Chapter X: Letter III: Roxbury, July 19, 1776 (1)

The affairs of Canada shall employ our first attention. Sir Guy Carleton has treated the prisoners, taken at the attack of Quebec, both officers and privates, with the utmost humanity. In conversation with major Meigs, when returning his sword, Sir Guy said, “You were certainly deceived in our numbers, and did not expect we were so strong.” The major answered, “No we knew your strength.” Carleton persisted, “You must have been deceived: for you never could have attacked us, had you known that we were double your number.” The major rejoined, “We were not deceived; but were persuaded, that many of your men would not fight, and thought that some of them might join us.” The discourse was changed, and soon ended.

The blockade of Quebec was continued; but great were the fears of the Americans, as they had no more than 400 men to do duty, while there were upward of three times the number in the city. They were in daily expectation, that the latter would sally out upon them. At length capt. Seaborn, with twenty-seven men from the Massachusetts arrived for their encouragement; (Jan. 25.) and was followed by other small reinforcements, whereby they were enabled to rest one night out of two, which had not been the case for a month. They advanced, and began again to erect works before Quebec: but their ordnance proved inadequate. All the troops that could be spared from the garrison of Montreal were sent down: but it was not till late in February, that the army before the city amounted to 960, officers included; of rank and file fit for duty, the number was only 772. Mr. Beaujeu imbodied a party of Canadians, with the design of raising the siege; but was encountered, and easily dispersed (Mar. 25.) by a detachment from the continentals. The misconduct of the American soldiery however, lost them the friendship of the Canadians. The account forwarded by an officer was to the following purport—“When gen. Montgomery first penetrated the country, the Canadians were friendly. His most unfortunate fate and other accidents have produced such a change, that they can be no more looked upon as friends. Their clergy have been neglected, perhaps ill used, and so are unanimously, though privately against the Americans. The peasantry in general have been mal-treated; in some instances have been dragooned with the point of the bayonet, to furnish wood at a lower rate than the current price. They have had given them, for articles furnished, certificates which are not legible, or are without a signature; so that one half them have, of consequence, been rejected by the quarter-master-general. They have had promises of payment, without being paid; and so been brought to look upon the promises as vague, their labor and property as lost, and congress as bankrupt. With respect to the better sort of people, both French and English, seven-eights wish to see the throats of the continentals cut. The whole country has been left without any kind of law, other than that of the arbitrary and despotic power of the sword, in the hands of the several commanding officers, too frequently abused in all cases of this nature. The Americans have themselves brought about by mismanagement, what gen. Carleton himself could never effect. A priest’s house has been entered with great violence, and his watch plundered from him. At another house the Americans ran in debt about twenty shillings sterling; and because the owner wanted to be paid, they ran him through the neck with the bayonet. Women and children have been terrified, and forced to furnish horses to private soldiers, without any prospect of pay. While the Canadians have in this way been alienated from, and imbittered against the continentals, these have been practising the most scandalous waste of provisions, and by it, absurdly adding to the danger arising from their other conduct.” On the receipt of this information, congress resolved [April 13.] “That instructions be sent to the commissioners, to cause justice to be done to the Canadians; and that the commanding officer in Canada be directed to be very attentive to military discipline, and to inflict exemplary punishment on all those who violate the military regulations established by congress.” They had before ordered four battalions to Canada, they now added six more; and directed the commissary-general to forward 2000 barrels of pork thither with all possible dispatch.

While the troops lay before Quebec, they caught the smallpox from a girl who had been a nurse in the city hospital, and came out among them. The distemper spread, and the soldiers inoculated themselves for their own safety, regardless of all orders to the contrary. The reinforcements, which were daily arriving, practised the same method; so that though, by the first of May, the army consisted of more than 3000 men, there were not 900 fit for duty at the several posts; and the whole were greatly scattered for want of barracks. What added to the distress, medicines and every thing necessary for the sick, were wanted. This was the situation of the troops when gen. _Thomas_ arrived to take the command; but still something was attempted. The river about _Quebec_ being sufficiently cleared from ice [May 3.] the Americans took the opportunity of the flood for sending up a fire-ship, about ten o’clock at night, in order to fire the shipping; and drew up ready to attack the walls, if the fire should take place. They were provided with ladders, and their scheme was well laid. Had it succeeded, the garrison must have been thrown into great confusion: and had that opportunity for making an assault been embraced, the town must have been in eminent danger of being taken. The ship coming from below was at first supposed to be a friend, arrived from sea to the relief of the besieged. Being night, it was not till she was very near the shipping, that she was discovered to be an enemy, when a heavy fire at her commenced; the people on board, finding that they were no longer concealed, lighted the train, and in a moment she was in a blaze; her sails took fire, and checked her way; and the tide beginning to ebb, she was carried down the river. The men made their escape in boats.

