior, especially if the orders of the latter are in evident contradiction to all human morality and every international usage of warfare. Our century has obliterated to a great extent the boundaries between warfare and crime on the part of the enemy. It would be demanding too much of us to expect that we should silently accommodate ourselves as victims to this unlimited barbarity.

We reach these conclusions in a completely objective manner. In these questions our people think much more radically than its government. It has always been our wish that the war should be conducted in a chivalrous manner. The enemy, apparently, does not want this. The whole world is a witness for that. If this revolting condition continues, it will also be witness for the fact that we can find ways and means to defend ourselves against these criminals. We owe this to our people which decently and bravely defend its life and therefore has in no way deserved to be declared fair game for the enemy killers.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1678-PS

DOCUMENTS OF GERMAN POLITICS, VOLUME 5, PAGES 372, 373 and 376

Statement of accounts of the Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP, Dr. Ley, at the 5th yearly session of the German Labor Front in Nurnberg, on 11 September 1937.

In speaking of “Soldiers of Labor” I have to demand that such soldiers of labor exist in reality. I have to demand that everybody march at the same cadence and in the same spirit. The factory-community is only then complete when every manager takes his place as an ordinary work-crew member among his crew. We shall not rest or relax before this is accomplished. Otherwise everything would be reduced to beautiful phrases resulting only in beer sessions and distribution of cigarettes. No, same cadence and stride, same pack and same marching, then no outward distinction between the entrepreneur and the worker shall exist anymore, and sometimes a worker might even look better from a racial point of view than the entrepreneur. And if the latter was adequately polished and drilled, he will lose his feeling of superiority and “curse” exactly like the others. That is necessary, and with this I come to another point.

My collaborators and myself found no rest. We too wanted to to have laws and legal foundations, I was constantly pursued with that request. I asked the Fuehrer myself: “My Fuehrer, can’t we too get a law?”

The Fuehrer refused. That’s why I say: He was of greatest help to us. Had the Fuehrer given in at the time, we would be in bad shape now. The Fuehrer said: “I think it’s wrong. For once I want you to make a law through habit in Germany. For once I want to try if it isn’t possible in Germany to set up an authority without having to issue laws and decrees on the part of the State. It must be possible to create a great institution and establishment, based only on a law through habit and it must be possible to make this law through habit of a much greater force than any other law and justice.”

Once I said to the Fuehrer: “My Fuehrer, actually I am standing with one foot in jail, for today I am still the trustee of the comrades “Leipart” and “Imbusch”, and should they some day ask me to return their money, then it will be found that I have spent it, either by building things, or otherwise. But they shall never again find their property in the condition in which they handed it over to me. Therefore I would have to be convicted.”

The Fuehrer laughed then and remarked that apparently I felt extremely well in this condition.

It was very difficult for us all. Today we laugh about it. * * *

* * * * * * *

We have only 70,000,000 altogether. Therefore we must use everybody. We have work for at least 300,000,000 and that figure is increasing from year to year. We must have new space. We want to repeat that again and again. We have told the world often enough. We are a people without space and we shall never forget that factor in all our social measures.

We need space, and we must never give this up in all our measures. We must never lose sight of that. That’s why we need a healthy people and healthy men.

We succeeded--and this is about the most important accomplishment for the German Labor Front--in eliminating the association-character of the trade unions and the employer-associations, and for it we have substituted the conception “Soldier of Labor” [Soldat der Arbeit].

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1680-PS

10 Years Security Police and SD--Die Deutsche Polizei,

1 February 1943.

When the Fuehrer assumed the direction of the fate of the German Reich and people on 30 January 1933, he found in the domain of the police, as in all other fields, a situation which bore all the signs of the irresponsible incapability of the Weimar system. The concept of a police force, together with the Marxist-Liberal tendency and their characteristic practices were the main reasons for the insufficiently organized and therefore in many respects helpless condition of the police.

