Chapter VII: Letter I: Roxbury, April 26, 1776 (1)

You have been informed of the measures which the promoters of independency adopted for the ripening of that event; in the advice which congress were prevailed upon to give to the New-Hampshire, the South-Carolina, and Virginia conventions.

[Jan. 5, 1776.] The New-Hampshire provincial convention proceeded in their design, and voted, “that this congress take up civil government in form following—We being authorised in particular to establish some form of government, provided that measure be recommended by the continental congress, and a recommendation being transmitted—the sudden departure of his excellency John Wentworth and several of the council leaving us destitute of legislation, and no executive courts being open to punish criminal offenders—therefore protesting that we never meant to throw off our dependence upon Great-Britain, and that we shall rejoice if such a reconciliation, between us and our parent state, can be effected, as shall be approved by the continental congress—do resolve; that the congress do assume the name and power of a house of representatives: that they proceed to choose twelve persons, to be a distinct branch of the legislature, by the name of a council for this colony; and that no act shall be valid unless passed by both branches.” But this procedure was not universally approved. A memorial and remonstrance of the freeholders and inhabitants of Portsmouth was presented to the convention sitting at Exeter. [Jan. 10.] It sets forth, that “the memorialists are greatly alarmed, by the information, that they are about to dissolve their existence as a convention and assume that of a house of representatives, and to proceed to the election of twelve counsellors, who are to act as another branch of legislation for the future government of this colony.” They remonstrate against the procedure from an opinion that the inhabitants will not generally approve it; and wish therefore that the minds of the people may be fully taken on such a momentuous concernment, for that it is their inherent right to know the plan, before adopted and carried into execution. They say also, “it amounts to an open declaration of independency, which we can by no means countenance.” A dissent and protest was brought into convention, [Jan. 12.] by several of the representatives; the purport of it was, “We dissent and protest against the present plan of taking up government for the following reasons—the vote of the continental congress countenancing the same, was obtained by the unwearied importunity of our delegates there, as appears by their letter;—the said vote does not appear to have been unanimous, but we have reason to think otherwise;—New-York and Virginia (which are in similar circumstances with us, and are much larger and more opulent, and we presume much wiser, and to which we would pay all due deference), have not attempted any thing of the kind, nor as we can learn have desired it;—it appears assuming for so small a colony to take the lead in a matter of so great importance;—our constituents never expected us to make a new form of government, but only to set the judicial and executive wheels in motion;—it appears to us, too much like setting up an independency on the mother country.” The convention however proceeded in their plan; but when it was executed, and the body had assumed the form of two houses, they had the consistency to receive petitions [Jan. 18.] from the towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Newington, Rochester, Stratham, North-Hampton, Rye, New-Market, Kensington, Greenland, and part of Brentwood, against taking up government in the new established form. Both houses met in the town-house, the petitions were read, considered, and fully argued by the council for the petitioners. It was voted, [Jan. 27.] that the committee write to the continental congress, and lay the plan of government taken up by the colony before them, and let them know that a number of members of this house dissented from and protested against the same, because of its being supposed to breathe too much of the spirit of independency; and request to know the judgment of the congress thereon. Whatever letter the committee might write was porbably forwarded under cover to one of their own delegates; and by the advice of certain members was not brought before congress as a body, till the day after they had given their sanction to the plan, by admitting upon their journals, on the 29th of February, the credentials of the delegates chosen by the house of representatives on January the 23d.

When Mr. S. Adams saw the instructions given by the capital of New-Hampshire, he was dissatisfied, and fearful, lest if that colony took a wrong step, it should wholly defeat the design, he owned, he had much at heart. He had been alarmed before in the beginning of the month, when a motion was made in congress to this purpose.—“Whereas we have been charged with aiming at independency, a committee shall be appointed to explain to the people at large the principles and grounds of our opposition, &c.” It would not do for Mr. S. Adams evidently to interest himself in opposing the motion, though he was apprehensive that they should get themselves on dangerous ground; but some other delegates prevailed so far as to have the matter postponed; and yet they could not prevent the assigning of a day to consider it. Some little time before, he had conversed with another gentleman, probably a Virginia delegate, about a confederation; when they agreed it must soon be brought on, and that if all the colonies would not come into it, it had better be done by those that incline to it. Mr. Adams promised, he would endeavour to unite the New-England colonies in confederation, if none of the rest would join in it; the other approved of it, and said that if Mr. S. Adams succeeded, he would cast in his lot among them. Many of the principal gentlemen in the Massachusetts have been long urging their delegates at congress to bring forward independency; the more so, for a persuasion that, resistance unto blood having been once made against the governmental measures the British spirit will never be quieted, with any thing short of those concessions and satisfactions, which Americans never make. General Washington has no wish, that the congress would declare the colonies independent: but many other officers, especially among the New-Englanders, are desirous of it; though the situation of their military affairs could of late afford them no reasonable encouragement. They have been obliged to change their army by a new enlistment under the mouths of their enemy’s cannon; and while employed in this operation, had not for some time men enough to defend their lives had the British troops commenced an attack. They had to guard an extent of better than a dozen miles, with few more troops than what were in Boston. Such was the want of muskets, that in order to supply the new enlisted soldiers, they forcibly detained those belonging to the privates whose time was out, and who refused to serve longer; but not without paying for them.

