Chapter XX: Letter VIII: Roxbury, October 30, 1777 (2)

When general Frazer perceived in the morning, that the Americans were retiring, he commenced a pursuit with his brigade, consisting of the light troops, grenadiers and some other corps. General Reidesel, with most of the Brunswickers, was ordered by the British commander to join in the pursuit, either to support Frazer or to act separately. The latter continued the pursuit through the day; and receiving intelligence that St. Clair’s rear was at no great distance, ordered his troops to lie that night on their arms. In the morning he came up with the Americans, commanded by colonel Warner, who had beside his own, the regiments of colonels Francis and Hale. The British advanced boldly [July 7.] and the two bodies formed within about sixty yards of each other. Frazer began the attack about seven o’clock, expecting every moment to be joined by Reidesel, and apprehending that if he delayed, the enemy would escape. Hale being apprized of the danger, never brought his regiment to the charge, but fled; so that Warner could bring into action no more than about seven hundred men. The conflict was bloody. Francis fell fighting with great bravery. Warner, officers and soldiers, behaved with much resolution and gallantry, so that the British broke and gave way, but soon formed again, and running on the Americans with their bayonets,[51] the latter were put into no small confusion, which was increased by the critical arrival of gen. Reidesel with the foremost of his column, consisting of the chasseur company, and eighty grenadiers and light infantry, who were immediately led into action. They now fled on all sides. Gen. St. Clair heard when the firing began, and would have supported Warner; but the troops that were nearest, two militia regiments, would not obey order, and the others were at too great a distance. Hale, who had attempted to get off by flight, fell in with an inconsiderable party of British, and surrendered himself, with a number of his men prisoners. The Americans lost 324 in killed, wounded and prisoners. Among the last were 12 officers. The royal troops, including British and Germans, had not less than 183 killed and wounded. They had three officers killed and twelve wounded.[52] While St. Clair was at Castleton, an officer of one of the gallies arrived with information that the British were pursuing in force toward Skeensborough and would reach it before he could get there. This determined him to change his route, and to strike into the woods on his left, lest he should be intercepted at Fort Anne. Two New-England regiments of militia, Leonard’s and Well’s discovered such a plundering disposition on their march, and behaved so disorderly during the whole retreat, that two days after leaving Castleton be was obliged to dismiss them from the army with disgrace.[53] General Burgoyne confiding in Frazer’s abilities to conduct the pursuit of the Americans by land, turned has attention to the pursuit by water. The boom and the other obstructions of the navigation, not having been completed were soon cut through; so that the gun-boats, the Royal George and the Inflexible frigates had passed by nine o’clock in the morning. Several regiments embarked on board the vessels, and the pursuit was supported with such vigor, that by three in the afternoon, the foremost brigade of gun-boats were engaged with the enemy’s gallies near Skeensborough falls. Upon the approach of the frigates, opposition ceased, two of the gallies were taken, and the other three blown up. The Americans not being in sufficient force to make an effectual stand, set fire to the works, fort, mills and batteaux; and escaped as they could up Wood Creek to Fort Anne, where they were joined by others, ordered thither by gen. Scuyler, who lay at Fort Edward. On the day of the engagement at Hubbardton, the general was obliged to strip the men at the last fort, to send to the troops at the former; by which his own were left without lead for some days, except a mere trifle from Albany, obtained by stripping the windows. At this period he had not above seven hundred continentals, and not above twice the number of militia; and could not furnish small cannon sufficient for a couple of little schooners on Lake George. Lieut. col. Hill was detached by gen. Burgoyne from Skeensborough with the ninth regiment, to take post near Fort Anne, and watch the motions of the Americans. The next morning [July 8.] at half past ten, they attacked him in front, with a heavy and well-directed fire. A large body passed the creek on the left, and fired from a thick wood across the creek on the left flank of the regiment; they then began to recross the creek, and attack it in the rear. It took post on the top of a hill on the right to prevent being surrounded. No sooner had it taken post, than they made a vigorous attack, which continued for upward of two hours, and would certainly have carried their point, had it not been for some Indians, who arrived and gave the Indian war-whoop, which was answered by the regiment with three cheers, after which the Americans soon gave way.[54] They then fired the fort, and retreated to Fort Edward. The artillery lost by the evacuation of the northern posts, and taken or destroyed in the armed vessels at Skeensborough, was prodigious, amounting to no less than 128 pieces serviceable and unserviceable. The loss of flour, biscuit, pork and beef was also very considerable.

Gen. St. Clair joined gen. Scuyler at Fort Edward on the twelfth, after a fatiguing march, in which the army suffered much from bad weather and want of provisions. Three days after, their whole strengh did not exceed 4400 men, including militia. The day following the affair at Fort Anne, Scuyler ordered a brigade of militia to begin, as near the fort as possible, to fall trees; to take up the bridges, and burn the covering and timber; and to make the utmost obstructions. [July 16.] A continental brigade was directed to assist in destrying and completely stopping the roads. The same day gen. Scuyler took out of a canteen with a false bottom, a letter written by Mr. Levius to gen. Sullivan. Scuyler prepared an answer designedly worded so as to deceive and perplex Burgoyne; which he signed Canteen, communicated to several gentlemen, and then forwarded. The British general when it was received, could not tell what to make of it. He was puzzled for two or three days, and at a loss whether to proceed or retreat; the latter was so completely enigmatical.[55]