This was particularly obvious in that part of the police system to which was assigned the task of the safekeeping of the community against inner-political dangers from the beginning of all historical state activity. The activities to which we are accustomed today under the concept of “Security Police” was, under the “Weimar Interim State” in its political police field, exclusively directed towards a prevention of the unavoidable collapse of its system, especially against the National Socialist movement, with the use of more or less brutal means of power of the state, and was decisively handicapped in the domain of criminal police by the organizational splintering as well as the liberalistic sympathy towards crimes and criminals which existed at that time.

The task of the New National Socialist Security Police, which became apparent with the assumption of power in 1933, had to include as a nucleus the creation of an organism with the view towards the vital necessities of the people and without consideration of the individual interest the safeguarding of the communities against all disturbances and destructions. The prerequisite for its organization was the strict coordination of the political and criminal police, which were split through the federal state regulations and which alone could provide the necessary striking power for the struggle against the enemies of the nation and in the service of the commands of the leadership. The foundation for this achievement of restoration were the National Socialist views of the world, the occupation of important positions by proved national socialistic fighters and the inner core of a large part of the police officials which had remained unharmed in spite of all the attempts to rouse them.

The fight against the political, as well as the individual criminal which was the responsibility of the political departments of the police administration and of the criminal police and which is now combined under the term of “Security Police” took a continuously developing form in the execution of its central goal, as well as in its content as in its organization. With the knowledge that the police in the National Socialistic State, of which it is a distinguished representative, must not only be the best friend of the people but also, and just for the same reason, the most pitiless adversary of all the enemies of the nation, the preventive fight against criminals was added to the activities of the security police which was previously mainly punitive and executive. This constitutes a decisive innovation in the general development of the police. The activities of the security police were furthermore considerably supported by the communication service, and partially made possible only by the development of the security service of the Reichsfuehrer SS, which was created upon the assumption of power which came into ever closer personal and organizational contact with the security police in the course of years.

The general development of the police since 1933 was outwardly characterized by:

The Reichs Reconstruction Law [Reichsneuaufbaugesetz] of 1934
(central directive law for the federal states in individual
domains).

The merger of the Reichs Ministry of the Interior and the Prussian
Ministry of Interior of 1934.

The Fuehrer decree concerning the creation of a Chief of the German
Police dated 17 June 1936.

The law about finance measures in the domain of the police of 1937,
the German Police official law of 1937.

Within the general development of the police since 1933, the following regulations were of decisive importance for the security police and SD:

Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the German Police in the Reichs Ministry of the Interior of 26 June 1936 (Transfer of Direction of the Security Police, newly created from the political, secret state and criminal police to the SS Gruppenfuehrer HEYDRICH as chief of the Security Police.) Decree of the Reich and Prussian Ministers of the Interior concerning appointment of inspectors of the Security Police, dated 20 Sept 1936.

Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police of 27 Sept 1939, concerning the merger of the central bureaus of the security police and the SD along with the

Decree of execution of the chief of the Security Police and the SD of the same date concerning the creation of a Central Bureau of Reich Security [RSHA].

The organizational development of the three branches, Secret State Police [Gestapo], Criminal Police, and Security Service [SD] of the Reichsfuehrer SS, which are now merged under the leadership of the Chief of the Security Police and SD took place in its details, as follows:

1. _The Secret State Police_ [_GESTAPO_]

The first step towards the creation of a Secret State Police replacing the Political Police Forces of the various federal states was undertaken in Prussia by the law concerning the establishment of a Secret State Police, dated 26 April 1933. The same day a circular decree was issued by the Prussian Ministers of the Interior regulating the tasks and responsibilities of the Secret State Police and establishing a State Police Bureau in each government district of Prussia as a subordinate to the Secret State Police Bureau. The creator and Chief of the Secret State Police in Prussia was Prime Minister Hermann GOERING. The State Police Bureaus were separated from their organizational connection with the District Government or the police administrations of the State and appointed as independent authorities of the Secret State Police, in the spring of 1934 by a circular decree of the Prime Minister and the Chief of the Secret State Police.