Gen. Green wrote from—Prospect Hill, January 4, 1776. “Had the enemy been fully acquainted with our situation, I cannot pretend to say what might have been the consequences. I this day manned the lines upon this hill, and feel a degree of pleasure that I have not felt for several days. Our situation has been critical. We have no part of the militia on this hill; and the night after the old troops went off, I could not have mustered seven hundred men, notwithstanding the returns of the new inlisted troops amounted to nineteen hundred and upward. I am now strong enough to defend myself against all the force in Boston.” Gen. Washington thus expressed himself on the first of the month: “It is not perhaps in the power of history to furnish a case like ours—to maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy for six months together without——(_powder_, he avoided inserting the word lest the letter should miscarry;) and at the same time to disband one army and recruit another, within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more than probable was ever attempted.”

The conduct of the New-Yorkers not answering the desires of captain Sears, he had for some time taken up his abode in Connecticut. Being apprehensive, that general Clinton who was preparing to go upon some expedition with a body of troops, might possibly be destined for New-York, and considering of what importance it was that the city should not be possessed by him, he came to gen. Washington, and urged the necessity of its being secured by American forces. But the general could spare no troops, every man of them being wanted in the environs of Boston. Sears proposed that Washington should write to gov. Trumbull, pressing him to raise two regiments for the service. His application was strengthened by a letter of gen. Lee’s, who wrote to the commander in chief, [Jan. 5.] “New-York must be secured, but it will never, I am afraid, be secured by direct orders of congress for obvious reasons. I propose that you should detach me into Connecticut, and lend your name for collecting a body of volunteers. I am assured, that I shall find no difficulty in assembling a sufficient number for the purpose wanted. This measure I think absolutely necessary to our salvation; and if it meets with your approbation, the sooner it is entered upon the better—indeed the delay of a single day may be fatal.” Mr. John Adams being at Watertown with the general court, gen. Washington desired his opinion on Lee’s plan. Mr. John Adams, in a letter of the next day, [Jan. 6.] showed that the plan was practicable, expedient, and lay properly within his excellency’s authority, without further directions from congress. He took notice that a body of people on Long-Island were intrenching themselves professedly to oppose the American system; that there was a body of tories in the city of New-York waiting only for a force to protect them; and that the Jersey troops had been already ordered to that city. The measures to be taken being settled, the dispatches were got ready, and Capt. Sears set off with them, for Connecticut. [Jan. 8.] Gov. Trumbull was much pleased, got the committee of safety together, hastened the business, and col. Waterbury and col. Ward’s regiments were raised and ready to march, by the time gen. Lee got to Stamford, within fifty miles of New-York, and near upon two hundred and fifty miles from Cambridge. Lee set off on the 11th; and when at New-Haven, one hundred and sixty miles distant, wrote on the 16th to Washington. “I shall send immediately an express to congress informing them of my situation and at the same time conjuring them not to suffer the accursed provincial congress of New-York to defeat measures so absolutely necessary to our salvation.” Many of the New-York provincial congress (if not the majority) were adjudged real tories, some so deemed might be only timed whigs. By the 22d. gen. Lee had collected at Stamford 1200 Connecticut troops. The New-York committee of safety were very averse to his marching them into the city, and wrote to him upon the occasion. He answered with much prudence, judgment and resolution; and sent to the continental congress for advice. They directed him to repair to the city, and appoint three of their members to meet him there, and advise with him on the measures proper to be pursued. He was detained at Stamford with the gout. The members from congress and col. Watery being at New-York, gen. Lee directed capt. Sears to take Waterbury’s regiment, and march it immediately for the city. At King’s-bridge he was met by a number of citizens, who intreated him to halt, for that the enemy had declared that if any troops came in, they would burn the city. Sears pleaded his orders, and marched on. When nearer the city he was applied to afresh, and strongly urged to remain at a distance from it; he observed, that neither the members of congress nor col. Waterbury, had sent him any orders; he therefore continued his march into the city. The citizens were in the utmost confusion, expecting the enemy would execute their threats, but they refrained. [Feb. 4.] Gen. Lee came on when able; and arrived at New-York in less than two hours after gen. Clinton arrived at the Hook, in the Mercury, together with a transport brig. Their arrival threw the city into such a convulsion as it never knew before. Though it was the Sabbath the inhabitants were engaged in moving away their effects the whole day, and continued it all night. Gen. Clinton sailed from Boston on the 19th, with a number of grenadiers and light infantry, as supposed for Virginia. He touched at the Hook, probably to consult gov. Tryon, and see whether any thing effectual could be done to strengthen the British interest in New-York. After a short tarriance, he proceeded to the southward. Gen. Lee, upon his arrival gave out, “If the men of war set one house on fire in consequence of my coming, I will chain a hundred of their friends together by the neck, and make the house their funeral pile.” He would in all likelihood, have retaliated in some formidable manner. While Clinton remained at the Hook, various works were erected for the defence of the city. Nine days before his arrival, on the 26th of January, and a week after his sailing, care was taken to send over to Long-Island seven hundred of the Jersey militia, and three hundred of the Jersey regulars, to disarm those persons in Queen’s county who opposed American liberty, and to secure their leaders, which was accomplished.