Happily for the Americans, the British general continued for several days, with the army partly at Skeensborough, and partly spread in the adjoining country, waiting the arrival of tents, baggage and provision. In which time no labor was spared in opening roads for advancing toward Scuyler, and in clearing Wood Creek of all impediments laid in the way, in order to open a passage for the batteaux. Like exertions were used at Ty, in carrying gun-boats, provision vessels and batteaux over land into Lake George. By reason of the route which the general took, he did not arrive at Hudson’s-River, and fix his head-quarters near Fort Edward, till the 30th of July. Fort Edward is no more than the ruins of a former fort, and of no consequence to any party. It could afford no cover to general Scuyler, and only gave a name to the place where it was situated. The general left it several days before Burgoyne gained its neighborhood. He gave this state of his army on the 27th, at Moses’ Creek, in an official letter—“It consists of about 2700 continental troops—of militia from the state of Connecticut—one major—one captain—two lieutenants—two ensigns—one adjutant—one quarter-master—six sergeants—one drummer—six sick—and three rank and file fit for duty—the rest, after remaining three or four days, deserted us—Of those from the county of Berkshire (in the Massachusetts) who consisted of upward of 1200, half of which were to have remained, somewhat more than 200 are left, the remainder having also deserted—Of colonel Mosely’s regiment, from the county of Hampshire (Massachusetts) about ten or twelve are left, the rest having deserted—Of colonel Porter’s regiment, of the county of Hampshire, about 200 left—Of the militia of the county of Albany, 1050 are left, being forty-six more than half of what were upon the ground when it was resolved to let half return to their habitations.” He added, “That torpor, criminal indifference and want of spirit which so generally prevails, is more dangerous than all the efforts of the enemy. Nor is that jealousy and spirit of detraction which so unhappily prevails, of small detriment to our cause.” The next day he wrote from Saratoga, twenty miles below Fort Edward and thirty-seven above Albany, “Every effort of the enemy would be in vain, if our exertions equalled our abilities, if our virtue was not sinking under that infamous venality which pervades throughout, and threatens us with ruin.”

The desertions above mentioned, were not to the enemy, but to their own homes; Scuyler was, for some reasons, a very unacceptable commander to the New-England militia. They were in general disgusted with, and would not serve under him. There were no desertions to the royal army worth noticing, which argues there were no lurking seeds of disaffection to the American cause.

Had the British commander returned immediately to Ty, and advanced from thence in the most expeditious manner, with a few light field-pieces, instead of suffering any delay, in order to his dragging along with him a heavy train of artillery, he might have been at Albany by the time he got to Hudson’s-River.[56] Your correspondent, the fifth of October, the last year, breakfasted with general Gates, at Ty; sailed in company up Lake George (about 35 miles long) with their horses in batteaux; landed, stayed a while, and reached Fort Edward (about 9 miles from Fort George) at night, a little after eight. From Ty to Lake George is rather more than two miles. The two small schooners on the lake, could have made no long resistance against a brigade of gun-boats. Fort George was well adapted to keep off Indians and small parties, but not to stop the royal army. The Americans there, instead of defending the fort or opposing the landing of the army, would undoubtedly have retreated to gen. Scuyler, at Fort Edward. The latter felt himself so weak, that by the first of August he drew back from Saratoga to Stillwater (25 miles north of Albany) from whence he wrote on the 4th, “We have not above 4000 continental troops; if men, one third of which are negros, boys and men too aged for the field, or indeed any other service, can be called troops. The states from whence these troops came, can determine why such boys, negroes and aged men were sent. A great part of the army took the field in a manner naked, without blankets, ill armed, and very deficient in accoutrements. Too many of our officers would be a disgrace to the most contemptible troops that were ever collected; and have so little sense of honor that cashiering them seems no punishment. They have stood by and suffered the most scandalous depredations to be committed on the poor, distressed, ruined and flying inhabitants.” He had also about fifteen hundred militia.

The evacuation of Tyconderoga and Mount Independence, surprised gen. Washington, and spread astonishment and terror through the New-England states. The general was led to believe that the garrison was much stronger. The Massachusetts general court were faulty in not having seasonably forwarded their quota of troops, agreeable to the requisition of congress. The apprehensions of the Massachusetts people were the greater, as their military friends with gen. Washington’s army, informed them that the expedition which Sir William Howe had undertaken, and for which he was embarking his troops from Staten-Island, was meant against Boston. But amid all the disasters which had happened, and the consequent terrors, no sort of disposition to comply with British propositions, appeared in any quarter. Notwithstanding the success that had attended the northern army, and the military storm that was gathering at Sandy-Hook, and no one state knowing where it would fall, yet each discovered a determination to remain independent. The American commander in chief received information that the common report among the sailors and soldiers was, that the fleet was going to the Delaware; but as Howe’s conduct was to him puzzling beyond measure, so were the informations he obtained. One time the ships were standing up toward the North-River. In a little while they were going up the Sound; and in an hour after, they were sailing out of the Hook. Before their sailing, a spirited adventure took place on the side of Rhode-Island, which not only fully retaliated the surprisal of general Lee, but procured an indemnification of his person. Lieutenant colonel Barton, of a militia regiment belonging to that state, with several other officers and volunteers, to the number of forty, passed by night [July 10.] from Warwick Neck to Rhode-Island, and though they had a passage of ten miles by water, eluded the watchfulness of the ships of war and guard-boats which surrounded the island. They conducted their enterprize with such silence and dexterity, that they surprised general Prescot in his quarters, about one mile from the water side, and five from Newport, and brought him, with one of his aids-de-camp, safe to the continent, which they had nearly reached before there was any alarm among the enemy. This adventure, which with impartial judges must outweigh col. Harcourt’s capture of gen. Lee, produced much exultation on the one side, and much regret on the other, from the influence it would necessarily have on Lee’s destination. But more than a month before, congress had received information that Lee was treated by gen. Howe with kindness, generosity and tenderness, which had led them to desire that col. Campbell and the five Hessian officers should be treated in a similar manner, consistent with the confinement and safe custody of their persons. They resolved, within a few days after hearing of Prescot’s being taken, that an elegant sword should be provided and presented to colonel Barton.

