Chapter XIX: Letter VIII: Roxbury, October 30, 1777 (1)

Be not surprised at reading that there is in the United States, one enemy more formidable than famine, pestilence and the sword—a prevailing corruption in American hearts, a depravity more incompatible with their republican governments than darkness with light. Such languor and supineness reigns every where, that they seem unable to effect any point, though ever so important and interesting. In the military department, it looks as if all public spirit was sunk into the means of making money by the service, or quarrelling upon the most trivial points of rank. Did you know the pullings and haulings, the jealousies and emulations of the military and other gentlemen, which come before congress, you would be greatly confirmed in your ideas of the sameness of human nature in Britain, here, and every where.

[April 8.] Congress concluded upon the erection of a monument to the memory of gen. Warren, in the town of Boston; and another to the memory of gen. Mercer, in Fredericksburgh in Virginia; and that the eldest son of gen. Warren, and the youngest son of gen. Mercer, be educated from henceforward at the expence of the United States. They conveyed in a few words the highest eulogium on the characters and merits of the deceased. As Mercer had a good landed estate, the propriety of adopting his youngest as the child of the public was obvious.—Through inattention, gen. Warren, who fell on Breed’s Hill, had not been properly noted when congress passed their resolve respecting gen. Montgomery the prososal for paying due respect to the memory of Mercer, led to the like in regard to Warren.

But to advert to military operations. Gen. Lincoln was posted with only 500 men fit for duty at Boundbrook, to guard an extent of five or six miles, which occasioned their flanks being exposed. Lord Cornwallis formed the design of attacking this post, and chose the morning of the 13th for his execution. The plan was exceedingly well laid, and nearly as well executed.—Gen. Lincoln had expected a manœuvre of this kind, and been particularly cautious against a surprise. The enemy however, through the neglect of the patroles, crossed the Rariton just above the general’s quarters, undiscovered till they had advanced within 200 yards of him. At the head of this party, consisting of about 1000 men, were generals Cornwallis and Grant. About 1000 were advanced up each side of the Rariton to Boundbrook, to attack the Americans in front, where the action began nearly at the same time the others were surrounding Lincoln’s quarters.—This happened between day break and sun rise. The general and one of his aids had just time to mount and leave the house before it was surrounded. The other aid, with the general’s papers and their bagage, fell into the hands of the enemy. The artillery consisting of one six pounder, and two three pounders, were also taken. Gen. Lincoln went immediately to give directions to those engaged in front;—while lord Cornwallis flung a party into the rear of the right of the Americans. Another party, from their reserve body of about 2000, was flung over Boundbrook in the rear of the left, with the design of encircling the Americans and preventing their retiring to the neighbouring mountain. Lincoln was hereby reduced to the necessity of being either imprisoned with the whole party in front, or of passing between the two columns of the enemy, which had nearly closed. But he effected his passage with the small lass of not more than 60 killed, wounded and taken.—The enemy soon evacuated the place after destroying twenty barrels of flour, a few casks of rum, and some other articles.

Congress are well assured that Sir William Howe had the last year instructions from ministry, to secure the North-River, and thereby to separate the northern from the southern states.—The general’s successes carried him into the Jerseys, and led him to believe that the business with the Americans was at a close, so that the North-River was neglected. Under a persuasion that Philadelphia was the object this year, congress resolved upon forming a camp immediately on the western side of the Delaware.

[April 15.] The following prudential act was passed——“Whereas the continental battalions are all on footing, liable to the same kind of services, and entitled to equal privileges; Resolved, That the appellations—congress’s own regiment—gen. Whashington’s life guards, &c. given to some of them, are improper and ought not to be kept up; and the officers of the said battalions are required to take notice hereof, and to conform themselves accordingly.”

[April 17.] “Resolved, that the stile of the committee of secret correspondence be altered, and that for the future it be stiled—the committee of foreign affairs; that a secretary be appointed to the said committee. Congress proceeded to the election of the said secretary, and the ballots being taken, Thomas Paine was elected,”—the author of _Common Sense_.

“The committee appointed to inquire into the conduct of the enemy, reported [April 18.]

“That in every place where the enemy has been, there are heavy complaints of oppressions, injury and insults suffered by the inhabitants from officers, soldiers and Americans disaffected to their country’s cause. The committee found these complaints so greatly diversified, that it was impossible to enumerate them, so it appeared difficult to give a distinct and comprehensive view of them, or such an account as would not if published, appear extremely defective, when read by the unhappy sufferers or the country in general.”

“In order however, in some degree, to answer the design of their appointment, they determined to divide the object of their inquiry into four parts—First, the wanton and oppressive devastation of the country and destruction of property.—Second, the inhuman treatment of those who were so unhappy as to become prisoners.—Third, the savage butchery of many who had submitted or were incapable of resistance.——Fourth, the lust and brutality of the soldiers in the abusing of women.”