The congress, receiving information of the disaffection of the inhabitants of Tryon county, resolved upon disarming them, and providing for the future tranquility of those parts. They committed the business to gen. Scuyler. The general having no troops at Albany to carry into execution their resolutions, was under the necessity of communicating his business to the sub-committee of the county, after having administered an oath of secrecy. They contrived to call upon 700 militia; but so great was the zeal of the people, that they followed in such numbers (although the weather was cold in the extreme) that by the time he reached Caghnawaga, he had near 3000 men, including 900 of the Tryon county militia. [Jan. 16.]. On Tuesday the 16th, the general marched to Schenectady; and in the evening, a deputation from the Mohawk Indians delivered him a speech in a haughty tone, evidently calculated to prevent his proceeding to Sir John Johnson’s, who was thought, or known to be making military preparations. Scuyler, in his answer told them, that he had full proof, that many people in Johnstown, and the neighbourhood thereof, had for a considerable time past made preparations to carry into execution the wicked design of the king’s evil counsellors, and added, “We have no objection, nay, we wish that you and your warriors should be present to hear what we shall propose to Sir John, and the people in and about Johnstown, who are our enemies. But we beg of you to tell your warriors, that although we have no quarrel with them, yet if we should be under the disagreeable necessity of fighting with our enemies, and your warriors should join them and fight against us, that we will repel force by force.” They replied and said, “Brother Scuyler, the great man, attend. Every thing that has been said to us, brother, has been perfectly agreeable to us, &c.” A letter was sent to Sir John Johnson, requesting a meeting with him the next day, and assuring him, that he and such persons whom he might choose to attend him, should pass safe and unmolested to the place where he might meet him, and from thence back to the place of his abode. Sir John accordingly met gen. Scuyler about sixteen miles beyond Schenectady accompanied by some of the leading Scotchmen, and two or three others, when proposals were made to him: he begged time to answer until the next evening, to which Scuyler consented. [Jan. 18.] On Thursday the general approached within four miles of Johnstown. Sir John sent out answers to the proposals of the preceding day, which not being satisfactory, the general determined to march his troops to Johnson-hall, without delay: but gave Sir John till twelve at night to reconsider the matter, after which he would receive no proposals. At twelve an answer came from Sir John, in behalf of himself, the inhabitants of Kingsborough, and the neighbouring adjacent. It was agreed to deliver up all cannon, arms, and military stores whatsoever, that to his knowledge were in the country, a few favourite family arms excepted: that Sir John, having given his parole of honour not to take up arms against America, shall confine himself to certain limits:—that the Scotch inhabitants shall surrender their arms, and the general may take any six prisoners from among them as he chooses, without resistance, to be treated however with humanity, and with all due deference to rank: that the inhabitants shall give up their arms, and enter into like engagements with the Scotch inhabitants:—and that all the men referred to in the above articles shall be paraded at Johnstown on Saturday at twelve o’clock, and ground their arms in the presence of such troops as the general may appoint. These terms were agreed to, and on the next day general Scuyler marched to Johnstown. [Jan. 20.] On Saturday he drew up his men in the street; and the highlanders, between two and three hundred marched to the front where they grounded their arms. These secured the general dismissed them with an exhortation, pointing out the only conduct which could insure them protection. In the evening he returned to Cagnuage, leaving col. Herkimer and the committee of Tryon county to receive the arms of the remainder, and to fix on six of the principal leaders to send to him. He expected that the whole disarmed, or to be disarmed, would amount to above six hundred. Gen. Scuyler’s conduct was highly approved by congress: and those who accompanied him in the expedition were praised for their patriotic services.

The following detached articles of intelligence must not be omitted. In the first week in January, gov. Franklin’s dispatches for the ministry were seized by lord Sterling’s troops and sent to congress. About the middle of the month, the Jersey men descried a transport at sea. They procured several boats, and sailed in quest of her with four days provision. Lord Sterling commanded. Upon their coming up and along side of her, she was taken without any resistance, for the sailors swore they would not fight for common wages. The Americans are making saltpetre all over the continent, from New-Hampshire to Virginia inclusively.

Let us return to the neigbourhood of Boston.

[Feb. 8.] Major Knowlton was dispatched with a hundred men to make an incursion into Charlestown, and burn a number of houses, that they might be no longer of service to the enemy. He crossed the mill-dam upon the ice, between Cobble Hill and Bunker’s Hill; and immediately proceeded down the street on the westerly side of the last hill, and destroyed about ten houses, and brought off a few muskets. He performed the whole in less than an hour, without the loss of a single man killed or wounded, though the British garrison kept up a considerable fire of musketry from Bunker’s Hill. This expedition confounded the amusement carrying on in Boston, at the same instant.

