Chapter XXII: Letter VIII: Roxbury, October 30, 1777 (4)

Colonel Brown conducted his operations with such secrecy and address, that he effectually surprised all the out-posts [Sept. 18.] between the landing at the north end of Lake George and the body of the fortress at Tyconderoga. Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the French lines and a block-house, with 200 batteaux, an armed sloop, and several gun-boats, were almost instantly taken. Four companies of foot, with nearly an equal number of Canadians, and many of the officers and crews of the vessels, amounting in the whole to 293, were made prisoners, and 100 Americans released. Brown, beside taking a number of arms and other things, retook the continental standard left at Ty when the fort was evacuated. His loss in killed and wounded was trifling. Finding after four days trial, that he and Johnson could not master Ty and Mount Independence, they abandoned the design and returned.

While the aforementioned expedition was carrying on, gen. Burgoyne having at length obtained about thirty days provision, with other necessary stores, resolved upon passing the Hudson’s-River with the army, which having executed, he encamped on the heights and in the plain of Saratoga. He took this measure upon himself, on the supposition that he was not authorised to call any officers in council, as the peremptory tenor of his orders, and the season of the year admitted of no alternative. He then advanced along the side of the river, and encamped on the heights about two miles from general Gates’s camp, which was three miles above Stillwater. On the eighteenth the Americans marched out, three thousand strong, in order to at-attack him, but found that to be prudentially impracticable.—However, they drew up in full view of him, and there tarried till dark. Gates was careful to keep colonel Morgan’s regiment of riflemen and a large corps of light-infantry under colonel Durbin, always in advance, ready to oppose the approach of the enemy. Large scouting parties from this advanced body were continually patrolling, to prevent a surprise. The next day gen. Burgoyne put himself at the head of the British line, which composed the right wing; this was covered by by gen. Frazer and colonel Breyman, with the grenadiers and light infantry of the army, being themselves covered by the Indians, provincials and Canadians, in the front and flanks. He advanced toward the American left wing, through some intervening woods of no great extent, while the left of the royal army and artillery, under the generals Philips and Reidesel, kept along the great roads and meadows by the river side.

[Sept. 19.] Some of the American scouting parties fall in with those of the British, and with great boldness begin the attack, about one o’clock at noon. The firing is no sooner heard by gen. Philips, than he makes his way, with a part of the artillery, through the wood, and renders essential service. Each commander supports, reinforces, and orders different regiments to engage; and the battle is hot and obstinate on both sides till about half past two o’clock, when it ceases for half an hour. The American and British line, being fully formed, the action is renewed and becomes general at three. Both armies appear determined to conquer or die. There is one continual blaze of fire for three hours without intermission. The report of the muskets resembles an incessant roll beating on a number of drums. The Americans and British alternately drive and are driven by each other. Three British regiments, the 20th, the 21st, and the 62d, are in constant and close fire for near four hours. All suffer considerable loss; the 62d, which was 500 strong when it left Canada, is reduced to less than 60 men, and to 4 or 5 officers. The 24th regiment, belonging to Frazer’s brigade, with the grenadiers and a part of the light-infantry are brought into action. Breyman’s riflemen, and some other parts of his corps, are also of service; but only act occasionally. The American troops in action, are those under Morgan and Durbin; the first, second and third New-Hampshire regiments; the eighth, ninth and tenth Massachusetts; the second and third New-York; and a Connecticut regiment of militia. The ninth Massachusetts regiment, col. Wesson’s, is warmly engaged, and greatly distinguishes itself. Col. Scammell, of the first New-Hampshire regiment, is peculiarly active, enterprising and brave; and leads on his men close to the enemy with great undauntedness, before he suffers them to fire. Capt. Jones, with his brigade of British artillery, behaves with the utmost intrepidity. His four cannon are repeatedly taken and retaken. He is killed; other officers are wounded; and thirty-six out of forty-eight of the matrosses, are killed or wounded. Few actions have been characterized by more obstinacy in attack or defence, than is the present. The British bayonet is repeatedly tried without effect. During the engagement many Americans place themselves in high trees in the rear of their own line; and there is seldom a minute’s interval of smoke in any part of the British line, without officers being taken off by a single shot. One is aimed at Burgoyne, but passes through the arm of captain Green, aid-de-camp to Philips, while delivering a message. The British commander’s escape is owing to the captain’s having a laced furniture to his saddle, which occasions his being mistaken for the general. Toward the close of the day, gen. Gates orders out of camp to the field of battle the 10th Massachusetts regiment under col. Marshall.[65] When he comes upon the open ground, he is perceived by a British officer, who has entered the neighboring wood with his soldiers, and is upon the point of overpowering an American regiment. The British officer quits the wood, calls out to him not to fire, for that he is a friend. Marshall suspects it, but the dusk of the evening prevents his distinguishing the regimentals; he therefore orders his men to make ready. He observes the officer directing his soldiers by the motion of his sword, how to form; and at length discerns the grenadier-caps, on which he calls out to his men _fire_. The British officer falls, and after a while the regiment seeks its safety in a retreat, which terminates the action in this quarter. In another spot, the Americans give way to the British bayonet and quit the field. Gen. Reidesel by exerting himself, brings up a part of the left wing, and arrives just in time to charge some of the Americans. But a regiment of the latter remains longest on the field of battle, by continuing upon it hours after the action totally ceases. Lieut. col. Brooks who commands the eighth Massachusetts regiment, by order of gen. Gates, goes to the left of all the American troops, so as to out flank the British, when he forms his line; but perceives troops in front of him, whom he cannot clearly distinguish because of the lateness of the evening, and the dusk being increased by the trees. They soon fire, and kill one of his men wounding others; on which he immediately engages them, and they give way. He concludes they are Germans from the brass cases on their breasts, for containing lighted match. Brooks remarking that the other American regiments are withdrawn, and that he cannot be supported in case the enemy advance upon him, and hearing them talk at a distance, changes his position, and falls back into the open road leading to the camp, and there remains. At length he sends to Gates for orders how to act, who directs him to return into camp; where it was before apprehended all the troops had collected that had been in action.—It is near upon eleven o’clock at night when he quits the ground and returns.