Parallel to that development in Prussia, the Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich HIMMLER created in Bavaria, the Bavarian Political Police, and also suggested and directed in the other federal states outside of Prussia the establishment of Political Police. The unification of the Political Police, of all the federal states, took place in the spring of 1934 when Hermann GOERING appointed Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich HIMMLER, who had meanwhile been nominated as Commander of the Political Police Forces of all the federal states possible. The Prussian law about the Secret State Police, dated 10 Feb 1936, then summed up the developments hitherto and determined the position and responsibilities of the Secret State Police in the executive regulations issued the same day.

A new decisive chapter of the development began with the appointment of the Reichsfuehrer SS as Chief of the German Police by means of the Decree of the Fuehrer mentioned above dated 17 June 1936, and the nomination which followed of SS Gruppenfuehrer Maj Gen HEYDRICH, who up to then, had been Chief of the Secret State Police Bureau and Chief of the Central Security Bureau of the SS, as Chief of the Security Police (Secret State Police and Criminal Police). The term “Secret State Police” was decreed by the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police on 28 August 1936 in the process of establishing uniformity for all the political police forces of the federal states and their organization adapted to the one existing in Prussia by the creation of State Police Bureaus. The Chiefs of the State Police Bureaus assumed the functions of the political executive with the current “Oberpraesident” (later on also with the Reich Governor), that is the president of the Government, according to the decree of the Reich and Prussian Ministers of the Interior, dated 20 Sept 1936.

On the basis of these forms of organization and with the help of the powers bound up with them, the fight against the open and hidden political enemies of the National Socialist peoples State was taken up by the Secret State Police after the assumption of power and is still being tried on today. Its activity is not only limited to solving political crimes already committed or to seizing their perpetrators, but they are equally interested in the prevention of these crimes, thus eliminating these dangers for the community at their very start. Constant investigation and observation of the enemies of the State and quick action in the case of recognition or after commitment of the act, thus go hand in hand. The Secret State Police by carrying out these tasks, contributed decisively to the fact that the National Socialist construction work could be executed in the past ten years without any serious attempts of interference by the political enemies of the nation.

2. _The Criminal Police_

The subordination of the Criminal Police of the Reich under the Chief of the Security Police, as decreed on 26 June 1936 became the fundamental basis for the uniform development throughout all Germany of the Criminal Police, which had been organized differently in all the federal states up to this time, namely for the establishment of the Reich Criminal Police in its present form of organization. The circular decree of 20 Sept 1936 stated the first fundamental regulations for the reorganization of the Criminal Police of the State, separating the Prussian State Criminal Police Bureau, in locality as well as function, from the Police Presidency in Berlin and charging it with the professional direction of the Criminal Police of all the German federal states, State as well as communal. The Reich Central Bureau for the struggle against the international and professional criminals as well as against habitual instinctive criminals, which was attached to the State Criminal Police Bureau, was particularly characterized in the course of this process by its close relationship to the practices of the Criminal Police.

The whole territory of the Reich was simultaneously divided into Criminal Police Bureaus on the basis of criminal geographical delineation of spheres of competence in place of the State Criminal [Police] offices. The new spheres occasionally combined several criminal police offices. Insofar as Criminal Police District Offices are not affiliated to State Police Administrative Offices, local duties falling within criminal police jurisdiction are to be taken care of by the crime sections of these State Police Administrative Officers.

In the course of further organizational development, the title of Reichskriminalpolizeiamt [Reich Criminal Police Bureau] was conferred on the Prussian State Criminal Police Bureau through a decree of 16 July 1937. This bureau was directly subordinated to the Chief of Security Police.

This newly created organizational system rendered possible the successful activity of the German Criminal Police, which also became increasingly more perfect in technical fields. From then on Criminal Police did not limit itself to repressive activity, but paid much attention to preventive combatting of crime on the basis of national protective ideology. The correctness of planning and development is demonstrated most clearly in the decline of criminality in the subsequent period.

3. _The Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer SS (SD)_

Recognizing that accurate knowledge of the enemy, of his methods and aims, is one of the most important bases of any successful struggle the Reichsfuehrer SS created an intelligence service organization as early as 1932 under the then SS-Standartenfuehrer (Colonel) Reinhard HEYDRICH. From the beginning members of the SS were the full-time agents of the SD, which had emerged from the SS.