The British soldiers were much afflicted with sickness and the scurvy, occasioned by the want of vegetables and fresh provisions, notwithstanding the powerful exertions made at home to throw in supplies. Many of the vessels, which were loaded in England with live stock, vegetables and porter, had been either taken on the coast of America, or blown off to the West-Indies, by the severe north-west winds, which usually prevail during the winter months. Out of 40 sail of transports only eight had arrived. None of these things however hindred the officers from amusing themselves, all they could, in the present situation. They had their balls and theatre, that so they might forget themselves, while seemingly forgotten by their native country. It so happened that they had finished attending the _Busy Body_; and the scnes were changed, that the farce of the _Blockade of Boston_, said to be written by gen. Burgoyne, might be performed. The figure designed for gen. Washington had just made his appearance (as we are told) upon the stage, with a large wig and long rusty sword, together with his orderly serjeant, who had on his sholders a rusty gun seven feet long; now it was, that one of the regular serjeants came running on the stage, threw down his bayonet and called out lustily, “the Yankees are attacking Bunker’s Hill.” They who were unacquainted with the farce, thought that this was a part of it, but when gen. Howe cried out, _officers to your alarm posts_, instead of mirth and laughing, there was shrieking, crying, fainting, &c.

The inhabitants of the town have been supplied with fresh provisions once in a while from Nova-Scotia. Within two days of the above affair, a sloop arrived with beef, poultry and hay, the hay sold for a guinea a hundred weight, the beef for one and six-pence the pound, geese nine shilling a piece, and other articles proportionably, in sterling money.

There was such a continued backwardness in the Americans to serve in the army, that gen. Washington was more and more convinced that it could never be raised to the new establishment by voluntary inlistments. [Jan. 18.] Such was its present inequality to capital operations, that it was unanimously agreed in a council of war, to request thirteen regiments of militia to be at Cambridge by the first of February, and to remain if wanted to the last of March, that so a vigorous attempt might be made on the army at Boston, if practicable. The news of the unsuccessful attempt upon Quebec, and gen. Montgomery’s death. [Jan. 24.] was publicly known not only in the American quarters but at Boston. Let me give you an account of the siege down to the latest intelligence from thence.

The garrison of Quebec, when gen. Montgomery appeared before it, consisted of col. Maclean’s men, a hundred and seventy; a company of the seventh regiment, sixty; marines, forty; militia, about eight hundred; and seamen belonging to the king’s frigates and to the merchant ships which wintered in the harbor, four hundred and fifty; in all, fifteen hundred and twenty. The general was at the head of upwards of eight hundred men[1] only so small was the force he brought with him, after leaving a corps at Montreal; and so much was Arnold’s detachment reduced, by the return of col. Enoe’s division and other unfavorable circumstances. Thus you see the besiegers were little more than half the garrison. Upon his appearing before the city he sent forward a flag of truce which was fired upon by order of Sir Guy Carleton; [Dec. 6, 1775.] at this gen. Montgomery was so provoked, that the next day he wrote to Sir Guy a letter, in which he departed from the common mode of conveying his sentiments, and made use of threats and language that he would otherwise have probably declined. Notwithstanding the inclemency of the season he set about erecting works. His batteries were composed of snow and water, which soon became solid ice. He planted on them five pieces of ordnance, twelve and nine pounders, with one howitzer; but the artillery was inadequate, and made no impression; it was therefore soon in contemplation to storm the city. [Dec. 16.] A council was held by all the commanding officers of col. Arnold’s detachment in the evening; and a large majority was for storming the garrison, as soon as the men were provided with bayonets, spears, hatchets, and hand granades. In a few days several of the men were ill of the small-pox those who were well and fit for service were ordered to wear hemlock sprigs in their hats to distinguish them in the attack upon the works. [Dec. 25.] Col. Arnold’s detachment paraded in the evening, at capt. Morgan’s quarters, when gen. Montgomery attended, and addressed them on the subject of an assault on Quebec, in a sensible spirited manner. The scheme of storming was wholly the general’s who in the council of war on the occasion, showed the necessity, practicability, and importance of it, in such a clear and convincing manner, that they were all agreed and full in the measure. But he was forced into the scheme from this circumstance, that a part of his army had to serve no longer than to the end of the year, and three companies of Arnold’s detachment were uneasy, and were determined to return home. His army did not now exceed eight hundred sick and well; only seven hundred and thirty were fit for duty.[2] The attempt had the appearance of rashness, but the general was persuaded that men, who had behaved so well, would follow him, and that many of Sir Guy Carleton’s forces would not fight, when actual service commenced. The general in his dispatches wrote, [Dec. 36.] “I have so early reported to you my determination to return home, I take it for granted measures are taken to supply my place. Should not any body arrive, I must conclude congress mean to leave the management of affairs in gen. Wooster’s hands, (Wooster was at Montreal.) If this business should terminate in a blockade, I shall think myself at liberty to return. However if possible, I shall first make an effort for the reduction of the town. I had reason to believe, when I wrote last, the troops well inclined for a coup de main. I have since discovered, that three companies of col. Arnold’s detachment are averse. They are within a few day of being free from their engagements: I must try every measure to prevent their departure.” [Dec. 27.] The next day at evening the troops assembled by his order, with design to make an attack and were about to march, when a fresh order came for their returning to quarters—the weather being thought not proper. Several men deserting to the enemy, the general was induced to alter his plan, so that no part of it transpired to the besieged. [Dec. 30.] The weather being stormy, and the ladders being ready, the troops were ordered to parade at two o’clock the next morning.