General Thomas, perceiving that nothing effectual could be done by the army in its present condition, learning that they had only three days provision, and apprehensive of the danger that would take place upon the arrival of British reinforcements [May 5.] called a council of war, when it was concluded to make the best retreat in their power. The measures which immediately followed, were sufficient indications to the enemy of what was intended. It so happened, that early in the morning [May 6.] after the retreat was concluded upon, the Surprise frigate, from Great-Britain arrived, and was soon followed by the Iris of 54 guns, and the Martin sloop, with succours. They had, by the zeal and activity of the officers and crews, forced their way through the ice while the passage up the river was deemed almost impracticable. They had on board 1000 marines, and two companies of the 29th regiment, which were landed with all expeditson. About noon, gen. Carleton having joined them to his own troops, marched out, 800 strong, to attack the Americans, who had began their retreat before; for gen. Thomas could not hazard waiting an attack, as he was not able to collect more than about 300 men, on account of their being so scattered on Point Levi, Isle of Orleans, Beau Port and other villages. The Americans abandoned their baggage, artillery, stores and other incumbrances. The sick got off as they could, creeping away from the hospitals, many with the small-pox full on them. The Canadians proved kind, secreted and took care of them till they were able to march off and join their comrades. Sir Guy Carleton did not take more than about 100 prisoners. The king’s troops that had just arrived, were in no condition for a pursuit; but could the whole have followed with vigor, they must have taken or destroyed nearly all the American forces, for they had little ammunition. They retreated forty-five miles before they stopped, having marched almost the whole night. After halting a few days, they proceeded to Sorel, in a condition not to be expressed by words; but had the satisfaction of being joined there by four regiments, that were waiting for them. Here they remained, and were reinforced by the arrival of other battalions. During this period gen. Thomas sickened by the small-pox, and died. Having ordered that the troops should not enoculate, he would not have a recourse to that precaution for his own security. The Americans have lost in him one of their best generals. He was amiable in public and private life. Contented with domestic happiness, he was not ambitious of an exalted station; but was ready to serve his country in the most hazardous situation. General Thompson commanded after. Thomas sickened, and when the latter died, the command devolved on general Sullivan, who had repaired to Canada early in May.

The Americans had for some time posted at the Cedars, a small fort forty-three miles above Montreal, a party of 390 men, under the command of col. Beadle. Capt. Foster, with a detachment of the 8th regiment, about 40, Canadians 100, and 500 Indians, but without cannon descended from the lakes, and approached toward the fort.[8] The colonel, in a cowardly manner abandoned his command to major Butterfield, and repaired to Montreal for a reinforcemant. The major having little or no more courage than the other, surrender the fort [May 15.] without making any resistance worth noticing. Meanwhile, major Henry Sherberne was detached with 140 men from Montreal; but col. Beadle, valuing safety more than fidelity or honor, refused to return with the reinforcement. It was the day after the surrender before major Sherburne could proceed from the lake (which he was obliged to cross) with 100 men including himself. The rest were left for guards and other services [May 20.] About five, they were attacked by a body of about 500 Indians and Canadians, who, under cover of a wood fired upon them. The Americans maintained an obstinate engagement for an hour and forty minutes; when the Indians having surrounded them, rushed upon and disarmed them. Many of them were sacrificed to Indian fury, butchered with tomahawks and other instruments of death. They lost in the action twenty-eight killed and wounded. About twenty were afterward killed in cold blood; and seven or eight were carried off by the Indians. The prisoners were immediately stripped almost naked, drove to the fort, and delivered to capt. Foster, whose success in taking the fort was not known before the action. The enemy had twenty-two killed, among them a chief warrior of the Seneca tribe, on account of whose death the prisoners were probably treated with the grosser insult and abuse. Arnold, who had been made a brigadier general the beginning of January, had commanded in Montreal some time, having returned thither upon gen. Wooster’s going down to Quebec. He was desirous of remedying the evil that had taken place at the Cedars, and went forward with a party of between 8 and 900 men to the lake. When it was discovered that the general was approaching [May 26.] and making dispositions to attack the enemy, capt. Foster took care to acquaint him, that if he would not agree to a proposed cartel, (which major Sherburne and the other officers had been required to sign and had signed) but proceeded to attack him, every man of the prisoners would be put to instant death by the Indians. Gen. Arnold was extremely averse to entering into any agreement, but was at length induced by the motive of saving the prisoners. A cartel was concluded upon and signed on the 27th, for the exchange of 2 majors, 9 captains, 20 subalterns, and 443 soldiers. It was agreed [May 27.] that four American captain should be sent to Quebec as hostages, and remain there until the prisoners are exchanged.

Let us now direct our attention to Sir Guy Carleton, who had a fresh opportunity of exercising his humanity toward the Americans. That the sick, who were left behind and could not get off when the others fled from before Quedec, might not perish, he issued a proclamation, commanding the proper officers to find out and afford the unhappy persons all necessary relief at the public expence; and to render the benefit complete, and to prevent obstinacy or apprehension from marring its effect, he assured them, that upon recovering they should have free liberty of returning to their respective provinces.