The British lost in this action rather more than 500 in killed, wounded and prisoners.[66] The loss of the Americans was, officers included, 64 killed, 217 wounded, and 38 missing, in all 319.[67] None of the right wing or centre were engaged, except Marshall’s regiment. The number that engaged was about 2500. Gates’s whole army, with the militia present was about 7000. Lincoln had not then joined him with his militia; neither was he in the action, but at or in the neighborhood of Bennington. Arnold’s division was out in the action, but he himself did not head them; he remained in the camp the whole time. The foreign officers said, that in all the engagements in which they had been, whether in Flanders or elsewhere, they never knew so long and hot a fire. The American army expended nearly all their ammunition and had but about forty rounds a man left them. After the action the general was under the necessity of sending not only for powder, but also to Albany for all the window leads and other lead that could be gotten for the making of bullets. He had never more than three days provision of flour at a time; but on the day of action the army had none, for it did not arrive till the 20th. It had been constantly the practice of gen. Gates, to take the precaution of having the baggage loaded every morning, and of being ready for a sudden movement; some of the British officers not knowing this was his practice wrongly inferred from his being taken the morning after the action, that he was apprehensive of being pushed, and of being obliged to give way. The royal army however discovered apprehension, by lying all the ensuing night upon their arms, at some distance from the field of battle. The next day they took a position nearly within cannon shot of the Americans, and fortified their right. The engagement answered so little to the expectation of their Indian auxiliaries, that a fresh desertion among them took place, in this season of danger and distress: while a number of other Indians repaired to the American camp. The last were attending a treaty with the American commissioners; who, finding they were inclinable to engage in a war, prepared a speech, and the next day offered them the war belt, which was immediately and solemnly accepted by warriors of the Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Onondagos and Mohawks. On the 17th the war feast was prepared, at which the belt was solemnly accepted by the whole. The 18th and 19th passed in equipping them. Being informed the 19th at night, that the American army was engaged, many of the Indians marched off without delay, and with such dispatch as to reach Gates, before noon next day though the distance was very considerable, and by night the remainder arrived in camp, making in all near 150.

The proximity of the two armies induced the American general to redouble his ardor in strengthening his left. The Americans are expert beyond all other nations, in the mode of defence by intrenchment, covered with strong abbatis.[68] From the 20th of September to the 7th of October, the armies were so near, that not a night passed without firing and sometimes concerted attacks upon the British advance pickets. No foraging party could be made by the royal troops, without great detachments to cover it. It was the American plan to harrass the enemy by constant alarms.[69] Mean while gen. Lincoln, agreeable to the orders sent him, marched toward the camp. By the 29th, he joined Gates with about 2000 militia.

General Burgoyne had from the beginning, a firm hope of being powerfully succoured when wanted, and at any rate of being met and joined at Albany, by a strong force from the army at New-York. With great difficulty he received on the 21st, a letter in cypher from Sir H. Clinton, informing him, that the latter intended making a diversion on the North-River, by attacking Fort Montgomery. Though this fell short of the aid he expected, he hoped it might afford essential service by obliging Gates to divide his army. He returned the messenger; and afterward dispatched two officers in disguise, and other confidential persons, all separately by different routes, to acquaint Clinton with his exact situation and condition, and to press him urgently to the immediate prosecution of his design, and to inform him that in point of provision he could, and was determined to hold his present position, in hope of favorable events, until the 12th of October. The British commander had to encounter disappointments and difficulties; and the Americans was not exempted. The latter wrote to gen. Washington on the 5th of October, “I am sorry to repeat to your excellency the distress I have suffered for want of a proper supply of musket cartridges from Springfield, or the materials to make them.——My anxiety also on account of provisions has been inexpressible. A greater error has not been committed this war, than the changing the commissariot in the middle of the campaign.”