After the seizure of power the leaders of the National-Socialist movement felt the necessity for current objective information about newsworthy events. This caused the NSDAP to issue an ordinance on 9 June 1934 which merged all information facilities then existing within the Party organization with the SD, and declared the latter to be sole Party information service. The original task of intelligence coverage of the enemy was thereby expanded to general intelligence activity.

In the course of the development as a whole, an increasingly closer cooperation of the SD with the offices of the Security Police resulted as a matter of course. The successful combatting of all activity hostile to the state by the Security Police can be traced back to a considerable extent to the intelligence groundwork of the SD. In addition the field of activity of the SD was progressively expanded, because top Reich authorities delegated to the SD in a series of agreements the task of informing these authorities about the effects of official measures upon popular morale. These agreements also regulated the details of cooperation between these top Reich authorities and the SD. Today the exploration of the situation in all fields of life from the information point of view is incumbent upon the Security Service (SD) of the Reichsfuehrer SS, with special consideration of the morale factors and repercussions among the population. The results of its variegated and responsible activity transmit an objective, always up-to-date picture of the situation to the leading authorities of Party and State. In addition they form valuable hints for current planning of the competent authorities.

The organizational structure within which the SD became active during the first years of its existence and was headed by the Chief of the Main Security Bureau of the SS, to whom in turn the regional subdivisions were subordinate. The elimination of SD-Oberabschnitte in September 1939 resulted in direct functional connection between the SD-Abschnitte, as the regional subdivisions were now termed, and the Main Security Bureau as central authority. The current close personal and organizational connection between the SD and the Security Police resulted from the Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police, dated 27 September 1939. This Decree amalgamated the central authorities of the security police and of the SD, and vested it in the newly-created Chief of Security Police and SD, and above him in the Reich Main Security Bureau. Since that time the SD-(Leit)-Abschnitte and their subordinate offices have been under the jurisdiction of the Reich Main Security Bureau.

The above description of the history of the Secret State Police [Gestapo], of the Criminal Police and of the Security Service [SD] of the Reichsfuehrer SS only recounts the external stages of development. It can express only incompletely the great degree of personal initiative and unlimited National-Socialist prowess in work and organization which was brought to bear by the authoritative leadership personalities in building up the undertaking. However, the result of this concentrated effort is such that in these decisive times an apparatus was created on an entirely new basis which was from the beginning a necessary and effective instrument in the hands of the nation’s leadership and proved that it is capable of protecting the national community against protracted interference with communal life. It is obvious that these entire tasks could be handled only by men who are deeply rooted in National Socialist ideology, and who are ready to devote not only their total working capacity, but also their life, to the comprehensive realization of the National Socialist idea in the course of the fulfilment of their duties which is frequently dangerous. Because of this, and according to the wish of the Reichsfuehrer SS and of their late Chief, General Heydrich, it is the duty of the Security Police and of the SD not only to form a perfectly working administrative machinery, but in addition it is their duty to form a battle community sworn to a common ideology and brotherhood. The currents of strength generated by this battle community in fulfilling its difficult task of continuous combatting of everything inimical to the nation, a task which has to be accomplished in inglorious silence, shape the National Socialist idea ideologically. These currents of strength also shape the basic law of the SS, from the members of which Security Police and SD are recruited in increasing measure. Tangibly they shape the continuous work in thoroughly training the individual. Ideological schooling, comradeship, professional education and physical fitness are inculcated without cease; they take up a prominent position side by side with the professional daily routine proper, especially in the schools of the Security Service and the SD established for these purposes.

Trained in such a manner, Security Police and SD could do justice even to the great additional requirements, which the four year battle for the living rights of the German people brought in its train. In all battle areas, and in all occupied territories, the men of the Security Police and of the SD stand side by side with the Armed Forces. In a struggle full of sacrifice they devote all their strength to keep the rear of the front free, and to help make secure German reconstruction in occupied territory. In the offices of the home front, on the other hand, the men employed make certain that the fight for life of the German people is not impaired by criminal elements. Through increased effort they equalize the additional tasks and the additional work, which are necessitated by the war as such and especially by the reduced number of personnel due to drafting of men for front-line duty. All faithful to the words of the Reichsfuehrer SS, to do more than their duty in time of war.