“They will therefore now briefly state what they found to be the truth upon each of these heads separately, and subjoin to the whole, affidavits and other evidence to support their assertions.”

“1. The wanton and oppressive devastation of the country and destruction of property.”

“The whole track of the British army is marked with desolation and a wanton distruction of property, particularly through West-Chester county in the state of New-York; the towns of Newark, Elizabeth-town, Woodbridge, Brunswick, Kingston, Princeton and Trenton, in New-Jersey. The fences destroyed, the houses deserted, pulled in pieces or consumed by fire, and the general face of waste and devastation spread over a rich and once well cultivated and well inhabited country, would effect the most unfeeling with melancholy or compassion for the unhappy sufferers, and with indignation and resentment against the barbarous ravagers. It deserves notice, that though there are many instances of rage and vengeance against particular persons, yet the destruction was very general and often undistinguished: those who submitted and took protections, and some were known to favor them, having frequently suffered in the common ruin. Places and things, which from their public nature and general utility, should have been spared by a civilized people, have been destroyed, or plundered, or both. But above all, places of worship, ministers and religious persons of some particular protestant denominations, seem to have been treated with the most rancorous hatred, and at the same time with the highest contempt.”

“2. The inhuman treatment of those who were so unhappy as to become prisoners.”

“The prisoners, instead of that humane treatment which those who were taken by the United States experienced, were in general treated with the greatest barbarity. Many of them were near four days kept without food altogether. When they received a supply, it was both insufficient in point of quantity, and often of the worst kind. They suffered the utmost distress from cold, nakedness and close confinement. Freemen and men of substance, suffered all that a generous mind could suffer, from the contempt and mockery of British and foreign mercenaries. Multitudes died in prison; and when others were sent out, several died in the boats while carrying ashore, or upon the road attempting to go home. The committee, in the course of their enquiry, learned, that sometimes the common soldiers expressed sympathy with the prisoners, and the foreigners more than the English. But this was seldom or never the case with the officers; nor have they been able to hear of any charitable assitance given them by the inhabitants who remained in, or resorted to the city of New-York; which neglect, if universal, they believe was never known to happen in any similar case, in a christian country.”

“3. The savage butchery of those who had submitted and were incapable of resistance.”

“The committee found it to be the general opinion of the people in the neighborhood of Princeton and Trenton, that the enemy, the day before the battle of Princeton, had determined to give no quarter. They did not however, obtain any clear proof that there were any general orders for that purpose; but the treatment of several particular persons at and since that time, has been of the most shocking kind, and gives too much countenance to the supposition. Officers wounded and disabled, some of them of the first rank, were barbarously mangled or put to death. A minister of the gospel in Trenton, who neither was nor had been in arms, was massacred in cold blood, though humbly supplicating for mercy.”—[Mr. Roseburgh, of the Forks of Delaware.]

“4. The lust and brutality of the soldiers in the abusing of women.”

“The committee had authentic information of many instances of the most indecent treatment, and actual ravishment of married and single women; but such is the nature of that most irreparable injury, that the persons suffering it, and their relations, though perfectly innocent, look upon it as a kind of reproach to have the facts related, and their names known. They have however, procured some affidavits, which will be published in the appendix. The originals are lodged with the secretary of congress.”

“Some complaints were made to the commanding officers upon the subject, and one affidavit made before a justice of peace; but the committee could not learn that any satisfaction was ever given or punishment inflicted, except that one soldier, at Pennington, was kept in custody for part of a day.”

“On the whole, the committee are sorry to say, that the cry of barbarity and cruelty is but too well founded; those who are cool to the American cause, have nothing to oppose to the facts, but their being incredible, and not like what they are pleased to stile the generosity and clemency of the English nation. The committee beg leave to observe, that one of the circumstances most frequently occurring in the enquiry, was the opprobious, disdainful names given to the Americans; these do not need any proof, as they occur so frequently in the news-papers printed under their direction, and in the intercepted letters of those who are officers, and call themselves gentlemen. It is easy therefore to see what must be the conduct of a soldiery greedy of prey, toward a people whom they have been taught to look upon, not as freemen defending their rights on principle, but as desperadoes and profligates, who have risen up against law and order in general, and wish the subversion of the society itself.”

“This is the most candid and charitable manner in which the committee can account for the melancholy truths which they have been obliged to report. Indeed the same deluding principles seems to govern persons and bodies of the highest rank in Britain; for it is worthy of notice, that not pamphleteers only, but king and parliament, constantly call those acts lenity, which on their first publication filled this whole continent with resentment and horror.”

“Resolved, That the said report be accepted, and that the committee who brought it in, publish the same, with the affidavits.”