Sir H. Clinton’s intended diversion did not commence so soon as proposed; for the British reinforcement under gen. Robertson, amounting to near 2000 men, did not arrive from Europe till about the beginning of October. They were three months on their passage, owing partly to contrary winds, and partly to their being on board heavy sailing Dutch bottoms. Had they arrived a month sooner, the state of affairs would undoubtedly have been widely different. When they did arrive, Clinton lost no time in employing them. Numbers of them were immediately removed to proper vessels, and joined in the expedition against the forts in the highlands. The arrangements being made he proceeded up the North-River with about 4000 men; and landed on the 4th of October at Tarry-town, meaning to excite an apprehension in gen. Putnam, that his post at Peek’s-kill was the object. A thousand continental troops had been left him, therewith to defend it, but the effectives were fewer: he had made repeated application for militia from New-York state and Connecticut, but had been joined by very few, they having been called away from an expedition against the royal force on Rhode-Island. At eight at night he wrote to gov. Clinton, and informed him of the arrival of the British, and what he thought was their destination. The governor, upon the receipt of the letter, penetrated his namesake’s design; prorogued the assembly the next day; and hastened to Fort Montgomery, where he arrived at night. The royal troops were secretly transferred across the river, and dispositions made, for an assault upon the forts on the 6th.

[Oct. 6.] The American advanced party is attacked by the enemy at Doodle-town, about two miles and a half from Fort Montgomery. They receive the enemy’s fire and retreat to Fort Clinton. The enemy then advance to the west side of the mountain, to attack the Americans in the rear. Gov. Clinton orders out a detachment of 100 men toward Doodle-town, and another of 60 with a brass field-piece, to a very good spot on a different road. They are both attacked soon by the enemy’s whole force, and obliged to give way; but behave with spirit, and retreat with great order till they reach the fort. The governor immediately posts his men in the most advantageous manner; but it is not many minutes before his post, as well as Fort Clinton, is invaded on all sides. He is summoned when the sun is about an hour high to surrender in five minutes; but refuses. In about ten minutes after, the British make a general and desperate attack on both posts, which is received with spirit. Officers and men, as well as militia as continentals, behave well. A most incessant fire is kept up till dusk, when the assailed are overpowered by numbers, who force the lines and redoubts at both posts. Not a few of the Americans fight their way out, others mix with the enemy, and so make their escape, knowing all the avenues in the mountains, and being favored by the night. The governor, and his brother gen. James Clinton, who is wounded, but not dangerously, get off clear. The former is joined the next day by better than 200 of the garrison; and is in expectation of many more.

The whole garrison consisted of but 600 men, not one half of whom had bayonets, wherewith to oppose those of the enemy, whose repeated assaults with that weapon at length prevailed.—When it was evident that the enemy meant an attack upon these posts, application was made for a reinforcement from Peek’s-kill; but through mistake, and the treachery of the issuing commissary at Fort Montgomery, it was not sent in time: the forts were carried while it was crossing the river, which occasioned its return. A seasonable supply of 500 men might have secured them. They were no sooner lost, but Fort Constitution was demolished without the orders of the governor, and without first removing the artillery and stores. The Americans set fire also to two fine new frigates, and some other vessels, which with their guns and stores were all consumed. Gen. Tryon was sent off with a detachment, and destroyed a new settlement, called Continental-village, which contained barracks for 1500 men, beside many stores.

The cannon, stores, ammunition, &c. taken and destroyed by the British, were very considerable; but the main advantage obtained by them was the opening of the passage up the North-River. This had been obstructed by a boom and chain running across the river from fort Montgomery. The chain weighed above 50 ton, and the links were about 2 & 1–2 inches square. There was another inferior boom near Fort Constitution. These booms and chain cost the Americans an amazing deal of labour and more than fifty thousand pounds sterling, as is supposed, in paper continental money. The reduction of the forts put the British into immediate possession of the power of removing there obstructions, and passing up to Albany. Gen. Putnam was in such expectation of their improving this advantage, that he wrote to gen. Gates on the 8th, “I cannot flatter you or myself with the hopes of preventing the enemy’s advancing, therefore prepare for the worst.” The next day he said, “The Connecticut militia came in yesterday, and the day before in great numbers, but I am sorry to say, they already begin to run away. The enemy can take a fair wind, and with their flat-bottomed boats which have all sails, to go to Albany or Half-Moon with great expedition, I believe without any opposition.” Half-Moon is sixteen miles below where Gates was encamped. The same day a spy was brought before gov. Clinton, and confessed—“That he was charged by Sir Henry to go to Burgoyne and acquaint him, that on Monday, the 6th, he stormed and carried the forts with the loss of lieut. col. Campbell, majors Grant and Sill slain; besides a number of other officers, and upward of 300 rank and file, killed and wounded: that a number of people were employed, who were constantly from one army to the other:—That gen. Clinton intended to push up the river;—and that a capt. Campbell of Burgoyne’s army, lately arrived with dispatches to Sir Henry and set off on his return, the Wednesday morning with the news of the reduction of Fort Montgomery.” The captain however, did not get back to Burgoyne till the night before the convention was signed. The spy did not mention the death of count Grabouski a Polish nobleman, who was killed in the attack, while acting as aid-de-camp to Sir Henry Clinton.

Let us now attend the motions of generals Burgoyne and Gates. In the begining of October, the British commander judged it expedient to lessen the soldiers’ rations of provision, to which they submitted with cheerfulness. Things continued in this state with the royal army till the 7th, when no intelligence having been received of the expected co-operation, and four or five days for their limited stay in the camp only remaining, it was thought advisable to make a movement to the left of the Americans, not only to discover whether there was any possible mean of forcing a passage, should it be necessary to advance, or of dislodging them for the convenience of a retreat; but also to cover a forage of the army in the greatest distress by the present scarcity.