* * * * * * *

PARTIAL COPY OF DOCUMENT 1689-PS

CZECHOSLOVAKIA FIGHTS BACK
A Document of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Published by
American Council on Public Affairs
Washington, D. C., 1943
[Pages 110, 111, and 114]

On December 2, 1942, a special order issued by the “Protectorate” Ministry of Agriculture excluded the Jews not only from buying unrationed foods, but even from receiving them as a gift from any private citizen. The same order has left it to the discretion of the Ministry of Agriculture to exclude Jews entirely or partially from obtaining rationed food, thus exposing the remnants of the Jewish community to death by starvation.

One hour on five days a week has been allowed for shopping, this hour being fixed at a time when after, first the Germans and then the Czechs, have done their buying, the small stocks are mostly exhausted.

After the occupation of Poland, Hitler designated Lublin and its immediate district as a reservation in which all Jews from the occupied countries were to be concentrated. Some 2,000 Jews of Moravska Ostrava were the first to be sent there. A year later, at the end of October 1941, 48,000 Czech Jews were already picked out for deportation. Men between the ages of sixteen to fifty were sent to labor camps, while their womenfolk and children were taken to special settlements in Eastern Poland.

At the end of June, 1942, deportation to Poland began on a large scale. The Gestapo was instructed to prepare by every Monday and Thursday contingents of a thousand Jews each. Those to leave were given a day or two’s notice. The Nazi records of the Jewish registration were out of date and it often happened that the call-up cards were addressed to persons who had died years ago, had left the country or had already been deported. In such cases the daily quota of a thousand was made up by people simply picked up from the streets or dragged from their beds at night-time. The Gestapo took a delight in so selecting the deportees that families were split, wives separated from their husbands, and even small children from their mothers. Those left at home were never allowed to bid farewell to their relatives or friends. But sometimes, on early summer mornings, their Czech friends could watch those gloomy processions of the outlawed marching to the railway station and passing for the last time through the streets of Prague.

At the end of 1942, no Jewish life in Bohemia and Moravia was left. Out of the 90,000 Czech Jews more than 72,000 have been deported.

Although the deportations went on, leaving at the end of August, 1942, only some 20,000 Jews in Slovakia, most of them in ghettos the Nazis were still not satisfied. At the end of November, 1942, a special committee was set up to consider the final expulsion of the remainder of the Jews. By then, out of the 95,000 Jews, 76,000 had already been deported.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1696-PS

THE REICHSMINISTER OF THE INTERIOR
IV g 4178 /39-5100

Berlin, NW 40, Koenigsplatz 6, 16 November 1939
Telephone:
Dept. Z, I, II, V, VIII, 11 00 27
Dept II, IV, VI
(Unter den Linden 72); 12 00 34
Tel. Address: Reichsinnenminister.

To the Head of the Hospital (for Mental cases)
Kaufbeuren
or his Deputy in Kaufbeuren.

With regard to the necessity for a systematized economic plan for Hospitals and Nursing Institutions, I request you to fill up the attached Registration Forms immediately, in accordance with the attached instructional leaflet, and to return them to me. If you yourself are not a doctor the Registration Forms for the individual patients are to be filled in by the superintending doctor. The filling up of the questionnaires is, if possible, to be _done on a typewriter_. In the column “Diagnosis” I request a statement as exact as possible, also a short description of the condition if feasible.

In order to expedite the work, the registration forms for the individual patients can be despatched here in several parts. The last consignment must, however, in any case have arrived at this Ministry _at the latest_ on 1 January 1940. I reserve for myself the right, should occasion arise, to institute further official enquiries on the spot through my representative.

p.p. (Sd.) DR. CONTI

Certified.
(Sd.) Illegible
Administrative Secretary.