The royalists, or tories as they are generally called, in the Maryland counties of Somerset and Worcester, became so formidable that an insurrection was dreaded; and it was feared that the insurgents would in such case be joined by a number of disaffected persons in the county of Sussex, in the Delaware state. Congress, to prevent the evil [April 20.] recommended the apprehension and removal of all persons of influence or of desperate characters, within the counties of Sussex, Worcester and Somerset, who manifested a disaffection to the American cause, to some remote place within their respective states, there to be secured; and authorised the governor of Maryland to detain the weakest continental battalion till further orders.

From appearances, the friends of America had reason to believe, that the tories in the New-England governments and New-York state, had also concerted an insurrection. [April 23.] General Gates, who had been sent to command in the northern department, wrote to general Fellows—“The committee of Albany, alarmed at the amazing increase and plots of the tories in this and the Mohawk’s country, have desired me to apply to you and the committee of Berkshire, to send immediately a strong reinforcement of militia, not less than a complete regiment, to secure this place (Albany) and the magazines at different posts between Albany and Lake George.”

Sir William Howe having obtained intelligence that the Americans had deposited large quantities of stores and provisions in Danbury and the neighborhood, ordered an expedition to be undertaken for the destruction of them, under the command of gov. Tryon, who had accepted of the rank of major-general of the provincials, and aspired after a military character. Sir William very prudently appointed gen. Agnew and Sir William Erskine to accompany him upon the service. A detachment of about 2000 men passed through the Sound, under the convoy of a proper naval armament, and landing between Fairfield and Norwalk, a little before sun-set, advanced without interruption, and arrived the following day [April 26.] a little after one in the afternoon, at Danbury, about 23 miles distant. The handful of continentals there, was obliged to evacuate the town, having previously secured a small part of the stores, provisions, &c. The enemy, on their arrival, began burning and destroying the remainder, together with 18 houses, their furniture, linen, &c. which were judged from circumstances, to have been singled out for that purpose. In one they killed two elderly men and a negro, and then burnt them with the house. Not one of the tory houses was damaged. They destroyed at Danbury 1800 barrels of pork and beef, 700 barrels of flour, 2000 bushels of wheat, rye, oats and Indian corn, clothing for a whole regiment, and 1790 tents, which, through their scarcity, were a great loss to the Americans. To these must be added about 100 barrels of flour and 100 hogsheads of rum, which met with the same fate upon the road by which they returned; these are the main articles that were destroyed. The burning of the houses appears to have been unnecessary, and wholly the effect of malevolence.

On the first approach of the British armament, the country was alarmed; and early the next morning, gen. Silliman, with about 500 militia (all that had then collected) pursued the enemy. He was joined on his way by generals Wooster and Arnold, and a few more militia. A heavy rain so retarded their march, that they did not reach Bethel (a village two miles from Danbury) till eleven at night. An attack on the British was postponed till they should be upon their return. On the 27th in the morning, the royal troops quitted Danbury. The Americans were early in motion. Two hundred remained with gen. Wooster; and about 400 were detached under generals Arnold and Silliman. About nine o’clock gen. Wooster was informed that the enemy had taken the road to Norwalk, on which he pursued them; came up with, and harassed their rear, and took 40 prisoners, but was mortally wounded. General Arnold, by a forced march across the country, reached Ridgfield at eleven; made a barricade on a rising ground across the road; posted his small party of 500 men (100 having joined him) so as to have his right flank covered by a house and barn, and his left by a ledge of rocks; and thus waited the approach of the enemy, who, upon discovering the Americans, drew up and advanced in a heavy column, extending themselves in order to outflank and surround them. They marched up, and received several fires, which they returned briskly. For ten minutes the action was very warm, till they had made a lodgment on the rock, when a retreat was ordered. After gaining the rock, they levelled a whole platoon at gen. Arnold, within 30 yards, and yet but one shot had effect, and that killed his horse. He had presence of mind to take his pistols, and got safe off by shooting a soldier dead who was advancing hastily to run him through with his bayonet. The Americans continued to keep up a scattering fire for the remaining part of the day. The British halted all night at Ridgfield, and in the morning attempted to burn the church, in which was a considerable quantity of pork and wheat, but the fire was extinguished without having done any material damage. They however fired four private houses, which were consumed. Monday [April 28.] about sun-rise they renewed their march; but perceiving that Arnold, with a number of men, was on the road to Norwalk, they filed off to the east, forded Sagatuck river, and marched by the side of it on a ridge of hills. The Americans kept on the west side, nearly half a mile from them. Each cannonaded the other at times very warmly. About three o’clock in the afternoon, col. Deming and a small party of continental troops forded the river up to their middle, undiscovered by the enemy, and fell on their rear and left, and galled them exceedingly. The Americans marched on till they got to Sagatuck bridge, about two miles from Campo, of which the enemy possessed themselves after landing; when both being upon high land, a furious cannonading ensued, which continued for fifteen minutes. The British then pushed on with vigor to reach their shipping. Arnold, with a division, pursued closely, and by a quick march gained an eminence on the right flank of the enemy’s rear. An incessant fire of field-pieces and small arms followed for a small time, but with little or no execution. The Americans could not pursue further without being exposed to the fire of the ships. The van of the British immediately embarked. The centre and rear formed on the hill. While the field-pieces were playing on the boats, col. Lamb, of New-York, advanced with a party of 200 men within 100 yards of the enemy on the hill, and galled them from behind a stone wall. They in about ten minutes sent a party from their right, to flank the Americans, and advanced another party from their front, who came running down the hill with great fury. Notwithstanding the spirited exertions of col. Lamb, his party instantly retreated in great disorder, and were pursued to the foot of the hill; and not a single man would venture to support them. Those who were at hand, sought their own safety by a speedy flight. The remainder of the British soon after embarked without further molestation.