Before general Gates has gained any knowledge of this intended movement he has ordered out a party of about 300 men in the morning; soon after he directs lieut. col. Brooks to repair to head-quarters when he gives him the command of them, and desires him to call between one and two o’clock, for particular directions. The party is destined to go into the rear of Burgoyne, to drive in his out-posts, and to occasion an alarm, which Gates means to take advantage of, if opportunity offers. But unknown to him, a royal detachment of 1500 regular troops with two twelve-pounders, two howitzers, and six six-pounders, are ordered to move, being commanded by Burgoyne in person, seconded by generals Philips, Reidesel and Frazer. The guard of the camp upon the high grounds is committed to generals Hamilton and Specht; that of the redoubts and plain near the river to brigadier Gall. The force of the Americans in front is thought to be so much superior, that it is not judged safe to augment the detachment beyond the number stated.

While Brooks is waiting at the American head-quarters, a serjeant arrives with an account of the motion of the royal detachment; which is speedily confirmed. On this the party he was to have commanded is dismissed; and the officers and men present are ordered to their posts. Burgoyne’s scouting parties are driven in by col. Morgan’s riflemen and the corps of light-infantry: but his troops continue advancing, and are formed within three quarters of a mile of Gates’s left. The artillery is posted on a clear spot of ground, in a great measure surrounded by woods, the two medium twelve-pounders on a small eminence, nearly in the centre of it. The irregulars are pushed on through by-ways to gain the American rear, and to keep them in check. Gen. Arnold, who had mounted his horse, receives a message from Gates, directing him to be cautious, for that he apprehends that Burgoyne designs to make his main attack on the right. Arnold shows much displeasure at it, expresses himself improperly, and says, “I will be answerable for consequences.” He orders out Cilly’s New-Hampshire regiment with others, and soon follows them. About four o’clock in the afternoon, the American column approaches the royal detachment and is immediately fired upon by the twelve-pounders and the four six-pounders; notwithstanding which, the men draw up along the skirts of the woods behind trees, about 200 yards distant from the artillery. They make a very sudden and rapid attack upon the British grenadiers, who are posted to support the left wing of the line. Major Ackland at the head of them sustains this fierce attack with great resolution. General Gates having ordered out more regiments, the number of the Americans enables them soon to extend the attack along the whole front of the Germans, who are posted immediately on the right of the grenadiers. It is therefore impracticable to remove any of the Germans, for the purpose of forming a second line to the flank where the stress of the fire lies. The right it still unengaged; but it is observed that the Americans are marching a large corps round their flank in order to cut off their retreat. To oppose this bold and dangerous attempt, the light-infantry, with a part of the 24th regiment, which are joined with them at the post, are directed to form a second line, in order to cover the retreat of the troops into camp. While this movement is in process, the Americans push forward a fresh and strong reinforcement to renew the action on Burgoyne’s left which is totally overpowered and compelled to give way; on this the light-infantry and 24th regiment are obliged, by quick movement, to attempt saving that wing from being totally ruined; but in doing it gen. Frazer is mortally wounded. The situation of the detachment is now exceeding critical; but the danger to which the lines are exposed, is still more alarming. Generals Philips and Reidesel are ordered to cover the retreat; and those troops which are nearest or most disengaged, return as fast as they can for the defence of the lines. A little after five, in the height of the action, lieut. col. Brooks, by Gates’s order, quits the camp at the head of col. Michael Jackson’s regiment, and directs his march to the warmest fire. On advancing into the field, he finds the royal detachment has given way in all quarters, and Arnold pushing with Paterson’s brigade for the works possessed by the British light-infantry assisted by some of the line, who have just thrown themselves into the same, with great precipitation, by means of a circuitous retreat. The brigade has a large abbatis to cross, and many other obstructions to surmount, in the face of a brave enemy, occupying works advantageously constructed and completed, it is therefore at length compelled to retire. But during the contest, Jackson’s regiment passing the rear of the brigade, falls into the fire on its left, having in front two stockade redoubts occupied by some Canadians, and the left of the works, in which are the German grenadiers, under colonel Breyman. At some considerable distance on the left of Brooks, are Wesson’s regiment, Morgan’s corps, and the York troops. Paterson’s brigade failing, Arnold leaves it, and comes to Jackson’s regiment, which he orders instantly to advance, and attack the lines and redoubts in front. Brooks commands two platoons from the right to attack the stockades; they move with great rapidity, carry the point with charged bayonets, and suffer little more than the loss of two lieutenants killed. The regiment instantly makes an assault on the main lines, though manned with double its number. Arnold having given Brooks his orders, passes on to the left; and having ordered the Americans there to make a general assault, returns to Jackson’s regiment, the left of which has arrived at the works; and a small sally-port presenting, Arnold and a part of the left platoon pass through together. The enemy retire firing, and gain their tents about thirty or forty yards from the works, but finding the assault is general, they give one fire, and either retreat to the British camp or throw down their arms. By this last fire Arnold is wounded, and a sergeant of Jackson’s regiment, standing near the general, killed. Orders are given by Burgoyne for the recovery of the entrenchments of the German reserve; but they are not executed, and the Americans remain in possession of an opening on the right and rear of the royal army. The night puts an end to the action.