# # # # #

_Registration Form 1_

_To be typewritten._

Current No. __________
Name of the institution: _______________________________________
at: ____________________________________________________________
Surname and Christian name of the patient: _______ at birth _______
Date of birth: _____ Place: ________ District: _________________
Last place of residence: ____________ District: __________________
Unmarried, married, widow,
widower, divorced: ________ Religion ________ Race[1] __________
Previous profession: ________ Nationality: __________ Army Service
when? 1914-18
or from 1.9.39
______________
War injury (even if no connection with
mental disorder) Yes/No __________________________________________
How does war injury show itself and in what
does it consist? _________________________________________________
Address of next of kin: ____________________________________________
Regular visit and by whom (Address): _______________________________
Guardian or nurse (Name, address): _________________________________
Responsible for payment: ___________________________________________
Since when in that Institution: ____________________________________
Whence and when handed over: ___________ Since when ill: __________
If has been in other Institutions, where and how long: _____________
Twin yes ___ Blood relations of unsound mind: ____________________
no
Diagnosis: _________________________________________________________
Clinical description (Previous history, course, condition; in any case
ample data regarding mental condition): ____________________________
Very restless? yes ________ Bedridden? yes _______________________
no no
Incurable bodily illness: yes (which) ___________________________
no
Schizophrenia: Fresh attack _______ Final Condition ____________
good recovery
Mental debility: weak _________ Imbecile ________ Idiot ________
Epilepsy: psychological alteration ___________ Average frequency
of the attacks _______
Therapeutics (Insulin, Cardiazol, Malaria, Permanent result: yes ___
Salvarsan etc. When?) _________________ no ____
Admitted by reason of para. 51, para. 42b StrGB etc ________________
through ________________
Crime: ___________________ Former punishable offences: _____________
Manner of employment (detailed description of work): _______________
Permanent } Yes ______________
} Employment, independent worker
Temporary } No ______________

Value of work (if possible compared with average performance of healthy
person) __________________________________________________________
This space to be left blank.
_________________ Place, Date ________
__________________________________________
Signature of the head doctor or his
representative (doctors who are not
psychiatrists and neurologists please state
same.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] German or of similar blood (of German blood), Jew, Jewish mixed breed Grades I or II, Negro (mixed breed).

# # # # #

PUBLIC UTILITY
AMBULANCE TRANSPORTATION G.m.b.H.
Dept. II/d, H/K

Berlin, W. 9. 12th. May, 1941

To the Director of the Hospital of the District association of
Swabia,
Kaufbeuren/Bavaria.

Potsdamer Platz 1.

Dear Director,

By order of the Reich Defence Commissioner I must remove mental cases from your institution and from the Branch at Irrsee to another institution. A total of 140 persons are to be transported, 70 on 4th June and 70 on 5th June. I forward you herewith Transport Lists Nos. 8, 9, 10 and 11 in triplicate. The additional names on the lists are intended for possible deficits (discharged meanwhile, died, etc.).

The marking of the patients is most suitably done by means of a strip of adhesive tape, on which the name is written in ink-pencil, to be pasted between the shoulder blades. At the same time the name is to be put on an article of clothing.

The hospital reports and personal histories are to be prepared for the transportation and to be handed to our Director of Transport, Herr Kuepper, in the same way the personal possessions of the patients, as well as money and articles of value.

I enclose property information cards and information cards as to the defrayer of the expenses, which, accurately filled out, must be handed in at the time of transportation. Money and articles of value, besides being noted on the property information cards, must also be noted on separate special lists (in duplicate). Transportation takes place:

On 4th June, 8.46 a.m. from Kaufbeuren--70 patients.

On 5th June, 8.46 a.m. from Kaufbeuren--70 patients.

Our director of transport, Herr Kuepper, will visit you the previous day, in order to discuss further details with you.

I further request you to provide the patients with food (2-3 slices of bread and butter each and some cans of coffee).

[Pencil note illegible]

Heil Hitler!
[signature illegible]
Public Utility Ambulance Transportation G.m.b.H.

# # # # #

PROVINCIAL ASSOCIATION FOR SOCIAL WELFARE SWABIA.

Address: Augsburg 1, P.O. Box Regierungspraesident

Tel No. 5842
Cashier’s Office: Principal Govt.
Cashier’s Office Augsburg.
Post Office check account:
Munich No. 1624
Enclosures:

Director: Dr. Faltlhauser, of the Hospital, Kaufbeuren.