Thus ended an affair which reflects much honor on gen. Arnold for his personal bravery; but not much upon gen. Tryon’s expedition (if the plan was his) as the destruction of American property was not a sufficient compensation for the loss which the detachment under him sustained. The enemy allow that the excursion cost them dear; and from various accounts and circumstances, there is little reason to doubt, but they had at least four hundred killed, wounded and taken. A great number of the Connecticut militia assembled, but not more than 6 or 700 of them subjected themselves to any order, the rest were mere spectators; of such as did subject themselves, too many behaved in a disgraceful cowardly manner. Their assembling however, and exerting themselves as they did, served to show in a striking point of view, the spirit of opposition prevailing among the people. The loss of the Americans was about twenty men killed and forty wounded. Doctor Atwater, a gentleman of considerable influence, was among the slain. Col. Lamb received a violent contusion on his back from a grape shot, while attempting to rally his men. Gen. Arnold was exposed at the same time, and had his horse shot through the neck. Gen. Wooster languished for a few days under the wound he had received, and died on the 2d of May. Congress resolved that a monument should be erected to his memory, as an acknowledgment for his merit and services. The gen. behaved with great valor, and lost his life gloriously, in defending the liberties of America at the advanced age of seventy. Proper notice was taken of gen. Arnold on the twentieth of May, when congress resolved, “That the quarter-master-general be directed to procure a horse, and present the same, properly caparisoned, to major-gen. Arnold, in the name of this congress, as a token of their approbation of his gallant conduct in the action against the enemy in their late enterprize to Danbury, in which gen. Arnold had one horse killed under him, and another wounded.” They had chosen him major-general on the second of May.

General Washington concluding that a bridge which the British had been preparing at Brunswick, was intended for the conveying of them across the Delaware, directed Mr. Mersereau to procure the exact breadth of the river from Corriel’s ferry to the falls, that so knowing that and the length of the bridge, which he meant to obtain, he might penetrate where it was that they designed to pass over. Instead of his army’s gathering strength proportionable to the exigencies that existed, he had to complain of the uncommon prevalency of desertion in it. The deficiency in some of the corps which joined him, from that and other causes, was almost incredible. It was the case, that too many convict servants were purchased from their masters by the recruiting officers; and on such there could be no reliance. [May 21.] The general wrote, “Nothing, but a good face and false appearances have enabled us hitherto to deceive the enemy respecting our strength.”

Gen. Parsons, knowing that the British commissaries had been employed in procuring forage, grain and other necessaries for the royal army, which were deposited at Sagg-harbour, projected a scheme for destroying them; and employed col. Meigs in executing it. The col. left New-Haven, with his men in thirteen whale-boats, on the 21st of May, and proceeded to Guilford. The wind being high and the sea rough, he could not pass the Sound till Friday the 23d. He then left Guilford at one o’clock in the afternoon, with one hundred and seventy men of his detachment, under convoy of two armed sloops, and in company with another unarmed to bring off prisoners, and crossed the Sound to the north branch of the island, near Southhold, where he arrived about six in the evening. He ordered the whale-boats, with most of the men, over land to the bay, where they re-embarked, to the number of one hundred and thirty, and at about twelve o’clock arrived safe across the bay (which separated between the north and south branch of the island) within about four miles of Sagg-harbour; the boats being first secured in the wood, under the care of a guard, the colonel marched with the remaining detachment, in the greatest order and silence, and at two o’clock arrived at the harbour. [May 24.] The several divisions with fixed bayonet, attacked the guards and posts assigned them. The alarm soon became general, when a schooner of twelve guns and seventy men began a fire: the Americans returned it, and fired the vessels and forage, killed and captivated all the soldiers and sailors, except six who escaped under cover of the night. Twelve brigs and sloops (one an armed vessel with twelve guns) about a hundred tons of pressed hay, oats, corn (meaning Indian) and other forage, ten hogsheads of rum, and a large quantity of merchandize were consumed. The colonel returned safe with all his men to Guilford by two o’clock in the afternoon, with ninety prisoners (having in twenty-five hours, by land and water, transported his men full ninety miles) without having a single man killed or wounded. The enemy had six killed. Congress have since ordered an elegant sword to be presented to him.