The heat of it, with small arms, lasted about forty minutes; but the cannonading continued after the royal detachment had given way. In the course of it, a shot passed through gen. Burgoyne’s hat, and another tore his waistcoat. A battalion of Brunswickers ran, though not one of them was killed, and would never come on again.[70] To this misbehavior some may be ready to ascribe the want of success on the side of the British, and as a consequence of it, the loss of the whole army. Whatever such behaviour might contribute toward the event, the bravery of the Americans had certainly a very considerable share in it. The royal detachment was driven by them near upon two miles, and had scarce entered the camp when it was stormed by them with great fury; for they rushed on to the lines under one of the heaviest cannonades of artillery, grape-shot and rifle fire ever beheld, and never gave way till they met the British grenadiers. Some of the British officers were astonished at hearing the fire of the American musketry kept up with such vigor and constancy, after undergoing so heavy a fire of artillery.[71] One of the bravest of them[72] is ready to declare, that whenever he has been opposed to the Americans, they have fought with courage and obstinacy. He found it so in the above action. General Arnold was next to military mad. He appeared, in the heat of the engagement, so beside himself as scarce to know what he did. He struck several of the officers with his sword, without any apparent reason; and when they told him of it the next day, meaning to remonstrate and require satisfaction, he declared he recollected nothing at all of it, and was sorry if it was so. Some of his orders were exceedingly rash and injudicious, and argued thoughtlessness rather than courage.[73] His attack upon the British varied so from established military maxims, that the royal officers inferred from it, that gen. Gates did not personally command in the action. Gates remained for the most part in the camp, as on the 19th of September, that he might the better guide the general operations, and give the necessary directions as they were wanted. Arnold’s left-handed variation might however contribute greatly toward obtaining the victory. The British have been at length taught by experience, that neither American attacks nor resistance, are to be despised.

Nothing could easily exceed the distress and calamity of the royal army when the day was closed. The Americans halted half a mile in the rear of them; and between twelve and one o’clock at night, gen. Lincoln (who during the action, was in the centre of the encampment, commanding within the works) marched with his division to relieve the troops that had been engaged, and to possess the ground they had gained. The situation of the British made a total change of position necessary to secure them from certain destruction. It was executed during the night with a great degree of coolness, silence, order and intrepidity. It was a general remove of the whole army, of the camp and artillery, from its late ground to the heights above the hospital; with the design, by an entire change of the front, of reducing the Americans, if possible, to the necessity of forming a new disposition. This remove was accomplished without any loss whatever. The day of action proved fatal to numbers. The officers suffered exceedingly. Several who had been grievously wounded in the former action, and disdained absence from danger, were again wounded. Beside general Frazer, Sir James Clark, Burgoyne’s aid-de-camp, was mortally wounded and taken prisoner. Major Williams of the artillery, and major Ackland were also taken, the latter being wounded. Lieut. col. Breyman was killed when the intrenchment where he commanded was forced. The lists of killed and wounded, though avowedly imperfect, and not including the Germans are very considerable. The loss of the Americans was trifling both in men and officers. They took officers and privates, to the amount of rather more than 200: beside 9 pieces of brass artillery, and the encampment of a German brigade with all their equipage. But what was of the utmost consequence, they obtained a large supply of ammunition from among the spoils of the field, under an excessive scarcity of which they had long laboured. The same troops were engaged as on the 19th of September, with detached regiments, from generals Glover and Paterson’s brigades, together with a strong brigade of New-Hampshire militia, and Green Mountain boys, alias Vermont militia.

The royal troops were under arms the whole day of the 8th of October, in continual expectation of an action, and were connonaded during the greatest part of it; but all that happened was a succession of skirmishes, which occasioned loss on both sides. Gen. Lincoln was wounded in his leg by a random shot of the enemy, as riding in company with gen. Gates. About sun set, the corpse of gen. Frazer was brought up the hill, attended only by the officers who had lived in his family, for he desired it might be carried, without parade, by the soldiers of his corps to the great redoubt, and there buried. It necessarily passed within view of both armies; generals Philips, Reidesel and Burgoyne, standing together, were struck with the humility of the procession. Their conforming to that privacy which had been requested, might be construed into neglect. They could neither endure that reflection, nor restrain their natural propensity to pay their last attention to his remains. They followed the corpse to the grave. The incessent cannonade during the solemnity:—the steady attitude, and unaltered voice with which the chaplain officiated, though frequently covered with dust, thrown up on all sides of him by the shot:—the mute but expressive mixture of sensibility and indignation upon every countenance:—together with the growing duskiness of the evining, may be hereafter described by the pen of the British commander, as marking a character of that juncture, which makes one of the finest objects for the pencil of a master, that the field ever exhibited.[74] But had gen. Burgoyne acquainted the American commander with the intended procession, the serenity would have been varied; for Gates instead of admitting the cannonade, would rather have ordered minue guns to have been fired in honor to the deceased; and could he have gained in time the knowledge of what was going forward, would undoubtedly have silenced the former.

