Chapter XXI: Letter VIII: Roxbury, October 30, 1777 (3)

General Howe, while marching the army in two columns, toward Goshen, heard that the Americans were within five miles of it, and immediately determined to push forward and attack them. Intelligence was brought [Sept. 17.] to general Washington, of his approach. Gen. Sullivan was directed to draw up the American troops in order of battle. Gen. Greene observed, that at a little distance in their rear, was a large piece of water, extending their whole length, and which, in case of a defeat, would prevent their retreating. He rode to gen. Washington, acquainted him with what he had noticed, and asked whether he meant that the troops should fight in that situation. He was desired to arrange them differently. Mean time gen. Wayne, with the advance, was engaged with the enemy a considerable distance off. While Greene was removing the army to a new position, it began to rain. Soon after it poured like one incessant thunder shower. It continued raining till the next day. Thus both parties were rendered equally and totally incapable of action. The Americans have reason to be thankful for this providential interposition, as it is highly probable that an engagement with troops flushed with the preceding victory, better disciplined and more experienced, would have determined greatly to their disadvantage. On examining their arms on the 18th, they were found to be much impaired. Beside, all the ammunition in the cartouch boxes was entirely ruined. General Washington therefore withdrew the army to a place of security, and filed off toward Reading.

Gen. Greene, in company with col. Tilghman, one of Washington’s aids, reconnoitred for a position, and fixed upon the range of mountains from Valley Forge toward the Yellow Springs. He considered the ground as strong, difficult of access, and yet allowing of an easy descent; and as favorable for partial actions without admitting of any very decisive. Gen. Wayne being in the rear of Sir William Howe, Greene concluded that the position would bring all the American force partly upon Sir William’s flank and rear, and within striking distance of him, if he attempted crossing the Schuylkill, and would oblige him to fight the Americans on their own terms. He thought also, that the position would afford them the probability of beating him; or at least of so crippling him, as that he would not venture to possess himself of Philadelphia; and that in case of their being beaten, it would afford them a safe retreat. He transmitted his sentiments to the commander in chief by letter, but not before hearing from him that it had been determined in council, to cross the Schuylkill above French-creek, and take a position in front of gen. Howe.

On the 19th gen. Washington wrote to Wayne—“By the advice of the general officers, I have determined that the army under my immediate command, cross the Schuylkill at Parker’s Ford, and endeavor to get down in time to oppose the enemy in front, whilst the corps under your command, in conjunction with general Smallwood and colonel Gist, act to the greatest advantage in the rear.”

General Howe, upon intelligence that Wayne was lying in the woods with a corps of 1500 men and four pieces of cannon, in the rear of the left wing of his army, detached general Grey, on the 20th, late at night, with two regiments and a body of light-infantry, to surprise him. [Sept. 21.] Grey gained Wayne’s left about one o’clock in the morning. Some out sentries were early missed by an American officer going his rounds, and an alarm was given in time for the men to turn out; but unhappily for them, Wayne paraded them in the light of their fires, instead of withdrawing them to the back of their encampment. Thus the British were directed where to rush with their bayonets, as ordered by their commander, without firing a gun. They did great execution, killing and wounding near 300 on the spot. They took between 70 and 80 prisoners, including several officers, a great many arms, and eight waggons loaded with baggage and stores; and had only one captain of light-infantry and three privates killed, and four men wounded. The darkness of the night, and some prudent dispositions of Wayne’s, prevented their further success.

In the afternoon of the 22d, Sir William Howe having by various manœuvres drawn gen. Washington 30 miles from Philadelphia, instead of attacking him upon the right, agreeable to the idea he had seemingly affected to impress, ordered the grenadiers and light infantry of the guards to cross the Schuylkill at Fat Land Ford, and to take post, and the chasseurs to do the same at Gordon’s Ford, both below the left of the Americans. At midnight the army moved, and crossed the river at Fat Land Ford without opposition; the rear-guard, with the baggage, passed it before two in the afternoon, and the whole were encamped by night of the 23d. This event was not expected by the American commander. Advice was received in the night of the enemy’s having crossed the river at Gordon’s Ford, which was afterward contradicted. This last information was credited, so that when the gentlemen at head-quarters were assured the next morning that Howe’s army had crossed the Schuylkill and was marching toward Philadelphia, every one was astonished.