General Washington at length being somewhat reinforced, quitted Morristown toward the end of May; and advancing within a few miles of Brunswick, took possession of the strong country about Middle-Brook. His whole force however, present and fit for duty, including what was under gen. Sullivan (who lay at a small distance from him) with matrosses and one hundred and eighty cavalry, amounted, on the 9th of June, to no more than 7271.[47] He wrote on the 12th, “A council of general officers all agreed, that our present army was insufficient to make a proper resistance, or to attack Howe’s united force, or to make an impression upon him should he leave us unmolested, and march through the flat country toward the Delaware.” The plea that Sir William Howe made for not taking the field, was the want of tents and field equipage, which were not sent him in time.

The articles arriving, together with a body of Anspachers, and a number of British and German recruits, he passed over to the Jerseys, and marched from Brunswick on the night of the 13th, and took the field. But he was not attended with that number of provincials which was expected. “Mr. Oliver Delancey, reputed the most likely man in New-York to induce the loyalists of that province to join the king’s troops, was appointed a brigadier general, and authorised to raise three battalions, to consist of 1500 privates. Every possible effort was used by him and gov. Tryon, not only in the districts possessed by the king’s troops, but by employing persons to go through the country, and invite the well-affected to come in. Several of the officers, anxious to complete their corps, sought for recruits among the prisoners, and ventured to hold out to them the temptations of pay, liberty and pardon. Notwithstanding all these efforts and encouragements, gen. Delancey raised only 597 men.”—Mr. Courtland Skinner, who is acknowledged to possess considerable influence in Jerseys, was also appointed a brigadier general, and authorized to raise five battalions, to consist of 2500 privates.—The same efforts were made as for the raising of Delancey’s corps, but Skinner’s number amounted only to 517.”[48] No sooner had gen. Howe taken the field, but the Jersey militia turned out in a very spirited manner, as though determined, in conjunction with the continentals, to harrass and oppose the royal army on their march through the country. The gen. came out as light as he could, leaving all his baggage, provisions, (except enough to subsist the troops two or three days at a time) boats and bridges at Brunswick; which, in the judgment of general Washington, forcibly contracted the idea of an expedition toward the Delaware. Every appearance coincided to confirm the opinion, that Howe intended in the first place a stroke at his army. The American general reasoned thus: “Had their design in the first instance been to cross the Delaware, they would probably have made a strict rapid march toward it, and not have halted, as they have done to awaken our attention, and give us time to make every preparation for obstructing them[49].”——Of the sudden retreat of the royal army. The general wrote on the 20th, “The enemy decamped the night before last, and have returned to their former position. It appears to have been in consequence of a sudden resolution, as they had raised a chain of redoubts from Somerset to Brunswick. What may have determined them to change their plan is hard to tell. Whether alarmed at the animation among the people—disappointed in the movements they may have expected us to make, thence concluding their design impracticable—or whether they may have an operation in view in some other quarter, the event must show.”——Howe’s front extended to Somerset Court-house, about nine miles; his rear remained at Middle-Bush, half way between that and Brunswick. Washington was encamped upon his right flank (as he marched) at the distance of about five miles. His troops were so disposed under Sullivan and himself, as to have been capable of giving a pretty successful opposition. When the royal army retreated back to Brunswick, they burnt and destroyed the farm houses upon the road. Their cruelties to the inhabitants were inexpressible, they ruined and defaced every public edifice, particularly those dedicated to the Deity. They removed their baggage to Amboy, for which place they set out on the 22d. The evening before, several pieces of information, and a variety of circumstances, made it evident to the American general, that a move was in agitation, and it was the prevailing opinion that it would be the next morning. The general therefore detached three brigades under gen. Greene, to fall upon the rear and kept the main body paraded to support them, if necessary. A party of col. Morgans’ light-infantry attacked, and drove the Hessian picket about sun-rise. The enemy, upon the appearance of Wayne’s brigade, and Morgan’s regiment opposite Brunswick, immediately crossed the bridge to the east side of the river, and threw themselves into redoubts. The Americans advanced briskly upon them, upon which they quitted the redoubts without making opposition, and retired by the Amboy road. In the pursuit, col. Morgan’s riflemen exchanged several sharp fires with the enemy which did considerable execution. From intelligence through various channels, there was reason to believe, that their loss was considerable and fell chiefly on the grenadiers and light infantry, who formed their covering party. Gen. Howe arrived at New-York on Sunday afternoon the whole of which day was employed in removing the wounded soldiers from the docks to the hospitals there, said to amount to some hundreds.[50] One of the American generals humorously wrote concerning Sir William Howe’s returning to Brunswick by night—“Gen. Howe remained five days, and then sneaks off by night, and it is well he did—for had he went by day, we could have done nothing, but have looked at him.”