General Gates previous to the action, posted 1400 Americans on the heights opposite the ford of Saratoga, and 2000 in the rear to prevent a retreat to Fort Edward; afterward on the 8th, he posted 1500 at the ford higher up. Gen. Burgoyne, having received intelligence of it, and apprehending that Gates meant to turn his right, which when effected would have enclosed him completely resolved on an immediate retreat to Saratoga. The army began to move at nine o’clock at night and the movement was made without loss; but the hospital with the sick and wounded, was necessarily abandoned. In this instance, as well as in every other which occured in the course of these transactions, Gates behaved with such attention and humanity, to all whom the fortune of war threw into his hands, as does honor to his character. The badness of the roads, and the starving condition of the cattle for want of forage, together with one incessent rain, like a continued thunder shower from about eight in the morning of the 9th till long after the day closed, and other difficulties, prevented the army’s reaching Saratoga though no more than about six miles distant, before night, and then worn down with excessive fatigue. During the rain a body of militia continued their march, and got in above Gates’ army, but some way below Fort Edward. Gates being informed of their arrival ordered them immediately to the fort. They arrived there the next morning early, about two or three hours before a detachment sent off by Burgoyne to possess that post could get up to it. The detachment finding it occupied by the Americans, returned much dispirited.

When the royal artillery and army had passed the fords of the Fish-kill creek, a little to the northward of Saratoga on the morning of the 10th, they found a body of Americans already arrived, who retired at their approach over a ford of Hudson’s-River, and there joined a greater force stationed to prevent the passage of the British. No hope remained, but that of effecting a retreat at last to Fort George. Artificers were sent forward to repair the bridges: but they were not long departed from the camp with a strong escort, when the sudden appearance of the Americans, on the opposite heights, with an apparent preparation to pass the Fish-kill, and bring on an engagement, rendered it necessary to recall the 47th regiment, and Frazers’s marksmen—these with M’koy’s provincials formed the escort. The workmen had only commenced the repair of the first bridge, when they were abandoned by their provincial guard, who ran away and left them to shift for themselves, upon a slight attack of an inconsiderable party of Americans.

On the morning of the 11th of October, gen. Gates called the general officers together, and informed them of his having received certain intelligence, which might be depended upon, that the main body of Burgoyne’s army was marched off for Fort Edward with what they could take, and that a rear guard only was left in the camp, who after a while were to push off as fast as possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind. On this it was concluded to advance and attack the camp in half an hour. The officers repaired immediately to their respective commands. Gen. Nixon’s, being the eldest brigade, crossed the Saratoga creek first. Unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne had a line formed behind a parcel of brush wood, to support the post of artillery, where the others meant to make their attack. Gen. Glover was upon the point of following Nixon. Just as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier making across, whom he called and examined. The soldier said he had deserted, that he belonged to the bullock guard (the guard placed over the cattle) and that he was going to the Americans. Glover asked him about Burgoyne’s army. The soldier answered, It is encamped the same as days past. Glover told him—“If you are found attempting to deceive me, you shall be hung in half an hour; but if you speak nothing but the truth, you shall be protected, and meet with good usage.” He then asked him—“Have not numbers been sent off to Fort Edward?” The deserter replied—“A small detachment was sent off a day or two ago, but are returned on finding the passes occupied by the Americans, and the whole army is now in camp.” Glover, though the junior officer to Nixon, sent off immediately to him, to desist and recross the creek; and at the same time dispatched his aid-de-camp, with the deserter behind him on horse-back to Gates; who having examined the soldier, hurried away the aid-de-camp, the adjutant general and others, to countermand the former orders and prevent the attack. Gen. Nixon upon Glover’s message retreated; but before he had recrossed, the fog cleared off, and the rear of the brigade was galled by the enemy’s cannon, which killed several of his men. Before the orders from gen. Gates arrived, the British deserter’s information was confirmed by like intelligence from a German deserter.[75] Glover’s message was received by Nixon in the critical moment; a quarter of an hour later would probably have proved fatal to his whole brigade, and given a turn to affairs in favor of the royal army. On incidents of this kind may depend the rise and fall of mighty kingdoms, and the far distant future transfer of power, glory, and riches, of arts and sciences, from Europe to America. Are they blind unmeaning casualties? Or are they the direct orderings of a Divine Being, for the establishment of his own purpose, by a superintending Providence, and the jarring devices of mortals?

Gates after a victory acknowledged in general orders a Providence, but did not presume upon it, so as to neglect the dictates of human prudence. That he might secure all the advantages of the successful action on the 7th, he applied to the New-Hampshire assembly for more troops. The speaker, John Langdon, esq. upon receiving the application, immediately proposed that the assembly should adjourn, and that as many of the members as could, should set off directly as volunteers for the camp, taking with them all the men they could collect: which was agreed to and done by himself and others.