The congress had before hurried away in the night of the 18th. After the adjournment of that day, the president received a letter from colonel Hamilton, one of general Washington’s aids, intimating the necessity of their removing immediately from Philadelphia; whereupon they left the city, and agreeable to a resolve of the fourteenth, repaired to Lancaster. The letter, the immediate hurry, and the alarm of the enemy’s being at Sweed’s Ford, threw the city into the utmost confusion, and at the same time roused all who wished to quit it, into a preparation for a speedy removal.

On the 26th Sir William Howe made his triumphal entry into Philadelphia, with a very small part of his army, where he was most cordially received by the generality of the Quakers and a few other royalists; the bulk of his troops were left in and about Germantown, a village forming one continued street for near two miles. Gen. Washington’s army was encamped near Shippach-creek, about eighteen miles from thence.

[Sept. 30.] The congress removed to York-town by the end of the month. Before they had quitted Philadelphia they had elected baron de Kalb major-general; and had entered upon their journals—“Whereas Mons. du Coudray, colonel-brigadier in the service of his most christian majesty the king of France, and commander in chief of the artillery in the French colonies in America, gallantly offered to join the American army as a volunteer, but in his way thither was most unfortunately drowned in attempting to cross the Schuylkill—Resolved, That the corpse of the said Mons. du Coudray be interred at the expence of the United States, and with the honors of war.” They also resolved, “That gen. Washington be authorised and directed to suspend all officers who shall misbehave, and to fill up all vacancies in the American army, under the rank of brigadiers, until the pleasure of congress be communicated; to take, wherever he may be, all such provisions and other articles as may be necessary for the comfortable subsistence of the army under his command, paying or giving certificates for the same; to remove and secure, for the benefit of the owners, all goods and effects which may be serviceable to the enemy; provided that the powers hereby vested, shall be exercised only in such parts of these states as may be within the circumference of 70 miles of the head-quarters of the American army, and shall continue in force for the space of 60 days, unless sooner revoked by congress.”

Lord Howe, after the affair of Brandywine, took the most speedy measures for conducting the fleet and transports round to the Delaware; which when arrived, were anchored along the Pennsylvania shore, from Reedy-Island to Newcastle; the passage near Philadelphia being yet impracticable. When the British troops had taken possession of the city, their first object was the erecting of batteries to command the river. The day after, the American frigate the Delaware, of 32 guns, anchored within 500 yards of the unfinished batteries, and being seconded by another frigate with smaller vessels, they commenced a heavy cannonade, both upon the batteries and town. Through inattention the Delaware was suffered to ground upon the falling of the tide, and could not be got off, (say the British) which being perceived by the grenadiers, they brought their battalion field-pieces to play upon her with such effect, that she soon struck her colours; but the Americans say, the crew rose, confined the captain, and purposely ran the ship ashore. The whole fire of the battalion guns was afterward directed against the other vessels, which were compelled to retire with the loss of a schooner driven ashore.

The Pennsylvanians had, at a vast labor and expence, constructed great and numerous works, to obstruct the passage up to Philadelphia, some of which have been already mentioned.——They had erected works and batteries on Mud-Island, and called the whole Fort Mifflin, in honor to general Mifflin.——On the opposite shore, at a place called Redbank, they had formed a fort or redoubt, covered with heavy artillery. In the deep navigable channel, under the cover of these batteries, they had sunk several ranges of chevaux-de-frize, before described. It was equally difficult to weigh or cut through them; but no attempt could be made for raising them, or for opening the main channel, till the command of the shores was obtained. About three miles lower down they had sunk other ranges of these machines, and were constructing works for their protection, at a place on the Jersey side called Billing’s-point. These works and machines were further supported by several gallies mounting heavy cannon, together with two floating batteries, a number of armed vessels, small craft of various kinds, and some fire-ships.

Upon the representation of capt. Hammond of the Roebuck (lying off Chester 15 miles below Philadlphia) who had arrived before lord Howe, the general detached two regiments, under col. Stirling, to dislodge the enemy from Billing’s-point. The detachment having crossed, [Oct. 1.] the enemy heard of their approach, immediately spiked their artillery, set fire to the barracks, and abandoned the place with precipitation. This success, enabled capt. Hammond to cut away and weigh up so much of the chevaux-de-frize, notwithstanding the great opposition he met with, as opened a narrow passage for large ships through the lower barrier.