Lieut. col. Palfrey, formerly an aid-de-camp to gen. Washington, and now pay-master-general, wrote to his friend, “I was at Brunswick just after the enemy had left it. Never let the British troops upbraid the Americans with want of cleanliness, for such dog kennels as their huts were my eyes never beheld. Mr. Burton’s house, where lord Cornwallis resided, stunk so I could not bear to enter it. The houses were torn to pieces, and the inhabitants as well as the soldiers have suffered greatly for want of provisions.”

[June 24.] Gen. Washington, upon the enemy’s retreat to Amboy, with the advice of his general officers, moved the whole army to Quibble-town, that he might be nearer to the royal forces, and might act according to circumstances. The British general, after sending over from Amboy to Staten-Island, the heavy baggage and all the encumbrances of the army, ordered a number of the troops to follow; with an intention of deceiving the Americans into an opinion, that they had nothing more to apprehend from that quarter. The troops returned the evening of the 25th, and the next morning, the general advanced unexpectedly with his whole army, in two columns, from Amboy. Gen. Washington conjectured, that so sudden a movement, was designed either to bring on a general engagement, upon terms disadvantageous to the Americans; or to cut off their parties, and lord Stirling’s division, which had been sent down to support them: or to possess the heights and passes in the mountains on the left of the continental army. The two last were adjudged to be the first object of Howe’s attention, as his march was rapid againt these parties, and indicated a strong disposition to gain the passes. Upon this gen. Washington judged it absolutely neccessary to move his force from the low ground to occupy the heights before the enemy, which was affected with much dispatch. The enemy fell in with some of the light parties, and a part of lord Stirling’s division. His lordship was in no hurry to retreat, but preferred engaging for a while, wherein he made a wrong choice, for he had nearly been cut off, by the right column under lord Cornwallis. He lost three field pieces, but the loss of men was trifling. The enemy’s loss in the several skirmishes of the day, was thought to be more considerable than that of the Americans. The royal army continued the pursuit as far as Westfield; but the woods and intense heat of the weather prevented its effect. When the American general had gained the passes, he detached a body of light troops to watch their motions, and afterward ordered Morgan’s riflemen to join the service. The British remained till the next day about three in the afternoon, and then returned to Rahway and the day following to Amboy. On the 30th, at ten o’clock in the morning, the troops began to cross over to Staten-Island, and the rear guard passed at two in the afternoon, without the least appearance of an enemy. Thus they evacuated the Jerseys, to enter upon new conquests, in hope of reducing the United States to unconditional submission. Unless they can hold, when they have conquered, they will never accomplish the business assigned them by the British ministry.

Let us leave gen. Howe engaged in embarking his army from Staten-Island, and preparing for some grand expedition; that we may attend to the affairs of the northern department.

Gen. Scuyler presented a memorial to congress explaining the expressions in his letter which had given them offence. They resolved, on the 8th of May, that the explanation was satisfactory, and that now they entertained the same favourable sentiments concerning him, which they entertained before that letter was received. This seems to have been designedly preparative to what followed a fortnight after, when it was resolved, “That Albany, Tyconderoga, Fort Stanwix and their dependencies, be henceforth considered as forming the northern department—that major-general Scuyler be directed forthwith to proceed to the northern department, to take the command there.” It was said that he was the only single man who could keep the New-York subjects united against the common enemy, and that his presence was absolutely necessary for their immediate succour and service, as well as that of the United States, closely connected therewith. The New-England delegates, the president excepted, opposed his being directed to take the command, as it superseded general Gates. But they were obliged to yield to numbers, at a time when unluckily some men were absent, who would otherwise have turned the scale. The choice of general Scuyler caused great boasting, though there were only five states out of eleven in favor of the measure, and others were either against it, or could not vote for want of the requisite number of delegates, or their being equally divided. There is what numbers deem a New-York party in congress, whose proceedings have in some instances been mysterious. An absolute order for relinquishing the western lines and Tyconderoga, was pushed for before the choice of Scuyler, but did not prevail; however it was resolved, that general Gates should be empowered to abandon Tyconderoga at pleasure.