In the course of the above transactions, large quantities of baggage, provision, boats, &c. were taken by both the continentals and milita. The latter were extremely eager after plunder; and even robbed the former, as opportunity offered, of what they had secured, and made sale of it for their own advantage. The irregularities in this business were so gross, that the American commander, on the 12th, gave out in general orders—“The general sees so many scandalous and mean transactions, committed by persons who seek more after plunder than the honor of doing their duty in a becoming and soldier-like manner, that he is obliged to declare his unalterable resolution, to have the first person who shall hereafter be detected pillaging the baggage and stores taken from the enemy, tried and punished with the utmost severity of the military law. Officers, who know their duty and have virtue to practise it, will not be seeking plunder, when they ought to be doing their best service in the field; it is only the worthless and the pilfering that are so truly infamous. For the future, all plunder taken from the enemy is to be delivered to lieut. col. Hay, deputy-quarter-master general who is to give a receipt for the same, and after three days public notice in general orders, it shall be sold by auction in the most central place in the rear of the army and the money for which the plunder is sold, shall be properly and fairly divided, to such persons as in the impartial judgment of the general, have a right to receive a share: when there is a sum sufficient to divide among the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the whole army, they may be assured of such having their just quota.”

It is believed, that gen. Burgoyne when upon the point of retreating, said to major Skeen to this purport—“you have been the occasion of getting me into this difficulty, now advise me how to get out of it,”—referring to the advice the major gave in relation to the Bennington expedition; and that the major answered—“scatter your baggage, stores and every thing else that can be spared, at proper distances; and the militia will be so engaged in collecting and securing the same, that the troops will have an opportunity of getting clear off.” The major certainly knew the cast of the militia; and if military honor and other circumstances, had admitted of trying the proposed expedient, it might have succeded; for though gen. Gates had the continentals under good discipline, it would have been next to impossible for him to have prevented the militia’s being taken in by the hopes of immediate gain.

Burgoyne was at length reduced to the necessity of conforming in a degree to the expedient. The only measure that appeared practicable for the escape of the army, though difficult and dangerous, was by a night march to gain Fort Edward, the troops carrying their provisions on their backs. The impossibility of conveying, in their present situation, the artillery and carriages, was too evident to admit of a question. It was proposed to force the fords at or near the fort. But all hope of effecting this manœuvre soon failed. The Americans who had been ordered there, were too strongly posted. Beside, they made a discovery, which they greatly improved. Below the fort, close in with the river, they found the appearance of a grave, with an inscription on a board——_Here lies the body of lieutenant_ ——. They were at a loss what it should mean.—On searching, they discovered three boats, instead of a body.—These the enemy had concealed. Having none of their own, they by the help of them sent scouting parties across the river, which by falling into a track a mile and a half beyond, discouraged the enemy’s parties from attempting an escape that way.—A continental captain, on furlough for his health being at hand and thoroughly acquainted with the woods, collected a number of men together, and went off six miles further, where he fell in with another track, just in time to prevent a large corps of Canadians and others getting off by the some. Perceiving them as they advanced, he concealed his men till they were near enough, and then gave them a volley, attended with yells, shouts, and other sounds, which put them into such confusion, that they fled back to Burgoyne’s camp, with the report that the woods are filled with thousands of Americans. The certain intelligence that was received, the flying reports that were spread, and the various circumstances that existed, rendered the state and situation of the royal army deplorably calamitous. They had been obliged for some days to lie continually upon their arms.

On the 13th, gen. Burgoyne finding that the troops had only three days provision in store, on short allowance, and no apparent means of retreat remaining, called into council all the generals, field-officers, and captains commanding corps. There was not a spot of ground in the whole camp for holding the council of war, but what was exposed to cannon or rifle shot. While the council was deliberating, an eighteen pound ball crossed the table. By the unanimous advice and concurrence of the council, the general was induced to open a treaty with gen. Gates. The first proposals of the latter were rejected, and the sixth article with disdain, wherein it was required that the British army should lay down their arms in the entrenchments. Burgoyne’s counter-proposals were unanimously approved; and being sent to Gates, were agreed to on the 5th, without any material alteration. The proposals not being signed by either party, and captain Campbell returning in the night of 16th to Burgoyne, with the news of the reduction of Fort Montgomery and other intelligence, the general submitted it to consideration, whether it was consistent with public faith, and if so, expedient to suspend the execution of the treaty, and trust to events. The opinion of different officers was asked, in regard to the condition of their respective corps, and what might be expected from them severally in desperate cases. Some entertained doubts of part of the troops, if the negociation ceased; and others of a greater part for want of bodily strength, if desperate enterprises were to be afterward undertaken. The majority of the council determined, that the public faith was _bona fide_ plighted.[76] Burgoyne, from the intelligence brought in the night by Campbell, entertained a slight hope of remote relief, and accordingly gave his voice against the majority; but the majority having determined differently, the concurrence for signing the treaty was unanimous.[77] Gates, jealous lest the signing would be unnecessarily delayed, and fearful of the consequences which might follow, should gen. Vaughan, with his troops, come up in time to Burgoyne’s assistance, determined upon bringing the matter to an immediate issue. On the morning of the 17th, he got every thing in readiness for attacking the royal army. This done, he took out his watch, the time agreed upon for signing being come; sent col. Greaton, on horseback, to Burgoyne, with a message, requiring their general to sign; and allowed him no more than ten minutes to go and return. He was back in time. The treaty was signed: all hostile appearances ceased; and the Americans marched into their lines, to the tune of Yankee Doodle. They were kept there until the royal army had marched out of their lines, and deposited their arms at the place appointed by the treaty.