Toward the end of May several regiments arrived; and the British force in Canada, when completed, was estimated at about 13,000 men. The general rendezvous was appointed to be at Three Rivers, half way between Quebec and Montreal, about 90 miles from each. The place takes its name from the viscinity of one of the branches of a large river, whose waters are discharged, through three mouths, into that of St. Lawrence. The British and Brunswick troops were at this time much separated. A considerable body was at Three Rivers under gen. Frazer. Another under gen. Nesbit lay near it on board the transports. A greater than either, with the generals Carleton, Burgoyne, Phillips and Reidesel, was in several divisions by land and water, on its way from Quebec. Gen. Sullivan, from the information he received, concluded upon an expedition against, as he apprehended, the British advance guard at Three Rivers, the execution of which was committed to gen. Thompson. The latter embarked at Sorel, with 1800 men, under colonels Maxwell, St. Clair and Wayne, in fifty boats, and coasting the south side of Lake St. Peter, where the St. Lawrance spreads to a great extent, arrived at Nicolet, from whence they fell down the river by night, and passed to the other side, with an intention of surprising the forces under gen. Frazer. Three Rivers is to be considered rather as a long village than a regular town. The plan was to land nine miles above the town, so seasonably as to march down under cover of the night, and to attack it a little before day-break. [June 8.] By reason of unexpected delays, it was so long ere the troops landed, that in a few minutes the day-light appeared. They had then to make a forced march of nine miles. They hastened, ran down hill and up, and got tired. The general pushed on, having procured a Canadian guide, who was either ignorant or unfaithful; for a little before sun-rise he found his forces were too much out of the way. They returned, but lost the road on the side of the river; were soon however, in view of some of the enemy’s boats, between which and the flanking party several balls were exchanged. They then quickened their pace, and continued advancing in sight of the shipping, with drum beating and fife playing, as they knew they were discovered. They soon heard the speaking trumpets sound, “land the troops—land the troops.” The general judging there was no possibility of passing the ships without being exposed to all their fire; and yet determining to persist in the expedition, filed off at a right angle from the river. He meant to take a circuitous route, and enter the town on the back side. A bad morass interposed; the troops entered it; they were then about two miles from the town. A worse march, for about a mile and a half, did not offer in all Alnold’s expedition, the men were almost mired. About nine o’clock they came to a cleared spot, formed and got into some order about ten. They advanced, but before the rear had got off the place of formation, the front received a heavy fire from the enemy, which struck them with terror. The fire was instantly repeated; and though the balls flew over the heads of the troops, without doing any material execution, they gave way and crowded back in the utmost confusion, which left them without a leader, so that every one did as he pleased. They turned their faces up the river, and hastened through the swamp as fast as possible. About eleven they began to collect, and after a while learnt from the Canadians, that the enemy had sent a detachment, with several field pieces by land, to cut off their retreat, and a party by water to seize their boats. About four they were told, that the enemy had secured the bridge before them, which it was supposed they must pass. They were also soon convinced, that a large body was close in their rear. Col. Maxwell ordered all who had collected together to halt, called the officers to him, and said, “What shall we do? Shall we fight those in the front or in the rear? or shall we tamely submit? or shall we turn off into the woods, and each man shift for himself?” The last proposal was preferred; but the enemy was so near that the rear of the Americans was exposed to another tremendous fire while going down the hill into the woods, but the balls flew over them without injuring any. The person who was trusted with the care of the boats, had removed them in time to a secure place, so that the loss of the Americans, which must otherwise have been much greater, amounted only to about 200 prisoners. The troops that escaped, began to collect about ten the next day, and by noon were considerably numerous. They got along by degrees, and by sun-set the day following arrived opposite Sorel. [June 10.] General Thompson and colonel Irwin, the second in command, with some other officers, were taken. The killed and wounded of the king’s troops was trifling. This attempt to surprize the British troops at Three Rivers, which may appear to have been a desperate undertaking, would scarce have been made, had it been known in time, how much they had been reinforced by fresh arrivals; and probably ought to have been abandoned the moment that the surprise was no longer possible.

The king’s forces having joined at Three Rivers, proceeded by land and water to Sorel [June 14.] off which the fleet arrived in the evening, a few hours after the rear of the Americans had left it. A considerable body was landed, and the command of the column given to gen. Burgoyne, with instructions to pursue the continental army up the river, to St. John’s, but without hazarding any thing till another column on his right, should be able to co-operate with him. Sir Guy’s extraordinary precaution in putting nothing to the hazard, when not absolutely necessary, gave the Americans the opportunity of escaping. Had Burgoyne been instructed to press on with the utmost expedition, great numbers of them must have been made prisoners, and but few would have crossed Lake Champlain.