[Dec. 31.] The troops assemble at the time appointed—they that are to make the attack by the way of Cape Diamond, at the general’s quarters on the heights of Abraham, and are headed by the general—they that are to make the attack through the suburbs of St. Roe, at the guard-house in St. Roe, and are headed by col. Arnold. The division under Montgomery consists of the 1st. 2d. 3d. and 4th. battalions of the New-York troops, and part of col. Easton’s regiment; but of about two hundred men only. The division under Arnold is made up out of the two battalions detached from Cambridge, and amount to about three hundred. Col. Livingston, with a regiment of one hundred and sixty Canadians, and major Brown with part of a regiment of Massachusetts troops, are to make a false attack upon the walls to the southward of St. John’s gate, and in the mean time to set fire to the gate with the combustibles prepared for that purpose. The colonel is also to give the signals for the combination of attack, which is to begin exactly at five o’clock. (It is said that capt. Frazer of the emigrants, then on picket, going his rounds, saw the rockets fired off as signals, and from his knowledge of the service forming a conjecture of what would happen, beat to arms without orders, and so prepared the garrison for defence.) The different routes the assailing bodies have to make, the depth of the snow, and other obstacles, prevent the execution of Livingston’s command. The general moves with his division, attended by a number of carpenters, to the pickets at Cape Diamond. These are soon cut with the saws, and the general pulls them down with his own hands. He enters with his aid de camp Mr. M’Pherson, Mr. Antill the engineer, capt. Cheeseman, and the carpenters. As they are entering, their guides forsake them; which alarms the general and other officers, who are unacquainted with the pass and situation of the enemy’s artillery. They however press on. The general observing that the troops do not follow with spirit, calls out “Fie! for shame! shall the New-York troops desert the cause in the critical moment? Will you not follow when your general leads? Push on brave boys, Quebec is ours.” A few act with resolution, advance, and attack the guard-house, when the enemy give a discharge of grape shot from their cannon, and of small arms; which occasions the fall of the general, his aid de camp, capt. Cheeseman and others. The firing from the guard-house ceases, by the enemy’s quitting their post, and the opportunity offers for the assailants to push forward with success. But the deputy quarter master general Campbell, with the rank of a colonel, assumes the command; and not being equal to the special service of the moment, unhappily orders a retreat, which takes place and the wounded are carried off to the camp.

We now come to col. Arnold’s division, which is ordered to proceed in the following manner, viz. a lieutenant and thirty men are to march in front as an advanced guard; then the artillery company with a field piece mounted on a sled; after that the main body, of which capt. Morgan’s company is first. The advanced party is to open, when near the battery raised upon a wharf, which the assailants are obliged to attack in their way; and when the field piece has given them a shot or two, the advanced party are to rush forward with the ladders, and force the battery, while capt. Morgan’s company are to march round the wharf if possible, on the ice. But the snow being deep, the piece of artillery is brought on very slowly, and is finally obliged to be left behind. The main body also are led wrong. There is no road, the way is dark and intricate, among stores, houses, boats and wharfs; and they are harassed at the same time with a constant fire of the enemy from the walls, which kills and wounds numbers, without their being able in the least to annoy them. The field piece not coming up, the advanced party with capt. Morgan’s company attack the battery, some firing into the port-holes, or kind of embrasures, while others scale the battery with ladders and immediately take possession of it and of the guard consisting of thirty men. This attack is executed with such dispatch, that the enemy discharge only one of their cannon. One or two men are lost on each side. Colonel Arnold receives a wound in one of his legs with a musket ball, and is carried to the general hospital. When the prisoners are taken care of, and a few men come up (which is in about half an hour) the men attempt the next barrier, but cannot force it as the main body is some time before it can arrive, occasioned by the beforementioned obstacles. The enemy moreover, having the opportunity, from the retreat of Montgomery’s division after his fall, turn their whole force and attention upon this, so that before it can attempt the second barrier the assailed get such a number of men behind the barrier, and in the houses, that the assailants are surrounded with a fire from treble their number, and find it impossible to force it, the former being under cover, while the latter are quite exposed: here they lose some brave officers and men. What adds to their embarrassment, they fail of being aided by a company of their comrades, who were quartered on the north side of the river St. Charles, and not having notice in season, in endeavouring to join the main body, are surprised and mostly taken prisoners, by a party, who make a sortie through palace gate. They who are near the second barrier, at length take possession of some houses, and from them keep up a constant fire for some time; but as the party, which sallied out of palace gate, comes upon the rear of the assailants, and the number of these is greatly lessened by killed and wounded, it is thought best to retreat to the first battery. This they do with the greatest part of their men, where, upon a consultation of officers present, it is the unanimous opinion, that a further retreat is impracticable. They maintain their ground till ten o’clock and all hope of relief being over, are at last obliged to surrender prisoners of war, with great reluctuance.