The delicacy with which this business was conducted, reflects the highest honor upon the American general. It intimated, that he was sensible of the mortification attending a reverse of fortune; and that he was unwilling to aggravate the painful feelings of the royal troops, by admitting the American soldiery to be eye-witnesses to the degrading spectacle of piling their arms. His humanity and politeness are the more praise-worthy, as some late, as well as former circumstances, had highly enraged the militia. The extraordinary and severe measures pursued upon the North-River by the British, and to be related below, might also have afforded too much colour for a different mode of conduct.

When the arms was deposited agreeable to treaty, the royal troops were served with bread by the Americans, as they had neither any left nor flour to make it. They had only one day’s salt meat remaining.

The treaty is stiled—_A convention between lieutenant-general Burgoyne and major-general Gates_. The articles follow:——1. The troops under lieut. gen. Burgoyne, to march out of their camp with the honors of war, and the artillery of the intrenchments to the verge of the river where the old fort stood, where the arms and artillery are to be left.—The arms to be piled by word of command from their own officers:—2. A free passage to be granted to the army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne to Great-Britain, upon condition of not serving again in North-America during the present contest; and the port of Boston to be assigned for the entry of transports, to receive the troops, whenever gen. Howe shall so order:—3. Should any cartel take place, by which the army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne, or any part of it, may be exchanged, the foregoing article to be void, as far as such exchange shall be made:—4. The army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne is to march to Massachusetts-Bay, by the easiest and most expeditious and convenient route; and to be quartered in, near, or as convenient as possible to Boston, that the march of the troops may not be delayed when transports arrive to receive them:—5. The troops to be supplied on the march, and during their being in quarters, with provisions, by major-general Gates’s orders, at the same rate of rations as the troops of his own army; and if possible, the officers horses and cattle are to be supplied with forage at the usual rates:—6. All officers, to retain their carriages, bat-horses, and other cattle, and no baggage to be molested or searched; lieut. gen. Burgoyne giving his honor, that there are no public stores contained therein. Major-gen. Gates will of course take the necessary measures for the due performance of this article: should any carriages be wanted during the march, for the transportation of officers baggage, they are, if possible, to be supplied by the country at the usual rates:—7. Upon the march, and during the time the army shall remain in quarters, in the Massachusetts-Bay, the officers are not, as far as circumstances will admit, to be separated from their men. The officers are to be quartered according to their rank, and are not to be hindred from assembling their men for roll-callings, and other necessary purposes of regularity:—8. All corps whatever of lieut. gen. Burgoyne’s army, whether composed of sailors, batteaux men, artificers, drivers, independent companies, and fowlers of the army, of whatever country, shall be included in the fullest sense and utmost extent of the above articles, and comprehended in every respect as British subjects:—9. All Canadians, and persons belonging to the Canadian establishment, consisting of sailors, batteaux-men, artificers, drivers, independent companies, and many other followers of the army, who come under no particular description, are to be permitted to return there: they are to be conducted immediately, by the shortest route to the first British post on Lake George, are to be supplied with provisions in the same manner as the other troops, and to be bound by the same condition of not serving during the present contest in North-America:—10. Passports to be immediately granted for three officers, not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall be appointed by lieut. gen. Burgoyne, to carry dispatches to Sir Wm. Howe, Sir Guy Carleton, and to Great-Britain by the way of New-York; and major-general Gates engages the public faith, that these dispatches shall not be opened. These officers are to set out immediately after receiving their dispatches, and are to travel by the shortest route, and in the most expeditious manner:—11. During the stay of the troops in the Massachusetts-Bay, the officers are to be admitted on parole, and are to be permitted to wear their side arms:—12. Should the army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne find it necessary to send for their clothing and other baggage from Canada, they are to be permitted to do it in the most convenient manner, and necessary passports to be granted for that purpose:—13. These articles are to be mutually signed and exchange to-morrow morning at nine o’clock; and the troops under lieut. gen. Burgoyne, are to march out of their entrenchments at three o’clock in the afternoon. Camp at Saratoga, October 16, 1777.

HORATIA GATES, _Major General_.

To prevent any doubts that might arise from lieut. gen. Burgoyne’s name not being mentioned in the above treaty, major-general Gates hereby declares, that he is understood to be comprehended in it as fully as if his name had been specifically mentioned.

HORATIA GATES.

Such was the impatience of some of the militia to return home before the royal army had been brought to surrender, and so little their concern to be spectators of the event, that one of the Northampton regiments went off the day before the flag came out from Burgoyne. Another regiment took itself away while the treaty was in agitation. But the fate of the army will confirm the truth of what its commander wrote to lord George Germain, “August the 20th, the great bulk of the country is undoubtedly with the congress in principle and zeal.” When after the convention the officers went into the American camp, they were surprised; and some of them said, that of all the camps they had ever seen in Germany or elsewhere, they never saw any better disposed and secured.