Your reference: 2080. Your letter of 13.11.40. Our ref: (to be
given always) II-B-7-2.

Augsburg, 6.5.1941

Concerning the transfer of patients.

I have the honour to inform you that the female patients transferred from your institution on 8.11.1940 to the institutions in Grafeneck, Bernburg, Sonnenstein and Harthein all died in November of last year.

[signature illegible]

# # # # #

Copy

No. 5255 c 39
Ministry of State of the Interior.
Oberregierungsrat Gaum.

Munich, 24th November 1942
To the Director of the Hospital,
Kaufbeuren, Obermed. Rat
Dr. Faltlhauser.

To Head Physician Dr. W. Leinisch
Guenzburg.

Re letter of 13.11.1942.

Dear Doctor,

In your letter of 13.11.1942 you requested me to send suitable epileptics for the carrying out of your research work. I had an opportunity of discussing this with the Obermedizinalraeten Dr. Faltlhauser and Dr. Pfannmueller. Both will willingly deliver you suitable patients. For various reasons patients from the Institution at Kaufbeuren are primarily to be chosen. If this institution has no suitable material, I agree to the transfer of patients from Eglfing-Haar to Guenzburg for your research work. I request you to get into touch with Dr. Faltlhauser.

Heil Hitler!
(Sd.) GAUM.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1701-PS

Copies distributed to Gauleiter Dr. Wilhelm von Allwoerden [?]

11 Aug.
H
Berlin, 9 August 1943

The Reich Minister of the Interior
Pol. SV A I No 844/43
To the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory _in Berlin
W8_
For the information of the other Reich ministers.
_Subj_: Law on the treatment of enemies of the society.
In addition to my letter of 19 March 1942--
_Enclosures_: 55. --

After the draft of the law on the treatment of enemies of the society has been completely rewritten, I am sending the enclosed new draft with the consent of the Reich Minister of Justice, Dr. Thierack and ask that the law be approved in a circulatory manner. The necessary number of prints is attached.

The Chief Plenipotentiary for the Reich Administration has again agreed on the importance of the law in war, considering the existing directions for curbing the making of laws and the administrative activity. Furthermore I refer to my letter of 19 March 1942 and to the reasons attached to the draft.

/s/ Frick

# # # # #

The Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories

Berlin W 35, 22 Dec 1943

Tele--letter

To the Reich Minister of the Interior for the information of the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory and the other Reich Ministers.

_Subject_: Law on the Treatment of Enemies of Society.
To Pol. SVA 1 No. 844/43 of 9 August 1943

I have basic objections against the draft of the law. In Par 2, Dir. 4, I assume that the police will inform the penal prosecuting authority also of such cases in which it does not consider--for legal or actual reasons--that a punishable act has been committed or can be proved, especially if it wants to connect the behavior of the culprit with consequences adverse to him. The penal prosecuting authority should be able to determine also in dubious cases whether the possibility of penal prosecution exists. I therefore suggest to formulate Par. 2, Dir. 4, of the law draft about as follows:

“If there is suspicion of a punishable act by enemies of society, the police will inform the penal prosecuting authorities about it.”

Because, in the framework of the draft, the basic regulation of the connections between penal justice and police has become mandatory, an exact definition of the respective competence seems necessary to me. In the expected executory decree it should hence be made clear, as it was already provided in the draft of the executory decree (Par. 4) for the first draft of the law, that police actions because of the same matter are not admissible anymore if a court has freed (a party) because of proven innocence or lack of proofs, except for custody measures in case of freeing for lack of proofs. Furthermore, it should be determined that the police can not take other than custody measures after the penal term of a person judged by a court because of the same facts. Further, I think it necessary to have a fundamental clearing of the question whether, and if so--to what degree police measures are admissible after refusal of a decree of custody or other judicial directions, regardless of the reason for refusal.

Finally, I mention for consideration if the words “the regime of the time of the system” in Dir. 3 of the official document, taken from the newspaper language, could not be replaced to advantage by another expression.