Major Nathan Fuller, of col. Bond’s Massachusetts regiment, was entrusted with the care of the baggage when the Americans retreated up the Sorel. It was put on board several vessels. They had a fine passage for a while, but at length were becalmed so long as to give the advance of the British an opportunity of approaching them apace. The major acquainted gen. Sullivan, who was considerably a-head, of the dangerous situation he should soon be in. The gen. sent a hundred batteaux to bring off the men and baggage, and gave orders for burning the vessels. The major had but just time to accomplish the work, and was in some danger before it was finished. [June 15.] General Arnold, with his troops, left Montreal and crossed from the island of Longueil to the continent, in his way to Chamblee. A great part of the British fleet and army sailed for the same place, and had not the wind failed, would probably have arrived at Longueil the same night and about the same time with gen. Arnold. The general carried away with him from Montreal a quantity of goods, which he ordered col. Hazen to take the charge of; but the colonel disapproving the measure, would have nothing to do with them. When the troops entered the road near Chamblee, they occasioned such an alarm in the place, that the three companies of artillery formed immediately and marched up the hill to meet them, which brought on a discovery of their belonging to gen. Arnold, and being from Montreal. When the army left Chamblee, the men were obliged to draw their loaded batteaux, to the number of 100 or more, some with cannon in them, up the rapids, by bodily strength and up to the middle in water. Here they destroyed the saw-mills, three vessels and three gondolas, together with all the batteaux which they could not bring off. Major Fuller commanded the rear, consisting of five hundred men, and had under his care the batteaux and baggage. The British entered Chamblee at one end while he quitted it at the other. When he was about a mile beyond the town, all his party except seventy, pushed off to escape danger. Soon after you leave Chamblee, in the way to St. John’s, the road enters a wood, which thickens as you advance in it. Though the road is open and good, yet the brush, wood and trees on each side, afford such a cover to parties, that you cannot ascertain their number, nor be sure that there are not ambushes in various places. The major had an active, sensible, bold officer in the second lieutenant, Mr. George,[9] who remained with him. The lieutenant was ordered, with 27 men, to flank the advancing parties of the enemy. He, by dividing his men, concealing them on each side of the road, employing them in popping with their guns on the enemy, first in one place then in another, and so changing the scene of their attack, as though they were far more numerous, amused the advance of the enemy in such a manner as to save the rear. Major fuller imputes it very much to the conduct of lieutenant George, that the rear, and of course the boats and baggage were saved. The salvation of these was probably the salvation of the army. When the major found himself abandoned, he sent forward a messenger to col. Stark and other officers, who were not far before, acquainting them with his situation, and requesting their assistance. Cols. Stark, Poor, Porter and others, immediately put themselves under the command of the major, who had also sent on an express to St. John’s, to inform gen. Sullivan of his danger, and the necessity of a speedy reinforcement. The general hastened away 1500 men under col. Bond, who met the major about half way between the two places, seven miles from Chamblee. The danger being ended by the arrrival of the reinforcement, the major left the command to his colonel, and went forward to carry gen. Sullivan the agreeable news of all being safe, which, after the various false distracting reports that had reached him, was received with inconceivable transport. The major lost but two men in the retreat; the loss was occasioned by their getting drunk; but from them the enemy could learn nothing of the major’s real condition time enough to take the advantage of it.[10]

[June 18.] General _Burgoyne_ arrived at _St. John’s_ in the evening. The Americans had taken away every thing and set fire to the forts and barracks. Major John Bigelow staid with about 40 men till they were destroyed, and at dusk pushed off his boats for Isle aux Noix, to which the whole army had repaired. Greater confusion than it had been in during the retreat, is seldom heard of; and yet the loss it sustained is too inconsiderable to be given in detail, or in sum total. From the Isle the army proceeded to _Crown-Point_ without any danger from a pursuit—every boat that could be found being destroyed, and every thing done to impede the enemy. The Americans had also the command of Lake Champlain, and will continue masters of it until a number of vessels can be procured to give Sir Guy Carleton a superiority, and enable him to traverse it with safety. Other matters will now demand our attention.

[June 15.] The _New-Hampshire_ representatives voted unanimously, that their delegates at the continental congress be instructed to join with the other colonies in declaring the Thirteen United Colonies, a free and independent state (not states) &c. provided the regulation of their internal police be under the direction of their own assembly.

It appears by a return of the inhabitants, that the sum total of all the males, females, whites and negroes, amounts to 82,394—The total excess of males is 1131. The males in the continental army are 2488. If of these so many as 1357 survive the service and return, the males and females are equal. In about twenty years the inhabitants will be double the number. “It has been found by calculations, that America has doubled her numbers even by natural generation alone, upon an average, about once in eighteen years.”[11] The continuance of the war, unless excessively destructive, will make no material difference. “In the French war, which lasted from 1755 to 1763 (during which time the colonies made great exertions, and had in the field a great number of men) it was found that the population had increased nearly as fast as in times of peace[12].”