It was incumbent on the states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts in particular, and Connecticut, to furnish the troops necessary for the defence of the northern posts; but a strange remissness prevailed, greatly from an expectation that Tyconderoga would not be attacked. The Massachusetts general court learning that this was the opinion of the commander in chief, neglected forwarding their quota of men. Reports (occasioned probably by the arts of the enemy) were spread, that the troops in Canada were to join gen. Howe. Members of congress were deceived by them, so that gen. Gates, after he had taken the command, wrote that he had the strongest assurances from congress, that the king’s troops were all ordered round, by the river St. Lawrence, to New-York, leaving only a sufficient number to garrison their forts. Gates estimated, that for the defence of Ty and its dependencies, 11,700 continentals, beside the aid of the militia, would be wanted. Scuyler afterward estimated them at 10,000, but then he thought the lines at Mount Independence not one half so extensive as he found them.

The British operations against this department, were taken out of the hands of Sir Guy Carleton, and committed to the charge of gen. Burgoyne. The force alotted to them, consisting of British and German troops, amounted to more than 7000 men, exclusive of the artillery corps. Of these the Germans, mostly Brunswickers, exceeded 3200. Arms and accoutrements were amply provided to supply those royalists who were expected to join the army as soon as it penetrated the frontiers of the United States. A powerful brass train of artillery was furnished, probably the finest, and the most excellent supplied as to officers and private men, that had ever been alotted to second the operations of any army not exceeding the present in number. Beside the regular forces, several tribes of Indians were induced to come into the field. It has been generally supposed, that Carleton’s scruples upon the point of employing them, were by no means acceptable to ministry. They were considered as a principal number of the force destined to the prosecution of the northern war; and the governor of Canada was accordingly enjoined to use his utmost influence in bringing them forward in support of it. In the execution of the proposed operations, gen. Burgoyne was seconded by able and excellent officers, gen. Philips, of the artillery, generals Frazer, Powel and Hamilton, with the Brunswick generals Baron Reidesel and gen. Specht. The army was, in every respect, in the best condition; the troops were in the highest spirits, admirably disciplined, and uncommonly healthy. Colonel St. Leger was detached by way of Oswego, to make a diversion on the Mohawk river. He had 220 men, from the eighth and thirty-fourth regiments, Sir John Johnson’s corps of New-Yorkers, lately raised, some Hannau chasseurs, a company of Canadians and a party of Indians, beside the expectation of being joined by a much larger number. His force did not propably exceed 800 men. The main army, under gen. Burgoyne, proceeded up Lake Champlain, landed, and encamped at no great distance from Crown-Point, where he met the Indians in congress, and afterward, in compliance with their customs, gave them a war feast. He made a speech to them [June 21.] calculated to excite their ardor in the common cause, and at the same time to repress their barbarity. He enjoined it upon them, that they should only kill those who opposed them in arms; that old men, women, children and prisoners, should be held sacred from the knife or hatchet, even in the heat of actual conflict; that they should only scalp those whom they had slain in fair opposition; but that under no pretence should they scalp the wounded, or even dying, much less kill persons in that condition. They were promised a compensation for prisoners, but informed that they should be called to account for scalps. Four days before this speech, gen. Scuyler arrived at Ty; but did not find the post in so good a state of defence as he expected. He imagined that the proposed obstructions (which had been ordered by congress the last December, and which had been backed by his order given in February, and repeated the fifth of June) would have been completed, or at least considerably more advanced. That they were carried on with no more dispatch, was imputed greatly to the late arrival of such troops as could not be brought to work in spirit; to artificers not coming by the time they were ordered, and to a want of working cattle. Gen. St. Clair would before this have called in the militia, but for the state of his magazine; which made him apprehend, that should they come in fast, they might eat him out before the arrival either of the enemy or a supply.

[June 29.] General Burgoyne issued out a proclamation, meant to spread terror among the Americans who avowedly professed themselves the friends of congressional measures; and especially to excite in them a fear of the Indians, whose number was magnified, and eagerness to be let loose on their prey, described with uncommon energy. Protection and security, clogged with conditions, were held out to the peaceable, who continued in their habitations. All the outrages of war, arrayed in their most terrific forms, were denounced against those who persevered in their hostility. But the people at large were so far from being frightened, that they diverted themselves with the proclamation, as a complete model of pomposity.

General St. Clair hoped that the enemy would have assaulted him; and depended on that for rendering his small garrison serviceable to his country, as he was persuaded that his troops were brave, and in case of an assault, would have given a good account of the assailants. But the moment he was informed of Burgoyne’s numbers, and saw that a regular siege was meant, he was certain that the effectual defence of the posts was impossible. The old French lines at Ty, had been strengthened with additional works. There were other posts with works and blockhouses toward Lake George. Opposite Ty, on the eastern shore of the inlet by which the waters from Lake George empty themselves into Lake Champlain, a high circular hill, alias Mount Independence, was strongly fortified. These two posts were joined by a floating bridge, below which a slight boom was thrown across the lake, and large cassoons were sunk above, but this arduous work for obstructing the navigation, was not completed. Instead of a full complement of troops to man the extensive lines and defend the numerous works, the whole force consisted only of 2546 continentals, beside 900 militia, badly equipped and worse armed, particularly in the article of bayonets, which not above one in ten had. The smallness of the garrison would not admit of their possessing themselves of Sugar-hill, alias Mount Defiance, which by its height and proximity, had such an entire command both of Ty and Mount Independence, that an enemy might from thence have counted their very numbers, and enfiladed every part of their works, as had been discovered months before, upon trial, when a cannon had been drawn up and fired from the top of it.