I especially direct your attention to the printing mistake in the last but two dir. of the reason, in which in the third line it should probably read “protective surveillance” instead of “protective custody”.

Rosenberg
attested:
chancellery employee

Offic. Stamp

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1702-PS

Rec’d: 1025/44g
encl: 1 Aug. 44

Copy
SECRET

II 1C

Evacuation Report
of District Commissariat of Kasatin
[Illegible notes]

REPORTER: District Commissar STEUDEL, Kasatin.
Time of report: 8 November to 28 December 1943.

1. The military situation in November/December 1943.

Immediately following the capture of Kiev by the Soviets on 7 November, the district town of Wassilkow as well as the important railroad center Fastow, belonging to the district of Wassilkow, fell into enemy hands, (8-9 November). The following day, the Soviets attempted to advance farther along the rail line Fastow-Kasatin. They succeeded in capturing with weak armored and infantry spearheads in one move, the stations of Kozanka, Popilnva and Browki, situated along this line, and to execute further sudden advances past the station of Czernorudka. For this reason the district of Wtscheraische had to be evacuated on 15 November. I withdrew the Germans committed there to the district of Rushin situated 20 kilometers to the South. The withdrawal was effected according to plan and without friction, with all implements, after all camps had been evacuated previously; the cattle--above all the valuable breeds (Oxen and colt stables) led back. German tractors and farm machines transported away and all businesses had been crippled. (Fundamentally, the chief command of the 4th Armored Army, in whose zone these battles took place, had ordered that in the district West of the Dnjepr, in contrast to the ones to the East, no destructions of farm goods or businesses should take place).

* * * * * * *

_The results of the hereby described military events_ between 8 November and 20 December were as follows:

In a conference, called by me, of the authoritative leaders of all offices of the civilian sector on 8 November, I ordered the immediate start of, and discussed in detail, measures for the most far-reaching decentralization. At the same time, the leaders of all vital, above all of the economic food industry, were informed to effect, in case of an evacuation, the crippling of factories (by taking away important and hard-to-replace machine parts, belts, etc.,) and to prepare this already now. Up till then, however, all factories had to be kept running at full capacity. It should be emphasized here, praisingly, that all measures ordered by me in strictest accordance with the army economic leader [A.W.F.] of the chief command of the 4th Armored Army, were executed by the responsible parties and their staff in an exemplary manner, and with the greatest conscientiousness. Although the delivery of cars, for conceivable reasons, did meet with considerable difficulties, we succeeded, due to the splendid cooperation of the authoritative Reich German organizations of military and civil government, in transporting to the West approximately 80% of the most vital goods (grain, cattle, sugar, etc), or in making them available for the armed forces for immediate use as provisions for the fighting troops.

* * * * * * *

5. In the midst of the conditions, almost restored to normal, I received _a call on_ _the eve of the 25th of December from the Army_ according to which _the Soviets_ with superior forces of tanks and motorized troops, had exerted a strong renewed pressure on the line of Kotscherowo-Brusilow-Fastow and along the street Kiev-Shitomir with the main advance in a South West direction. Shortly afterwards, the long distance calls, as per attached inclosure number 2, was put through according to which the able-bodied male population in the ages between 15 and 65 as well as the cattle had to be led back in the direction East of the line Kililowka-Berkitschew-Shitomir. The transporting of the able-bodied population was charged to the military authorities by the chief quartermaster of the army, while beginning with the morning of 26 December. I discussed and ordered in detail, during an immediate conference for the whole district the shipment of all the cattle. This action started successfully on that day according to plan, while the discussions over the seizure of the male population were not yet concluded in the afternoon hours of the 26th of December and no positive measures of any kind were taken.

# # # # #

Enclosure II

SECRET

Kdt. rueckw. A. Geb. 585
_Abt. Qu. Nr. 452/43 geh._

In the field 25 December 1943

To the District Commissar KASATIN

1. The able-bodied male population between 15 and 65 years of age and the cattle are to be shipped back from the district East of the line Belilowka-Berditschen-Shitomir (places excluded).

* * * * * * *