The British fleet and army which lay at Sandy-Hook, were destined for the reduction of Pennsylvania, particularly of Philadelphia, in pursuance of a plan which had been settled between Sir William Howe and lord George Germain; but did not sail till the 23d of July. The land force consisted of thirty-six British and Hessian battalions, including the light-infantry and grenadiers, with a powerful artillery, a New-York corps called the queen’s rangers, and a regiment of light-horse, estimated altogether, at about 16,000. The fleet consisted of 267 sail. General Washington, upon the fleet’s sailing, marched his army toward Pennsylvania, and halted it at Corriel’s ferry, Howel’s ferry, and Trenton. He wrote from Corriel’s ferry on the 30th——“Howe’s (in a manner) abandoning Burgoyne, is so unaccountable a matter, that till I am fully assured it is so, I cannot help casting my eyes continually behind me.” He mentioned his halting the army till the fleet should appear in the Delaware, and put the matter out of doubt; and that he had ordered gen. Sullivan’s division to halt at Morristown, that it might march southward or northward, upon the first advice of the enemy’s throwing any force up the North-River.

General Washington’s perplexity for some days, cannot be so well conceived of as by extracts from his own letters; read then, and judge for yourself. “July 31. The enemy’s fleet arrived at the Capes of Delaware yesterday, therefore order the two brigades thrown over the river, to march immediately.” “Chester, August 1. I had proceeded thus far to look out for a proper place to arrange the army, when I received the provoking account, that the enemy’s fleet left the Capes yesterday, and steered eastward. I shall return with the utmost expedition to the North-River; a sudden stroke is certainly intended by this manœuvre. Call in every man of the militia to strengthen the highland posts.” “August 1. The enemy’s fleet put to sea yesterday morning at eight o’clock, and were out of sight three hours when the express came away. It appears gen. Howe has been practising a deep feint to draw our whole force to this point. Counter-march your division, and proceed with all possible expedition to Peek’s-kill.” “August 3. The conduct of the enemy is difficult and distressing to be understood.” “August 11. On the seventh the enemy was off Sinepuxent Inlet, about 16 leagues to the southward of the Capes of Delaware, on which I have halted for further intelligence.” “August 22. The enemy’s fleet have entered Chesapeake. There is not now the least danger of Howe’s going to New-England; forward this account to governor Trumbull, to be by him sent on to the eastward.”

Sir William Howe, while off the Capes, received that information which led him to judge it most advisable to proceed to Chesapeake-Bay instead of going up the Delaware. Such information could not relate to the measures taken for rendering the navigation of the river impracticable. These measures were matters of so great notoriety, that he must have been strangely deficient in procuring intelligence, if he did not know them before he left the Hook. Beside, the obstructions in the river did not reach so low down as either Newcasle or Wilmington; as high as either of which places the fleet might have come with safety; and had he landed at the first of them, he would have been within 36 miles of Philadelphia, and fourteen miles nearer than the Head of Elk. The information most probably related to gen. Washington’s having marched the continental army within a certain distance of Philadelphia; and perhaps, to a prospect of his being joined by a number of disaffected Americans in the states of Maryland and Delaware, upon his going up the Chesapeak and landing in Maryland. Be that as it may, through unfavourable winds he did not enter the Chesapeak till the 16th of August; and the difficulty of the navigation made it the 25th, before the army landed at Elk ferry. One part advanced to the Head of Elk, the other continued at the landing place to protect and forward the artillery, stores and necessary provisions. The day Sir William entered the Chesapeak, he received from lord George Germain, a letter of May the 18th, wherein was given him the first intimation, that any support whatever would be expected from him in favor of the northern expedition under gen. Burgoyne, in words to this purpose—“I trust that whatever you may meditate, it will be executed in time to co-operate with the army ordered to proceed from Canada.” Gen. Washington upon advice of the British army’s having landed, marched toward the Brandywine river, with his troops, amounting in the whole to 11,000 present and fit for duty, including 1800 of the Pennsylvania militia. Gen. Greene attended with gen. Weedon, was sent to reconnoitre and find out an eligible spot for their encampment. He pitched upon one at the Cross Roads, near six miles distant from the royal army, which he judged suitable, as the Americans would there have an open country behind them, from whence they could draw assistance, and would have opportunities of skirmishing with the enemy before they were organized and provided with teams and horses, &c. for marching; and as Howe’s troops would be a long while cramped before they could get what was wanting in order to their proceeding. He wrote to the commander in chief, acquainting him with the spot he had chosen. But the information was received too late: a council of war had determined the same day it was transmitted, to take a position upon Red-Clay Neck, about half way between Wilmington and Christianna, alias Christeen, with their left upon Christeen-neck, and their right extending toward, Chad’s Ford. When the reason for it, that it would prevent the enemy’s passing on for Philadelphia, was assigned to gen. Greene, he maintained, that they would not think of Philadelphia, till they had beaten the American army; and upon his observing the position which had been taken, he condemned it as being greatly hazardous, and such as must be abandoned, should the enemy when organized advance toward them. The Americans however, spent much time and labour in strengthening the post.