General Washington, having been reinforced by 1500 men from Peek’s-kill, and 1000 from Virginia, and having received intelligence through two intercepted letters, that gen. Howe had detached a part of his force for the purpose of reducing Billing’s-point works and the forts on the Delaware, entertained the thought of attacking the main body as it lay at German-town. The line of encampment crossed the town at right angles about the centre: the left wing extended to the Schuylkill. It was covered in front by the mounted and dismounted chasseurs: a battalion of light-infantry, and the queen’s American rangers were in the front of the right: and the 40th regiment, with another battalion of light-infantry, were posted at the head of the town, upon Chesnut-hill road, three quarters of a mile in advance. Lord Cornwallis lay at Philadelphia with four battalions of grenadiers. When gen. Washington had communicated to his council of war the account he had obtained, the general officers unanimously agreed upon an attack, and to its being made in several places, to produce the greater confusion and distraction, and to hinder the several parts of the enemy’s forces affording support to each other. It was to be sudden and vigorous, in expectation of carrying the point speedily, from an apprehension that the Americans would not persevere in a prolonged attack, for want of better discipline and more acquaintance with military service. Was it found that they could make no impression upon the enemy, they were after a while to make an expeditious retreat. The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway’s brigade, were to enter the town by way of Chesnut-hill; while Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, got upon the enemy’s left and rear. Col. Thomas Conway, knight of St. Louis, had been elected so early as May, a brigadier gen. upon the recommendatory letters he brought from France. The divisions of Greene and Stephens, flanked by M’Dougall’s brigade, were to enter by taking a circuit, at the market-houses, and to attack the right wing; and the militia of Maryland and Jersey, under generals Smallwood and Freeman were to march by the old York road, and fall upon the rear of the right. Lord Stirling, with Nash’s and Maxwell’s brigades, were to form a corps de reserve.

They begin their march about seven o’clock in the evening of October the third. Gen. Washington is with the divisions of Sullivan and Wayne. He expects, that if the enemy has gained timely intelligence of his march, they will wait for him on Chesnut-hill, and receive him as he comes out of the woods.—When arrived on the hill without any appearance of opposition, he is congratulated upon the persuasion that the British will be completely surprised. About sun-rise on the fourth the attack is begun on the 40th regiment, and the battalion of light-infantry which accompanies it. These corps are overpowered and pursued. In this exigence lieutenant colonel Musgrave throws himself with six compananies of the fortieth regiment, into Mr. Chew’s stone house, lying full in the front of the Americans.—These halt. A discourse ensues between generals Knox and Reed in the presence of the commander in chief, whether or not to advance without first reducing the house. Knox urges, that it is contrary to all military rule to leave a fort possessed by an enemy in their rear. Reed exclaims—“What! call this a fort, and lose the happy moment!” Conway is inquired after to give his judgment but cannot be found. It is agreed to send a flag to the house and summons the British officer to surrender. A young person undertakes to carry it. He approaches, is fired upon, and killed. Mean while gen. Greene gets up with his column, and attacks the right wing of the enemy. The morning being exceeding foggy, prevents the Americans from fully improving the advantages they gain. Col. Matthews of Greene’s column, attacks with uncommon spirit, routs the parties opposed to him, kills a great number, and makes 110 prisoners; but, through the fog, loses sight of the brigade he belongs to, is separated from it, and is taken prisoner with his whole regiment, accampanied with the release of all whom he had captured. A number of Greene’s troops are stopped, by the halt of the division before Chew’s house, where near or quite one half of gen. Washington’s army remains some time inactive. During this inactivity, gen. Gray, bringing the front of a great part of the left wing by a timely movement to German-town, leads on three battalions of the third brigade and attacks with vigor, being supported by gen. Agnew at the head of the fourth brigade. A warm engagement ensues. At the same time two British regiments attacks on the opposite side of the town; while general Grant moves up the 49th regiment, to the aid of the 4th, which is employed in supporting the troops engaged with Greene’s column. The fog is so great that at times you cannot see twenty yards before you, and frequently not more than fifty. It occasions the American parties mistaking each other for the enemy, and prevents their observing the true situation of the latter. Owing hereto in a great measure, the Americans quit every part of the town: and when gen. Grey, having passed it, advances with the British right wing upon their left, they leave the field hastily and entirely, in spite of every effort that can be made to rally them. Lord Cornwallis arrives with a squadron of light-horse just in season to join in the pursuit. Greene with his own and Stephen’s division, happens to form the last column of the retreating Americans. Upon coming to two roads, and thinking it will be safest, and may prevent the enemy’s advancing by either so as to get a head of him; and that the divisions may aid each other upon occasion, he marches one division on the one road, and the second on the other. While continuing his retreat, Pulaski’s cavalry who are in his rear, being fired upon by the enemy, ride over the second divison, and throw them into the utmost disorder as they know not at first but that they are the British dragoons. The men run and scatter, and the general is apprehensive that he shall loss his artillery. He cannot collect a party sufficient to form a rear guard, till he hits upon the device of ordering the men to lay hold of each other’s hands. This answers. He collects a number, and by the help of the artillery, brings the enemy to give over the pursuit, after having continued it near five miles. The Americans then proceed in their march back to Shippach-creek without further disturbance.