One Mugford, who had been a master of some trading vessel, applied to gen. Ward for the command of a continental cruiser which lay unemployed. By his importuninity and professions he prevailed and had an order given him. The captain made all possible expedition, got possession of the vessel, procured powder and ball and with twenty men pushed immediately into Boston bay. After he was gone from the general, the latter received such a bad character of him, that he sent off an express to recal the order: but it was to late, Mugford had sailed. He was no sooner in the bay but the ship Hope of 270 tons, 4 guns, and 17 men, presented to view. She was last from Cork, and had on board 1500 barrels of powder, beside carbines and bayonets, travelling carriages for heavy cannon, a vast variety of tools, implements and necessaries for the army and artillery. Capt. Mugford in his cruiser of fifty tons and four guns ran up to her, [May 17.] and ordered her to strike. The Hope, either from the sailors declining to fight, or from other motives, made no resistance. Commodore Banks lay a few miles off with his men of war, and in sight; and his boats might soon have been up with the ship. The captain of the Hope, sensible of this advantage, gave orders for the men to cut the top-sail halliards and ties.—Mugford heard the orders, and knew the consequence of executing them—that the sailing of the ship would be so long prevented, that the men of war’s boats would recover her. He therefore opened with vollies of oaths and execrations: and in the most horrid manner threatened the captain and every one on board with immediate death if the orders were executed, upon which the captain was so terrified as to desist. When Mugford had taken possession of his prize, he was joined by two other small cruisers, who assisted in carrying her safe through Pulling-Point-Gut. The inhabitants of Boston, who have been devoutly engaged in keeping the continental fast, had on leaving their respective places of worship in the afternoon, the peculiar pleasure of seeing the most valuable prize, on account of the powden, taken since the commencement of the war, entering the harbour.

Captain Mugford having secured the Hope, and meaning to go out again without loss of time, sailed down and came to an anchor in Pulling-Point-Gut, with the Lady Washington, on Sunday evening. [May 19.] They were attacked, about nine o’clock, by thirteen boats from the men of war at Nantasket.—The boats were beaten off, with great loss on the part of the enemy, in the deaths of the brave lieutenant, who commanded, and several of his men, but Mugford exerting himself heroically, was killed, and was the only person lost on the side of the American cruisers.

The Massachusetts general court for promoting the making of salt-petre, had some time back agreed to take in all that could be made by the first of June at five and three-pence sterling the pound. On the week that closed the period of receiving it, they had purchased in this way 102,635lb. There are such quantities yet coming in, made before the first of June, that the court passed an order to receive for some time to come, at the said price, all that shall appear to be made before that time.

The harbor of Boston had been left in a defenceless state ever since the evacuation of the town, liable to the intrusions of a small naval force, which might have entered and fired the town, or laid it under contribution. The inhabitants of that and the neighbouring towns, being dissatisfied with its continuing so, concluded upon assisting in erecting a fort upon Noddle’s-Island.

In the beginning of May a number of volunteers both laity and clergy, repaired thither from time to time, and aided in the work till it was finished: while the poorer class were rewarded for their labours. Something having been done for the security of the harbor, general Benjamin Lincoln, while the court was sitting, entertained the thought of driving the British shipping from Nantasket, and planned a scheme for effecting it. They consisted of a fifty gun ship, commanded by commodore Banks, the Milford man of war, the Yankee Hero privateer, taken by the last and seven large transports lately arrived with highlanders, an armed brig and two schooners. The highlanders were supposed to be at least seven hundred. On Thursday the 13th of June, the Bostonians were acquainted by beat of drum, that an expedition was going to be undertaken against the enemy at Nantasket. Detachments from colonels Marshall and Witney’s regiments, and a battalion of train, commanded by col. Crafts, were embarked at the Long wharf, together with cannon, ammunicion, provisions, &c. and proceeded for Pettick’s Island and Hull, where they were joined by more troops and sea-coast companies so as to make near six hundred men at each place. Militia from the towns in the vicinity of Boston harbour, with a detachment from the train and some field pieces, took post on Moon Island, at Hoff’s-Neck, and at point Alderton. A detachment from the continental army under col. Whitcomb, with two eighteen pounders and a thirteen inch mortar, &c. were embarked for Long-Island, and there took post. The troops did not arrive at the several places of destination till near morning; but when arrived, were active and alert in the highest degree. The cannon were soon planted, and a shot from Long-Island announced their design; on which a signal was made for the fleet to get under way. The commodore bore and returned the American fire with spirit, till a shot from Long-Island pierced his upper works, when he got under sail. Several shells were thrown at him, which might hasten his departure.

Thus was free egress and ingress to the harbour for all friendly vessels, recovered on that very day on which, two years before, the sailing of every one of that kind from the port of Boston ceased by virtue of a British act of parliament. This circumstance was not thought of when the expedition commenced, but was merely accidental, though it could not be overlooked when it had happened. The same day the house of assembly received a letter from the president of the general convention of Virginia, enclosing their resolutions with respect to independency.