Let us break off here to mention some of the congressional proceedings. In the beginning of June, they approved general Washington’s conduct as to the cartel for exchange of prisoners, and his reasoning upon the subject. The general had acquainted Sir William Howe, that he did “not hold himself bound either by the spirit of the agreement, or by the principles of justice, to account for those prisoners, who, from the rigor and severity of their treatment, were in so emaciated and languishing a state at the time they came out, as to render their death almost certain and inevitable, and which, in many instances, happened while they were returning to their homes, and in many others after their arrival.” He said to him “You must be sensible that our engagement, as well as all others of the kind, though in letter it expresses only an equality of rank and number, as the rule of exchange, yet it necessarily implies a regard to the general principles of mutual compensation and advantage. This is inherent in its nature, is the voice of reason, and no stipulation as to the condition in which prisoners should be returned, was requisite. Humanity dictated, that their treatment should be such as their health and comfort demanded. Nor is this the language of humanity alone—justice declares the same. The object of every cartel, or similar agreement, is the benefit of the prisoners themselves, and that of the contending powers—on this footing it equally exacts, that they should be well treated, as that they should be exchanged: the reverse is therefore an evident infraction, and ought to subject the party, on whom it is chargeable, to all the damages and ill consequences resulting from it.”[57]

[June 14.] Congress “resolved, That the flag of the Thirteen United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation.” [June 20.] “Resolved, That a corps of invalids be formed, consisting of eight companies, each company to have one captain, two lieutenants, two ensigns, five sergeants, six corporals, two drummers, two fifers and a hundred men. This corps to be employed in garrison and for guards in cities and other places, as also to serve as a military school for young gentlemen, previous to their being appointed to marching regiments.” Lewis Nicola, esq. was immediately after elected colonel of the said corps.

The inhabitants of the New-Hampshire grants having set up an independent government, presented a petition to congress, praying that they might be considered as a free and independent state, and that delegates from them might be admitted to seats in congress. [June 30.] Their petition was dismissed. But though it was dismissed, the petitioners have not dissolved their government, but are resolutely determined to continue a free and independent state.

[July 7.] Congress resumed the consideration of certain letters from generals Sullivan, Greene and Knox, all dated the first of July; whereupon congress came to the following unanimous resolution: “That the president transmit to gen. Washington copies of the letters from generals Sullivan, Greene and Knox to congress, with directions to him to let those officers know that congress consider the said letters as an attempt to influence their decisions, an invasion of the liberties of the people, and indicating a want of confidence in the justice of congress; that it is expected by congress, the said officers will make proper acknowledgments for an interference of so dangerous a tendency; but if any of those officers are unwilling to serve their country under the authority of congress, they shall be at liberty to resign their commissions and retire.” Their letters are supposed to have related to the affair of Monsieur du Coudray and other French officers, which will be immediately mentioned; and to have contained an intimation, that placing any of these over their heads would be preventive of their serving their country longer. If they have made any acknowledgments to congress, the same have been printed in the journals, or have hitherto escaped my search.

About the latter end of April, the Amphitrite arrived at Portsmouth from France, with military stores, intrenching tools, &c.—By the same or a similar opportunity, Mous. du Coudray, and several more officers, came over with a view of serving in the American army, upon terms agreed between them and Mr. Deane. Mr. Deane contracted with du Coudray for half a hundred officers. Coudray was to be commander in chief of the artillery and engineers; to have the rank of major-general; to precede some others by express stipulation and all by the preeminence usual to artillery. He was to be under no order but of congress and general Washington; to have the pay of a major-general in a separate department; and to be pensioned for life. Congress was embarrassed. There was no establishing of such an agreement without offering an insult to their own American officers of the first rank, and obliging them (in honor) to quit the service, unless they would ever after be esteemed the spiritless tools of congress. On the 11th of July, a committee of the whole resolved, “That Mr. Silas Deane had not any powers or authority from congress to make the treaty with Mr. du Coudray, and the other French gentlemen therein mentioned, and therefore that congress are not by any means bound to fulfil the terms thereof.” Mr. Deane’s instructions was to engage engineers _not exceeding_ four. The next day it was resolved, “That it is the opinion of this committee, that the said agreement is inconsistent with the interest, honor and safety of these United States. This report being made, was smothered out of tenderness, and laid on the table, that a trial might be made to quiet the military ambition of du Coudray. They therefore on the 15th, “resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to confer with Mons. du Coudray; that they inform him, congress cannot comply with the agreement he has entered into with Mr. Deane; but sensible of the services he has rendered these states, and having a favourable opinion of his merits and abilities, they will cheerfully give him such rank and appointments as shall _not_ be inconsistent with the honor and safety of these states, or interfere with the great duties they owe to their constituents.” They afterward ordered money to be advanced to him, for the support of himself and the gentlemen who came with him from France; and on the 11th of August appointed him inspector general of ordnance and military manufactories, with the rank of major-general.