By the best account that can be obtained at present, they have lost in killed and wounded about a hundred—one captain and two lieutenants killed—col. Arnold, two captains, two lieutenants, and a brigade major, wounded. The loss of the general’s division is, the general, his aid, capt. Cheeseman, and half a score privates killed, beside the wounded. The general was shot through both his thighs and his head. His body was taken up the next day: an elegant coffin was prepared, and he was decently enterred the Thursday after. We are told, that when his body was taken up his features were not in the least distorted, but his countenance appeared regular, serene and placid—like the soul that had lately animated it. The general was tall and slender, well limbed, of easy, graceful and manly address.—He had the voluntary love, esteem and confidence of the whole army. He was of a good family in Ireland, and served with reputation in the late war with France. His excellent qualities and disposition procured him an uncommon share of private affection—his abilities, of public esteem. His death is considered as a greater loss to the American cause, than all the others with which it was accompanied.

When the continental troops had collected after the unsuccessful attack on Quebec, there was a dispute who should command and whether it was advisable to raise the siege, or tarry until a reinforcement should arrive. A council of war agreed, that col. Arnold should command, and should continue the siege, or rather the blockade, which was accordingly done, apparently at no small risk, as they had not many more than four hundred men fit for duty. But they retired about three miles from the city, and posted themselves advantageously[3]. After mentioning, that the prisoners made in the attempt to surprise Montreal have been sent to Great-Britain, and col. Allen in irons, let us return to Boston and its environs.

[Feb. 14.] About four in the morning, a party from the castle under col. Leslie joined another, amounting to about five hundred, sent over the ice to Dorchester Neck by gen. Howe. They burnt about half a dozen houses; but the general’s scheme failed. He had been up the whole night, getting ready for an attack with a large body of troops. He expected, that the burning of the houses would occasion such an alarm, as to put the American officers upon sending from Roxbury lines a large reinforcement, and thereby giving him an advantageous opportunity of attacking them; but at day break, he found their men as usual at their alarm posts, so that he declined it. The strength of the ice having been tried in one place, and the frost continuing, general Washington was desirous of embracing the season for passing over it, from Cambridge side into Boston. He laid before a council of war [Feb. 16.] the following question: “A stroke well aimed at this critical juncture, may put a final period to the war, and restore peace and tranquility so much to be wished for, and therefore whether, part of Cambridge and Roxbury bays being frozen over, a general assault should not be made on Boston?” General Ward opposed the idea, saying, “The attack must be made with a view of bringing on an engagement, or of driving the enemy out of Boston, and either end will be answered much better by possessing Dorchester heights.” General Gates was also against it. The commander in chief was evidently for it. He did not appear enough sensible of the importance of Dorchester heights; and probably confided too much in the courage and perseverance of the continental troops and militia. When the votes were called for, the majority were against the attack. The commander in chief could not refrain from showing that he was greatly dissatisfied. But a negative being put on the question, the next point to be considered was, whether they should possess themselves of Dorchester heights, with a view of drawing the enemy out. This was agreed upon; and the conducting of the business was left wholly to general Ward, who with generals Thomas and Spencer, commanded on that quarter. They had been for some time collecting fascines, gabions, &c. unknown to general Washington, in expectation that the same would be wanted for this purpose. Had they not practised such foresight, it is to be much doubted whether they could have been in sufficient forwardness. The militia, which were called for from the New-England colonies to assist in some grand operation meant to be undertaken between the first of February and the end of March, collected apace; but the want of arms was prodigious. Every thing was carried on with the utmost expedition; that so the heights might be occupied as soon as possible. The design was no secret, and many were fearful, that general Howe would secure them before the Americans—but he could not spare a sufficient force for the purpose. Not only so, but there was neither water nor covering upon the heights; and had a corps been employed by him to gain the possession of them, it would have been in danger of being surrounded, of having its communication cut off, and of being obliged to surrender in less than twenty-four hours, through the severity of the weather.