Commodore Banks omitting to leave cruisers in the bay, afforded an opportunity to the American privateers of taking a number of highlanders. Three days after his quitting it [June 17.] the George and Annabella transports entered, after a passage of seven weeks from Scotland, during the course of which they had not an opportunity of speaking a single vessel that could give them the smallest information of the British troops having evacuated Boston. They were attacked in the morning by four privateers, with whom they engaged till evening; when the privateers bore away, on which the transports pushed for Boston harbour, not doubting but that they should receive protection, either from a fort or ship of force stationed for the security of British ships. They stood up for Nantasket Road, when an American battery opened upon them, which was the first serious proof they had of the situation of affairs at the port to which they were destined. They were too far embayed to retreat, as the wind had died away, and the tide of flood was not half expended. The privateers with which they had been engaged, joined by two others, made toward them. They prepared for action. By some misfortune the Annabella got aground so far a-stern of the George, that the latter expected but a feeble support from her musketry. About eleven at night, the privateers anchored close by, and hailed them to strike the British flag. The mate of the George, and every sailor on board, the captain excepted, refused to fight any longer; but every officer and private of the seventy-first regiment, who were in the ship, stood to their quarters with ready obedience to the lieutenant-colonel. On their refusing to strike, the action was renewed, when after a sharp combat of an hour and a half, they had expended every shot belonging to their artillery. They were then obliged to yield, there being no power of escaping, nor the most distant hope of relief. Their killed were eight privates and major Menzies, beside seventeen wounded. The major was buried with the honors of war at Boston. The prisoners experienced the utmost civility and good treatment. A week before the capture of these transports, the Ann, in the same service, was taken and carried into Marblehead, though commodore Banks was then at Nantasket. The number of highlanders taken is two hundred and sixty-seven privates, forty-eight others, beside the honorable Archibald Campbell, lieutenant-colonel to the second battalion of the seventy-first regiment.

[July 3.] On motion in the Massachusetts assembly, it was voted unanimously, “that if congress shall think proper to declare the colonies independent, this house will approve of the measure.”

There is no doubt of its being approved by all the colonies; but there has been manœuvreing in order to produce the necessary disposition among the New-Yorkers; of which you will form the best idea from the following letter, written the beginning of May, from New-York, in answer to one of the preceding month from Philadelphia—“Soon after I received your letter, I sent for colonel Sears, Mr. John Smith and some others, whom I knew to be staunch, to spend an evening with me, that I might converse with them upon the subject (supposed to be that of taking up government.) It would not do to show your letter, or even hint that I had received it; but an opportunity for introducing the subject soon offered. A captain of my guard came and reported, that the committee of safety had sent some persons to the main-guard, who had no complaint lodged against them. I immediately sent to the committee, and they sent a sub-committee to wait upon me. I asked them what charge they had to lay against the prisoners. They informed me one was a collector who had not accounted for the money he had collected, and had abused their congress. The others were in for different crimes. I told them that I could by no means consent to have free citizens subjected to trials by court-martial. They must try them by proper courts, if such there were; and if not, the offenders must run at large, till necessity obliged them to constitute the proper courts. This opened the door for me, and I took advantage of it. The sub-committee thanked me for my care over the liberties of their fellow citizens, and owned the necessity of taking up government. Sears, Smith, &c. were strongly of that opinion, and all went home perfectly satisfied, and without suspecting the conversation was any thing more than accidental. The next day Greene and I were ordered to the jail to see some prisoners of war. There I found some persons in for robbery, and one for murder. As I found I had good success in the beginning I determined to keep on, and frequently took occasion to mention the great difficulty which must attend their present state:—that it would be tyrannical to execute those persons without a trial:—to try and execute them, by process in the name of a king, with whom we were at war, would be absurd; and if neither of these methods were taken, they must whether guilty or not suffer perpetual imprisonment. The argument took effect; and even tories themselves acknowledged it was best to take up government, till reconciliation should take place.—This doctrine pleased me well; for _I knew if government was once assumed upon whatever motives, they would find that the Rubicon was passed, and that they could never return to their ancient form_. I then, by the advice of my privy council, drew up a piece purporting a petition to the committee of safety, to request leave from the continental congress to take up government.—This piece I enclose you, and though badly wrote, it steers so directly between whiggism and toryism, that no person can tell whether it was drawn by a whig or tory. My privy council informed me, that it had the desired effect; the whigs were fond of it because it took effect, their point was carried, and no retreat could ever take place; the tories were fond of it, because it held up the d—d reconciliation they were seeking after. Being well informed of my success, I thought it time to sound our colonel (thought to be M’Dougall.) I sent for him. We conversed freely upon the matter of taking up government. He owned the necessity of it, and said it would be carried into execution at all events, at the meeting of their convention. He informed me, that almost every person began to see the necessity, and that the instructions, then drawing up for their delegates, mentioned nothing about effecting a reconciliation, but to protect and defend America. When I found him in the true way to happiness, I dismissed him, and attacked others;—to tories I painted the evils attending their present state; to whigs I held up the advantage of seizing the precious moment, I soon found my party increase with surprising rapidity.”