[July 31.] “Whereas the marquis de la Fayette, out of his great zeal to the cause of liberty, in which the United States are engaged, has left his family and connections, and at his own expence come over to offer his service to the United States without pension or particular allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in our cause:—Resolved, That his service be accepted, and that in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he have the rank and commision of major-general in the army of the United States.”

The proceedings of congress must be suspended, till some account has been given of this noble phænomenon.

In 1776, the marquis at the age of nineteen, espoused the cause of the Americans, and determined upon joining them in person. He communicated his intention to the American commissioners at Paris, who failed not to encourage it, justly concluding that the eclat of his departure would be serviceable to their cause. Events however immediately occurred, which would have deterred from this undertaking a person less determined than the marquis. News arrived in France, that the remnant of the American army, reduced to 2000 insurgents as they were called, had fled toward Philadelphia through the Jerseys, before an army of 30,000 regulars. This news so effectually extinguished the little credit which America had in Europe, that their commissioners could not procure a vessel to forward this nobleman’s project. Under these circumstances they thought it but honest to discourage his prosecuting the enterprize, till a change in affairs should render it less hazardous or more promising. It was in vain however that they acted so candid a part. The flame which the American sons of liberty had kindled in his breast, could not be interrupted by their misfortunes. “Hitherto (said he, in the true spirit of heroism) I have only cherished your cause; now I am going to serve it. The lower it is in the opinion of the people, the greater effect my departure will have; and since you cannot get a vessel, I shall purchase and fit out one to carry your dispatches to congress, and me to America.” He accordingly fitted out a vessel, and in the mean while made a visit to Great-Britain, that the part he was going to act might be rendered the more conspicuous.

A step so extraordinary, a patron of so much importance, did not fail to engage universal attention. The French court, whatever were their good wishes toward America, could not at that time overlook his elopement. He was overtaken by an order forbidding his proceeding to America, and vessels were dispatched to the West-Indies, to have him confined in case he was found in that quarter. He acknowledged the receipt of the order, but did not obey it; and keeping clear of the West-Indies, arrived in Charleston. Congress could not hesitate a moment about paying a due attention to so remarkable a character, when intelligence of the same was communicated. The marquis had left a pregnant consort, and the most endearing connections. Independent of the risks he has now subjected himself to, in common with the leaders of the American revolution, he has exposed himself to the loss of every thing at home, in consequence of the laws of France, after hazarding a long confinement without the chance of being acknowledged by any nation, had he fallen into British hands on his passage to America.

He received the congress’s mark of approbation with great condescension; and yet not without exacting two conditions, which displayed the dignity of his spirit—the one, that he should be permitted to serve at his own expence—the other, that he should begin his services as a volunteer. After joining the army, he lived with the commander in chief, and was happy in his friendship and affection.

Now to resume the narration of what was done in the great council of the United States.

Congress directed general Washington to order such general officer as he should think proper, to repair immediately to the northern department, to relieve general Scuyler in his command there; but upon his wishing to be excused, they resolved, [August 4.] to proceed to the election of one; when the ballots being taken, it appeared that general Gates was elected by the vote of eleven states.

Congress having made new regulations in the department of the commissary-general of purchases, Mr. Joseph Trumbull resigned his commission, and signified his intention of discontinuing his service on the 20th of the month. [August 6.] They upon that “resolved, That Mr. Trumbull, with the officers under him, be desired to continue in the business of supplying the army, under the former establishment, until the commissaries-general of purchases and issues shall signify their readiness to proceed therein under the new regulations.”

To what influence Mr. Trumbull imputed the regulations that occasioned his resignation, and what was his opinion as to the manner of conducting business in congress, may be gathered from a letter of his, wherein he wrote, on the first of September, “I have quitted the commissary department. The regulations which are the ground on which I have quitted, were formed by the junto. Is it known in your state (the Massachusetts) that the president is with the Yorkers and southern Bashaws; that if he wants any thing moved, his brother delegates are not applied to, but the motion comes from Duane, or some other person of no better character; and that there is no harmony between him and his brethren?”

[August 23.] “Resolved, that the president inform general Washington, that congress never intended by any commission hitherto granted by them, or by the establishment of any department whatever, to supersede or circumscribe the power of general Washington, as the commander in chief of all the continental land forces within the United States.”