[July 2.] On the near approach of the right wing of the royal army upon the Tyconderoga side, the Americans abandoned their works toward Lake George, and left gen. Philips to possess the advantageous post of Mount Hope, without making any resistance, which must have been ineffectual, and could have answered no good purpose. That apparent supineness and want of vigor with which they were chargeable, was not occasioned by cowardice or incapacity, but actual imbecility. Gen. Burgoyne’s troops proceeded with much expedition in the construction of their works, the bringing up of artillery, stores and provisions, and the establishment of their posts. But what gave the greatest alarm, was the very rapid progress they made in clearing a road and getting artillery on Sugar-hill. When once they had erected a battery on this height, only a few hours more would have been required to have invested the Americans on all sides, which might have been effected by occupying the ground on the east side of Lake Champlain, below Mount Independence, where the pass from the lake to East-Creek is very narrow. The same reason which prevented gen. St. Clair’s calling in the militia when the royal army was at a distance, prevailed when they drew nearer. Having received intelligence by spies, that in 24 hours the investiture would be completed, when he should be cut off from all possibility of succour, gen. Scuyler, not having force sufficient at Fort Edward to relieve him, he determined to evacuate his posts, though he knew it would produce such astonishment as had not happened since the commencement of the war. If he was sensible at the time, that should he remain there, he would save his character but lose the army; whereas did he go off, he should save the army but lose his character, and did he courageously conclude upon sacrificing the last to the cause in which he was engaged, he deserves the warmest commendations. A council of war was called, and it was unanimously concluded upon to evacuate as soon as possible. The general, by evacuating, intended to throw his troops between the country and the royal army, that the militia might have a body to collect to, whereas Burgoyne would otherwise be at liberty to pursue his operations without any obstacle. Proper measures were immediately taken for effecting the evacuation. Orders were given to the troops to take with them, before they left the ground 8 days provisions, sufficient to have carried them to the North-River had they pursued the route intended. The general meant to push for Skeensborough, and there to have met the 200 boats and 5 armed gallies, on board of which were embarked at night as much cannon, stores and provisions as time would permit. The officer in the Jersey redoubt was to continue firing his connon every half hour, toward the battery the enemy were erecting opposite to him till further orders, that there might be no suspicion of the manœuvres going forward. All the connon that could not be removed were to be spiked up, and many were. The knocking off of the trunnions was omitted, as it might alarm the enemy. Previous to the striking the tents every light was to be put out. Though the evacuation was resolved upon about three in the afternoon, it could not be carried into execution till night; and it was at a season when the nights were at the shortest, and when it was moon light. The necessity of keeping the matter a secret until the very moment prevented any preparatory steps to expedite the business. Hence difficulties arose, which occasioned some irregularities in the different embarkations and made it impossible to prevent all disorder. But for want of gen. Fermoy’s circulating proper orders in season to his brigade, and of due attention on his part, every thing appeared in the greatest confusion on Mount Independence.

[July 6.] At two o’clock in the morning St. Clair left Tyconderoga. About three, the troops were put into motion for the evacuation of the Mount, but Fermoy having set fire to his house (contrary to positive orders) the whole Mount was enlightened by it, so that the enemy had an opportunity of seeing every movement, which damped the spirits of the Americans, and induced them to push off in a disorderly manner. Colonel Francis brought off the rear guard in good order about four o’clock. Many regiments after a while recovered from their confusion through the exertion of St. Clair. Upon the army’s arriving at Hubbardton they were halted for near two hours.—The rear guard was increased by many who at first did not belong to it, but were picked up, through an inability of keeping up with their regiments. Most of the stragglers and rear guard having joined, the army was again put in motion. The rear guard was here given to col. Warner, with orders to follow as soon as the whole came up, and to halt about a mile and a half short of the main body (which was to continue that night at Charlestown, about six miles from Hubbardton) and to march in the morning by four and join it. Charlestown is thirty miles from Ty, and twelve from Skeensborough. Col. Warner, with the rear-guard and stragglers, amounting to near 1200, determined to remain at Hubbardton that night, because the men were much fatigued. In the morning the general paraded the army, and waited near two hours for the rear-guard.