Within seven days after this letter was sent to Philadelphia, congress resolved, [May 10.] “That it be recommended to the respective assemblies and conventions, of the united colonies where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs hath been hitherto established, to adopt such government as shall in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general.” The following preamble was prepared and agreed to, five days after, “Whereas his Britannic majesty, in conjunction with the lords and commons of Great-Britain has, by a late act of parliament, excluded the inhabitants of these united colonies from the protection of his crown; and whereas no answer whatever to the humble petitions of the colonies for redress of grievancies and reconciliation with Great-Britain has been or is likely to be given, but the whole force of that kingdom, aided by foreign mercenaries, is to be exerted for the destruction of the good people of these colonies; and whereas it appears absolutely irreconcilable to reason and good conscience, for the people of these colonies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary for the support of any government under the crown of Great-Britain, and it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority, under the said crown should be totally suppressed, and all the powers of government exerted under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue and good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties and properties against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies, therefore resolved.” &c. as above.

[May 18.] The secret committee was ordered to endeavour to discover the design of the French in assembling so large a fleet and so great a number of troops in the West-Indies, and whether they mean to act for or against America. By this it appears that the congress have no assurance or certainty of support from France.

Corporal Cruz, the rifleman who was carried to England and discharged by the mayor, is arrived with dispatches from Arthur Lee, esq. containing intelligence of the whole naval and land force intended for the attack of the united colonies, and of the places for which they were destined. He got a passage to Halifax, from whence he made his escape to Boston; and then went on to head quarters at New-York. Soon after, congress resolved, [May 23.] That a committee of five be appointed to confer with generals Washington, Gates and Mifflin, upon the most speedy and effectual means for supporting the American cause in Canada. It was the opinion of the generals, that it would be impossible to keep the Indians in a state of neutrality; that they would undoubtedly take an active part, either for or against the Americans; and that it would be best immediately to engage them on their side, and to use their utmost endeavors to prevent their minds being poisoned by ministerial emissaries. When the committee brought in their report, it was resolved, among other things [May 25.] “That it is highly expedient to engage the Indians in the service of the united colonies.”

Upon the first intelligence received at Philadelphia of the troops to be employed against the Americans, a citizen of eminence wrote to his correspondent, “We now know who the commissioners are, and their numbers, viz. Messrs. the Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, English, Scotch and Irish. This gives the _coup de grace_ to the British and American connection. It has already wrought wonders in this city; conversions have been more rapid than ever under Mr. Whitefield. The Pennsylvania farmer (Dickinson) told me yesterday in the field, that his sentiments were changed; he had been desirous of keeping the door open as long as possible, and was now convinced that nothing was to be expected from our enemies but slavery.”

The detaching of the ten strongest regiments to Canada, made the most strenuous exertions necessary for getting New-York into a proper state of defence. Congress therefore authorised general Washington to direct the building of as many fire rafts, row gallies, armed boats and floating batteries, as might be judged requisite for the immediate defence of that port and of Hudson’s river. They afterward resolved [June 3.] that 13,800 militia be employed to reinforce the army; and that a flying camp be immediately established in the middle colonies, to consist of 10,000 men. They did not overlook Canada; but on the same day agreed that the general should be empowered to employ in that province a number of Indians, not exceeding two thousand; and two days after [June 5.] ordered that the standing committee for Indian affairs, do devise ways and means for carrying the same into effect. Within four and twenty hours after, they complimented the earl of Effingham, for the singularly noble part he had acted, by naming one of their frigates now building, the Effingham. The names of the rest are, the Congress, Randolph, Hancock, Washington, Trumbull, Raleigh, Montgomery, Warren, Boston, Virginia, Providence and Delaware.

[June 7.] Certain resolutions respecting independency, were moved and seconded, and the consideration of them referred till the next day. Richard Henry Lee, esq. one of the Virginia delegates, had given notice to congress, that on that day he should move for a declaration of independence; he accordingly made the motion. Various occurrences had contributed to ripen the colonies for the measure: several of which have been occasionally mentioned: others remain to be noticed. The North-Carolinians were at one time violent against a separation from Great-Britain; a delegate in their convention mentioning independence, the cry was—treason—treason; and he was called to order: but they have been wearied out by the proceedings of the British ministry, and the methods pursued and countenanced by governor Martin; so that all regard and fondness for the king and nation of Great-Britain has subsided, and independence has become the word most in use among them. They ask, “Is it possible that any colony, after what has passed, can wish for reconciliation? The constant publications, which have appeared and been read with attention, have greatly promoted the spirit of independency: but no one so much as the pamphlet under the signature of Common Sense, written by Mr. Thomas Paine, an Englishman. The stile, manner, and language of the author is singular and captivating. He undertakes to prove the necessity, the advantages, and practicability of independence. That no lurking affection for the sovereign may impede it, kings are placed in a light, that tends not only to destroy all attachment to them, but to make them distasteful; their very office is attempted to be rendered odious; from whence the transition to the royal person is easy. Nothing could have been better timed that this performance. In unison with the sentiments and feelings of the people, it has produced most astonishing effects and been received with vast applause; read by almost every American; and recommended as a work replete with truth; and against which none but the partial and prejudiced can form any objections. It has satisfied multitudes, that it is their true interests immediately to cut the Gordian knot by which the American colonies have been bound to Great-Britain, and to open their commerce, as an independent people, to all the nations of the world. It has been greatly instrumental in producing a similarity of sentiment through the continent, upon the subject under the consideration of congress. On the 10th, the business was postponed to the 1st of July; but that no time might be lost, the next day Messrs. Jefferson, John Adams, Franklin, Sherman and R. R. Livingston, were appointed a committee to prepare a declaration of independence. Directly upon which, congress resolved, “That a committee be appointed to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between these colonies; and that a committee be appointed to prepare a plan of treaties to be proposed to foreign powers.”