The British troops stationed on Staten-Island were often making incursions into the Jerseys, and carrying off inhabitants, cattle, &c. This induced gen. Sullivan to settle a plan with col. Ogden, for attacking the island. The latter had, properly speaking, a separate command, but agreed to join the general in the expedition. The general was to go from Elizabeth-Town point; and the col. with his own and col. Dayton’s regiment, joined by a hundred militia, were to cross from another spot, to pass up Fresh-kill creek, and to come to the rear of col. Lawrence, who was encamped near the ferry with about 150 men, whom he was to attack by day-break. The general selected from the brigades of generals Smallwood and De Borre, such men as were best able to endure the march, amounting to near 1000. These he ordered to march at two o’clock in the afternoon from Hanover to Elizabeth-Town, about 16 miles, where they arrived in the evening. On the 22d of August they crossed over before day-light. The colonel proceeded to execute the part of the plan alotted him. It had been settled that the general should send two regiments to the neck of land separating the quarter where the col. was to begin his attack from the rest of the island, by their possessing of which the retreat of the enemy would be cut off, and a surrender necessarily follow. When the col. had succeeded in the commencement of his operations, and saw numbers flying to the neck, he expected they would have been stopt there; but was surprised at observing the contrary, and that the occupancy of the ground had not taken place. Unhappily the general, upon landing, instead of keeping to the plan proposed, marched seven miles toward the forts, which occasioned a loss of time, and increased the fatigue of the troops, many of whom had marched near upon twenty miles to the place where they crossed. Their fatigue occasioned several dropping behind, and being picked up by the enemy. The colonel having captured 130 privates and some officers, and having taken a king’s shallop, put them on board and sent them off to Elizabeth-Town. The person who had the care of them, being but an indifferent hand, though the best that could be spared, was not sufficiently attentive to circumstances, so that the boats which were to have attended general Sullivan’s motions, and which had transported his division, rowed off, the boatmen concluding from the regimentals of the prisoners upon deck and other appearances, that the king’s shallop was in pursuit of them. The troops of that division destroyed some stores, burnt a magazine of hay and seven vessels, and did other damage; but the grand design of the expedition failed by the general’s varying from the plan concerted between him and the colonel. When the general was advancing toward the ground occupied by the latter, no horsemen were sent forward to reconnoitre or to inform the colonel of the general’s approach, so that Ogden was at a loss for some time whether it was a friend or an enemy that was marching up to him. When the general joined him, though the boats which were to have attended Sullivan were wanting, and the deficiency in number of those present, made dispatch in transporting the troops absolutely necessary, the general used no expedition in getting them over, but loitered away the precious time that should have been improved to the utmost, so that the misfortune of the day was increased. The rear-guard, consisting of a hundred men, could not get off before the enemy appeared in force to attack them. They were commanded by majors Steward and Tillard, and took post on an eminence, where they defended themselves bravely for a while, and then retreated to another eminence, and so to a third. They maintained their ground with great valor, till their ammunition was all spent, when a number or them, who could not possibly get off, surrendered prisoners of war. The Americans lost in the course of the day, in killed, wounded and prisoners, about 200. The killed, wounded and prisoners on the other side, might be nearly the same. General Sullivan captured eight and twenty tories, and col. or capt. Barton, who was too unwieldy to run off with his comrades. He joined to them the other prisoners, and sent the whole to Philadelphia in triumph. While upon the expedition, the gen. gained possession of some records and papers belonging to the Quakers, which, with a letter, were forwarded to congress, and referred to a committee. On the 28th of August, the committee reported, “That the several testimonies which have been published since the commencement of the present contest betwixt Great-Britain and America, and the uniform tenor of the conduct and conversation of a number of persons of considerable wealth, who profess themselves to belong to the society of people commonly called Quakers, render it certain and notorious, that those persons are with much rancor and bitterness disaffected to the American cause; that as these persons will have it in their power, so there is no doubt it will be their inclination, to communicate intelligence to the enemy, and in various other ways to injure the counsels and arms of America; that when the enemy, in the month of December, 1776, were bending their progress toward the city of Philadelphia, a certain seditious publication, addressed “To our friends and brethren in religious profession, in these and the adjacent provinces, signed John Pemberton, in and on behalf of the meeting of sufferings, held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, the twenty-sixth of the twelfth month, 1776,” was published, and as your committee is credibly informed, circulated amongst many members of the society called Quakers, throughout the different states; that as the seditious paper aforesaid, originated in the city of Philadelphia, and as the persons whose names are undermentioned, have uniformly manifested a disposition highly inimical to the cause of America, therefore—Resolved, That it be earnestly recommended to the supreme executive council of the state of Pennsylvania, forthwith to apprehend and secure the persons of Joshua Fisher, Abel James, James Pemberton, Henry Drinker, Israel Pemberton, John Pemberton, John James, Samuel Pleasants, Thomas Wharton, sen. Thomas Fisher, son of Joshua and Samuel Fisher, son of Joshua, together with all such papers in their possession, as may be of a political nature.”

“And whereas there is strong reason to apprehend that these persons maintain a correspondence and connection highly prejudicial to the public safety, not only in this state, but in the several states of America—Resolved, That it be recommended to the executive powers of the respective states, forthwith to apprehend and secure all persons, as well among the people called Quakers as others, who have in their general conduct and conversation evidenced a disposition inimical to the cause of America; and that the persons so seized, be confined in such places and treated in such manner, as shall be consistent with their respective characters and security of their persons; that the records and papers of the meetings of sufferings in the respective states, be forthwith secured and carefully examined, and that such parts of them as may be of a political nature, be forthwith transmitted to congress. The said report being read, and the several paragraphs considered and debated, and the question put severally thereon, the same was agreed to.” “Ordered, That the board of war remove under guard, to a place of security out of the state of Pennsylvania, the hon. John Penn, esq. and Benjamin Chew, esq. and that they give orders for having them safely secured, and entertained agreeable to their rank and station in life.”