[Feb. 26.] The Americans had got forty-five batteaus, each to carry eighty men, and two floating batteries, stationed at the mouth of Cambridge river; by the help of these, they meant to rush into the west of Boston, should the enemy make a serious affair of Dorchester. A council of war was called to fix the time for going upon the heights. The quarter master general, colonel Mifflin, was summoned to the council for the first time. He went prepossessed in favor of the night of March the fourth, a friend having reminded him, that probably the action would be the next day; and that it would have a wonderful effect upon the spirits of the New-Englanders, to tell them when about engaging—“remember the fifth of March, and avenge yourselves for the massacre at Boston.” When required to give his opinion, he spake in favor of the aforementioned night, and supported it in opposition to the contrary sentiment of general Gates, who for some reasons deemed it an improper time. After a debate it was carried for that night by a majority of one. It was included, that several regiments of militia from the neighbouring towns, should march in, and do duty for a few days on the lines of Dorchester and Roxbury. Among other preparations which had been making against the day of action, the doctors, surgeons, mates, &c. had been preparing two thousand bandages for broken legs, arms and dangerous wounds.—

Though this circumstance was well known in camp, the men did not appear daunted at the idea of the horrid carnage it imparted. There was a spirit of animation among them, intimating a strong desire of coming to blows with the enemy. To conceal the design of the Americans, and to divert the enemy’s attention, a very heavy service of cannon and mortars began to play upon the town, between ten and eleven, on Saturday night, [March 2.] from Cobble Hill, Lechmere’s point and Lamb’sdam, a fortified battery at Roxbury. The firing was continued all that, and the two succeeding nights. The first night, two seven inch, and one ten inch, and the _congress_ mortar burst; the last after firing twice or thrice. Till the Saturday night, the enemy did not believe that the continentals had so many warlike instruments. But Mr. Henry Knox, who was unanimously elected by congress colonel of the regiment of artillery the 17th of last November, had been to Tyconderoga, and brought from thence and Crown Point across the lakes, while frozen sufficient to bear cannons, mortars and howitzers, to the number of fifty and better. Shells, &c. they had got from the king’s store at New-York, and out of the ordnance brig. The cannonade and bombardment did little damage, only shattered some houses and hurt a few soldiers.

[March 4.] All things being ready on Monday; as soon as the evening admits, the expedition goes forward. The covering party of 800 men lead the way; then come the carts with the intrenching tools; after them the main working body of about 1200 under general Thomas: a train of more than 300 carts, loaded with fascines, hay in bundles of 7 or 800 weight, &c. close the martial procession. The bundles of hay are designed for Dorchester neck, which is very low, and exposed to be raked by the enemy; and are to be laid on the side next to them, to cover the Americans in passing and repassing. Every man knows his place and business. The covering party, when upon the ground, divides; half goes to the point nearest to Boston, the other to that next to the castle. All possible silence is observed. But there is no occasion to order the whips to be taken from the waggoners, lest their impatience, and the difficulty of the roads should induce them to make use of them, and occasion an alarm[4]. The whips used by the drivers of these oxcarts, are not formed for making much noise, and can give no alarm at a distance. The men in driving their oxen commonly make most noise with their voices; and now a regard to their own safety dictates to them, to speak to their cattle, as they move on, in a whispering note. There are no bad roads to require an exertion; for the frost having been of long continuance, they are so hard frozen as to be quite good. The wind lies so as to carry what noise cannot be avoided by driving the stakes and picking against the ground, (still frozen above eighteen inches deep in many places) into the harbour between the town and the castle, so that it cannot be heard and regarded by any who have no suspicion of what is carrying on especially as there is a continued cannonade on both sides. Many of the carts make three trips some four; for a vast quantitiy of materials have been collected, especially chandeliers and fascines. By ten o’clock at night the troops have raised two forts, one upon each hill, sufficient to defend them from small arms and grape shot. The night is remarkably mild, a finer for working could not have been sellected out of the three hundred and sixty-five. They continue working with the utmost spirit, till relieved the Tuesday morning (March 5.) about three. It is so hazy below the height that the men cannot be seen, though it is a bright moonlight night, above on the hills. It is some time after day break before the ministerialists in Boston can clearly discern the new erected forts. They loom to great advantage, and are thought to be much larger than is really the case. General Howe is astonished upon seeing what has been done; scratches his head and is heard to say, “I know not what I shall do; the rebels have done more in one night, than my whole army would have done in months.” The admiral informs him, that if the Americans possess those heights he cannot keep one of his majesty’s ships in the harbour. A council of war determines to attempt dislodging them.

General Washington has settled his plan of defence and offence. Boston is so surrounded on every land side by neighbouring hills, that nothing can take place on the wharves or next to the water, but it may be noted by the help of glasses. Proper signals having been agreed on, by means of the hills, which are in view one of another, intelligence can be conveyed instantly from Dorchester heights to Roxbury, and from Roxbury to Cambridge and so the reverse. This mode of communicating information is the speediest and safest. General Washington’s plan is, in case any number of the enemy leave Boston to attack the heights and are defeated, to communicate such defeat by the proper signal, when 4000 provincials are to cross over from Cambridge side, and attempt the town in the confusion that the regulars will be under. The boats are prepared, and the men paraded ready to embark. General Sullivan commands the first division, and general Green the second. Gen. Heath objected to the command when offered, and remains in perfect safety with the troops left in Cambridge. The whole force which the commander in chief now has, including all the militia, is not much short of 20,000.