Let us pass for a while to other matters.

[June 17.] Congress resolved to send major general _Gates_ into Canada, to take the command of the forces in that province; but before the latter could reach them, they were at Crown-Point; this however could not be known by congress. They concluded upon authorizing gen. Washington to offer the Indians a reward of a hundred dollars for every commissioned officer, and thirty dollars for every private soldier of the king’s troops, that they should take prisoners in the Indian country or on the frontiers of the united colonies. The general’s army is surrounded by a great number of secret foes, who, he is persuaded, will stick at nothing to effect their purposes of destroying it. They had laid a deep scheme for doing it, which was prosecuted with the utmost vigilance, but has been happily discovered. The general has full proof as to their intentions against the army; but is not so clear whether there was any thing personal designed against himself. The reliance however, which he has on the protection of an all-wise and beneficent Being, has secured him at least against the fear of it; and will prevent any change in his conduct from taking place through apprehension.[13] Two of the general’s guard were concerned; a third, it is said, whom they tempted to join them, made the discovery. Several were taken into custody; and among them the mayor of New-York, who confessed the bringing of money from governor Tryon to pay for rifles made by a gunsmith now in irons. The mayor, after being twice examined, was remanded to prison, under a proper guard.

This affair produced a change in the politics of _New-Jersey_. That colony, it was thought, would be among the last to alter its government, whereas it will now be among the first that gets a settled constitution. Nothing more than a bare majority in favor of the alteration, was expected in the provincial congress; but the plot against the general wrought wonders; there were but four dissenting voices. On the 21st, however, before they could know the plot as a body, they proceeded to elect delegates for the continental congress, whom they empowered to join in declaring the united colonies independent of Great-Britain. In this election they left out William Livingston, esq. under a strong persuasion that he was not favorable to independency; and chose the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, the president of the college at Princeton, from a conviction that he would support it with all his abilities.

[June 25.] Gen. _Howe_ arrived at _Sandy-Hook_ in the Greyhound frigate. He soon received from gov. Tryon a full account of the state and disposition of the province, as well as of the strength of the Americans. Gen. _Washington_’s army was small, rather below nine thousand fit for duty. Of this little army, he wrote [June 28.] “at least 2000 are wholly destitute of arms, and near as many with arms in such condition as to be rather calculated to discourage than animate the user.” The same day the British fleet arrived with gen. Howe’s troops from Halifax. They took possession of Staten-Island July the 2d. On the 4th the American adjutant-general, col. Joseph Reed, wrote to a member of congress, “With an army of force before and a secret one behind, we stand on a point of land, with 6000 old troops, if a year’s service of about half, can entitle them to the name, and about 1500 new levies of this province, many disaffected, and more doubtful. In this situation we are, every man in the army, from the general to the private (acquainted with our true situation) is exceedingly discouraged. _Had I known the true posture of affairs, no consideration would have tempted me to have taken an active part of this scene; and this sentiment is universal._” Gen. Howe is sufficiently strong, considering the goodness of his troops, to make a successful attempt upon the Americans; but being in daily expectation of the reinforcement from Europe, he will undoubtedly remain inactive till their arrival.

This then is a proper opportunity for relating the operations in South Carolina.

The designs of ministry against the southern colonies, were providentially discovered before the arrival of Sir _Peter Parker_. In the beginning of April capt. James Barron arrived at Williamsburgh, with dispatches from the secretary of state, for governor Eden of Maryland, which he took from on board a small vessel sent by lord Dunmore to carry them to Annapolis. The secretary’s letter is dated Whitehall, December 23, 1775, and says,

“SIR,

“An armament of seven regiments, with a fleet of frigates and small
ships, is now in readiness to proceed to the southern colonies, in
order to attempt the restoration of legal government in that part of
America. It will proceed in the first place to North-Carolina, and
from thence either to South-Carolina or Virginia, as circumstances
shall point out.” This discovery is ranked, by the American commander
in chief, among many other signal interpositions of Providence, and as
serving to inspire every reflecting mind with confidence. No one
professes “a more firm reliance on the all-wise and powerful
dispensations of the supreme Being, or thinks his aid more necessary.”