A number of Quakers beside those mentioned, together with several persons of a different denomination, were taken up by the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, concerning whom congress resolved on the 8th of September, “That it be recommended to the said council, to order the immediate departure of such of the said prisoners as refuse to swear or affirm allegiance to the state of Pennsylvania, to Stanton, in (Augusta county) Virginia.”

Eight days before, on the last of August, a member of congress, writing upon public affairs, thus expressed himself, “The frauds, the peculations, the profusion, which have done us more injury than the whole force of our foreign enemies, have been chiefly owing to the want of government and the want of discipline. Howe has planned his operations in such a manner as to give us a vast advantage both of him and Burgoyne.”

Reports prejudicial to gen. Sullivan were circulated, upon which congress resolved, on the first of the month, “That gen. Washington be directed to appoint a court of enquiry on the late expedition by gen. Sullivan, against the British forces on Staten-Island.” The statement of the particulars enquired into, was so formed that he obtained an honorable acquittal, such as was highly pleasing to congress; but had major Joseph Bloomfield been enough recovered of his wound to have attended the court, he would scarce have escaped so well.

Let us resume the transactions of Sir W. Howe and gen. Washington. Sir William was so distressed for want of horses (numbers having died on their passage) and of other necessaries to aid his march, that it was not till the third of September that the royal army moved forward. On its advancing near to the Americans, these abandoned their ground, perceiving that it would not answer their first expectation; crossed the Brandywine at Chad’s Ford, and took possession of the heights on the east side of it, with an evident intention of disputing the passage of the river. Upon an apprehension that the royal forces would attempt crossing at Chad’s Ford, gen. Washington posted his main strength at that point; and gen. Maxwell with about 1000 light troops, was sent over to possess himself of the opposite height; and in the night of the 10th, they formed a slight breast-work with limbs of trees.

[Sept. 11.] By day-break the next morning, the British army advances in two columns; the right under the command of gen. Knyphausen, which marches directly for Chad’s Ford. A party is moved on to dislodge Maxwell, which he repulses; they are reinforced, and come on a second time without succeeding. On this a strong detachment is sent round a piece of woods to come upon his flank, while the other attack him anew in front. Perceiving this movement, he retreats across the river with a trifling loss. Gen. Knyphausen keeps up a cannonade, and an appearance of forcing the ford, till he shall hear that the left column has attacked the Americans, and then he means to attempt it. This second column, under the command of lord Cornwallis, generals Grey, Matthews and Agnew, marches for the forks of the Brandywine. The movement is early observed. Gen. Sullivan writes to the commander in chief, that it is clearly his opinion, that the enemy will come round on their right flank. He sends him two messengers in the forenoon confirming the same. Lient. col. James Ross forwards, at eleven o’clock, from Great-Valley road, this intelligence—“A large body of the enemy, from every account five thousand, with sixteen or eighteen field-pieces, marched along this road just now. Their front must be now at the ford; we are close in their rear, with about seventy men. I believe general Howe is with this party, as Joseph Galloway was here known by the inhabitants, with many of whom he spoke, and told them that general Howe was with him.” Other accounts corroborating the movement of the second column toward the forks, gen. Washington settles it with gen. Greene, that he shall cross with his division, at the lower ford, and attack gen. Knyphausen. He at the same time sends word to Sullivan to cross the Brandywine with his, and fall upon the enemy’s left, while the army crosses below to attack their right. The commander in chief hopes, by defeating Knyphausen, to secure those advantages which will outweigh any that gen. Howe may gain by forcing the troops opposed to his left column, to retreat. Sullivan is preparing to execute Washington’s order, when major Spears comes up and tells him that there is not the least appearance of the enemy in that quarter; which is confirmed by a sergeant Tucker, of the light-horse, sent out purposely to make discoveries. Sullivan conceives it to be his duty to convey Spears’s information to the commander in chief. This unfortunate intelligence deranges the disposition that has been determined on in consequence of prior information; so that general Greene, who has crossed with his advanced-guard, is recalled. Mean while the second or left column of the British army cross the forks of the Brandywine, the first branch at Trimble’s Ford and the second at Jeffery’s Ford, about two o’clock in the afternoon, taking from thence the road to Dilworth’s, in order to turn the right of the Americans, consisting of three divisions, general Sullivan’s, lord Stirling’s and another officer’s. The British form and advance in order of battle. Sullivan, upon information of what has taken place, marches to reinforce the two other divisions nearest the British. He takes rather too large a circuit, and is so late upon the ground as to exclude all possibility of making a perfect disposition. Before he has time to ride from one end of the line to the other, he is suddenly attacked by numbers unknown to him, and upon ground that he never saw before; so that his troops are thrown into confusion, and retreat with the utmost precipitation. This happens between four and five in the afternoon. Generals Washington and Greene being together, and hearing the firing, conclude that Sullivan is attacked. Greene immediately hastens his first brigade, commanded by gen. Weedon, toward the scene of action with such uncommon expedition, that in forty and two minutes it advances near four miles. The second brigade is ordered by Washington to march a different route, as it cannot be up in time for service. General Knyphausen, finding that the parties on his left are deeply engaged, crosses at Chad’s Ford, attacks the division under gen. Wayne and the light troops under Maxwell, obliges them to retire after a severe conflict, and possesses himself of the entrenchment, battery and cannon which were meant for its defence. Greene, as he approaches the scene of action, perceives that Sullivan’s defeat is a perfect route. A council of war was held upon the field, and it is agreed that Greene’s brigade should cover the retreat of the flying troops. Greene keeps firing his field-pieces in the rear as he retreats, and continues retreating half a mile, till he comes to a narrow pass, well secured on the right and left by woods. Here he draws up his force, consisting of the Virginia troops and a regiment or Pennsylvanians, commanded by col. Stewart, and sends his artillery on, that it may be safe in case of his being under the necessity of making an hasty retreat. A warm engagement commences, which lasts from the sun’s being three-quarters of an hour high till dark. The tenth Virginia regiment, commanded by col. Stephens, supports the attack of the British cannonade and musketry for fifteen minutes, though they have never before been engaged. The whole brigade exhibits such a degree of order, firmness and resolution, and preserves such a countenance in extremely sharp service, as would not discredit veterans. Wayne and the North-Carolinians, with the artillery and light troops, after their defeat by Knyphausen, pass the rear of it in their retreat. At dark, that also is withdrawn by gen. Greene; the extreme fatigue of the royal troops, together with the lateness and darkness of the evening, prevents its being pursued.