All is hurry and bustle in Boston. General Howe orders the ladders in town to be cut to ten feet lengths, that they may be fit for scaling. A large body of troops are to embark on board the transports, and to proceed down the harbour, with a view of landing in the hollow between the furtherest of the two fortified hills and the castle. The men are observed by one, at whose door they are drawn up before embarking, to look in general, pale and dejected; and are heard to say, “It will be another Bunker’s Hill affair, or worse”—they have adopted the prevailing mistake of Bunker’s for Breed’s Hill. Some show great resolution and boast of what they will do with the rebels. When these troops, amounting to about 2,000, and designed to be under the command of lord Percy, are upon the wharves, and passing in the boats to the transports, the Americans expect they are intended for an immediate attack, clap their hands for joy, and wish them to come on. General Washington happens at that instant to be on one of the heights; thinks with his men; and says to those who are at hand,—“Remember it is the fifth of March, and avenge the death of your brethren.” It is instantly asked by such as are not near enough to hear,—“What says the general?” His words are given in answer. They fly from man to man through all the troops upon the spot, and add fuel to the martial fire already kindled, and burning with uncommon intenseness. The surrounding hills and elevations about Boston, affording a secure view of the ground on which the contending parties are expected to engage, are alive with the numerous spectators that throng them. A more interesting and bloody scene is apprehended to be just upon commencing, than what presented at Charlestown. They wait, as do the troops, officers and privates, the morning through; and till far into the afternoon, when they are convinced of the tide’s being so far ebbed, that no attack can be made by general Howe on the Tuesday, which indeed is not his intention, for he is preparing to do it on the Wednesday. The transports go down in the evening toward the castle, a floating battery is also towed down, but the wind is unfavorable, and before they reach their destination blows up fresh, and forces three of the vessels ashore on Governor’s Island. A storm succeeds at night, such as few remember ever to have heard; and toward morning it rains excessively hard.

[March 6.] The design of general Howe was hereby frustrated, and a deal of bloodshed providentially prevented. A council of war, was called in the morning, and agreed to evacuate the town as soon as possible. The time that had been gained by the Americans for strengthening their works, before any attempt could be now made upon them, took away all hope of success; which would have been more precarious than expected by reason of colonel Mifflin’s having advised to, and provided a large number of barrels, filled with stones, gravel and sand, that were placed round the works, to be rolled down and break the lines of any hostile advancing troops, when ascending the hills. He is entitled to much praise for all his exertions, and particularly for his conduct on this occasion. There was a full supply of teams and other requisites for the service; and though the men were for a while without cover, and suffered from the rain and cold, yet before Thursday evening he had a number of barracks up; they having been framed beforehand, and brought upon the ground on Monday night. [March 7.] There was a general hurry and confusion in Boston; both troops and tories were as busy as possible in preparing to quit the town, and to carry off all they could of their military stores and valuable effects. The number of transports and vessels was short of what were wanted. In the beginning of last November, gen. Howe received a letter from lord Dartmouth, advising to the evacuation of Boston, and the remeval of his troops to New-York. He excused himself by pleading he had not sufficient shipping. He was now obliged to evacuate with fewer.

[March 8.] A flag was sent out from the select men, acquainting general Washington with the intention of the troops, and that general Howe was disposed to leave the town standing, provided he could retire uninterrupted by the country. General Washington brought himself under no obligation; but expressed himself in words which admitted of a favorable construction, and intimated his good wishes for the town’s-people. He was at a loss to know where it was that general Howe intended going; and though inclined to believe it was Halifax, yet to guard against the evil of a mistake, while the British were preparing to be gone, he sent off the riflemen by land to New-York, to assist in securing that city.

[March 9.] General Howe issued a proclamation, ordering all woollen and linen goods to be delivered to Crean Brush, esq. be they in whose hands they might. [March 10.] Sundry shops belonging to persons in the country, were broke open and all the goods, of whatever sort or kind, taken by the said Brush and put on board ship to be conveyed away. The next day shops were stripped by him of all their goods, though the owners were in town. [March 12.] There was a licentious plundering of shops, stores and dwelling-houses, by soldiers and sailors, carrying destruction wherever they went: what they could not carry away they destroyed. The next day the same scene were renewed though expressly forbid in orders, and the guilty threatened with death, if detected in that or firing a house. [March 14.] The streets were barricaded in different parts of the town, and dispositions made, as though the troops would soon take there departure. Stores &c. were plundered by sailors from the ships of war, led by their officers under pretence of orders from the admiral. [March 15.] Proclamation was made by the crier for every inhabitants to keep to his house from eleven o’clock in the morning till night, lest they should ennoy the troops in their intended embarkation; but the wind coming about to east, they mostly returned to their barracks again.—[March 16.] The troops waiting only for a fair wind to embark, had little else to study but mischief, which they practised to a great degree, by breaking open stores and tossing the contents, being private proverty, into the dock; destroying the furniture of every house they could get into, and otherwise committing every kind of wantonness, which disappointed malice could suggest.