A few hours more of day-light might have so animated the conquerors, notwithstanding all their fatigue, as to have produced those exertions which would have been productive of a total and ruinous defeat to the Americans. Gen. Greene is apprehensive that they lost in killed, wounded and prisoners, twelve or thirteen hundred; and that the royal army did not suffer, on their part, short of seven or eight hundred in killed and wounded. The Americans lost also ten small field-pieces and a howitzer, of which all but one were brass.

A great number of French officers were in the action. The baron de St. Ouary, serving as a volunteer, was taken. The congress will undoubtedly do all they can to obtain his release. Policy will oblige them to it, no less than a regard to his rank and merit in the French army. The marquis de la Fayette gave the first proof of his military character in this engagement, and was wounded in the leg on the spot where the effort of the enemy was greatest. The wound hower did not force him from the field, where he continued his endeavors to rally the Americans, as well by his words as example. Count Pulaski, a Polish nobleman, with a party of light-horse, rode up to reconnoitre the enemy, within pistol shot of their front; and on the fourth day after the action, was elected by congress a commander of the horse, with the rank of brigadier. Captain Louis de Fleury’s horse was killed under him. He showed much courage, and was so useful in rallying the troops, that congress, within two days, ordered him to be presented with another horse, as a testimonial of the sense they had of his merit. Considering that general Washington had to fight the British army with an inferior number of raw troops, and how the attack upon him was circumstanced, through the false intelligence he received, he may be thought to have suffered less than could have been expected. He discovered a true magnanimity of mind, in that (though he attributed the misfortunes of the day principally to the information of major Spears) he never blamed general Sullivan for conveying it, but declared that he should have thought him culpable had it been concealed. He retreated after the action to Chester, and the next day to Philadelphia.

The evening after the battle, a party of British was sent to Wilmington, who took the governor of the Delaware state, Mr. M’Kinley, out of his bed, and possessed themselves of a shallop lying in the creek, loaded with the rich effects of some of the inhabitants, together with the public records of the county, a large quantity of public and private money, all the papers and certificates belonging to the loan-office and treasury-office there, articles of plate, &c.

General Greene has been rather dissatisfied with gen. Washington’s omitting to take special notice of Weedon’s brigade in general orders, for its bravery. But the commander in chief, considering that there was a prevailing apprehension that Greene was his favorite, and that the Virginians were his own state troops, declined it, that so he might not excite a disagreeable jealousy, and give offence to the troops of other states.

[Sept. 15.] A letter from Mons. du Coudray to Mr. Chase, was laid before congress and read, “wherein he requests for himself and sundry gentlemen who accompanied him to this country from France, to have an opportunity of fighting in the American army without running the risk of not being subjects of exchange, should they by the fortune of war be made prisoners; mentions that any rank which congress may think proper to give him and them, will be acceptable; and asks for him only the rank of captain, for the commissioned officers who accompanied him, the rank of lieutenants, and for the non-commissioned, the rank of ensigns; whereupon it was resolved, that his request be complied with, and that commissions be made out accordingly.”

The same day gen. Washington left Philadelphia, and re-crossed the Schuylkill, with a firm intent of giving Sir. W. Howe battle wherever he could meet him; he accordingly by the next day had advanced as far as the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road. Mons. du Coudray, with a number of French gentlemen, set off to join the army as volunteers [Sept. 16.] about twelve o’clock. He rode a young mare, full of spirits, into the flat-bottomed boat used for ferrying across the Schuylkill, and not being able to stop her career, she went out at the other end into the river, with her rider on her back. Coudray disengaged himself from her, but was drowned, notwithstanding all the attempts made to save him.