The British officers acknowledged soon after this affair, that it was the severest blow they had met with; that it was planned with judgment and executed with spirit; and that they were at a lost for its not being followed up, unless it was for want of ammunition. The Americans lost in killed 25 continental officers commissioned and non-commissioned—wounded 102, and an equal number missing. The militia officers were, 3 killed—4 wounded and 11 missing. Of rank and file, continentals, 109 were killed, and 378 wounded—militia, 7 killed and 19 wounded. They had artillery officers, 2 killed and 11 wounded; and matrosses 6 killed and 7 wounded. The total of their killed was 152; and of their wounded 521.[58] Upward of 400 were made prisoners, among whom were 54 officers. The number of missing among the Americans is no rule by which to judge of the number captured by the enemy, as many of the missing, who do not return to their colours, go home. Gen. Nash of North-Carolina was among the slain, and will be honored by congress with a monument the same as other generals who have fallen in action, bravely contending for the independency of the United States.

The loss of the royal army, including the wounded and a few prisoners, amounted by their own acknowledgment, to 535; but the slain scarcely exceeded 70. Among these however were some distinguished officers, particularly gen. Agnew, and lieut. col. Bird. They suffered probably more than they allowed.[59] The battle, by general Knox’s watch, held two hours and forty minutes.

General Washington is of opinion that the Americans retreated at an instant when victory was declaring in their favor. The royal army was indeed completely surprised; and appearances in the beginning were evidently on the side of the former. But it is said that a certain colonel, not being sufficiently experienced, instead of pressing with fixed bayonets on the enemy whom he had driven, kept ordering his men, as they advanced, to load and fire, by which they expended their ammunition; and that, instead of halting on the ground till furnished afresh, he ordered his regiment to retreat. This retrogade manœuvre enabled and encouraged the enemy to recover themselves, while the other Americans, who were advancing, were disheartened and disconcerted by the retreating regiment, not knowing the occasion of such retreat. It is admitted however, that the colonel behaved boldly, by keeping himself in the rear, next to the enemy. Gen. Stephen was guilty of un-officer like behavior in the retreat, owing to inattention or want of judgment, which might occasion a whisper to be circulated unfavorable to gen. Greene. But upon gen. Reed’s asking the commander in chief whether he was dissatisfied with Greene’s conduct, he candidly answered “No, not at all; the fault lay with ourselves;” referring to the column with which he was, and their stopping to attack Chew’s stone house. Several causes might co-operate to effect the precipitate retreat of the American army. And yet had that column advanced without delay, leaving only a sufficient corps, with a couple of field-pieces, to guard the house, the obstacles to success that afterward offered, might have been removed or prevented, and Howe’s army have been totally defeated, unless the superiority of their discipline and bravery could have hindered.

A general who was in the action, wrote some time after to his correspondent—“At German-town fortune smiled on our arms for hours. The enemy were broke, dispersed and flying on all quarters; we were in possession of their whole encampment, together with their artillery park, &c. A _wind-mill_ attack was made on a house into which six light companies had thrown themselves to avoid our bayonets—this gave time to the enemy to rally—our troops were deceived by this attack; taking it for something formidable, they fell back to assist in what they deemed a serious matter. The enemy finding themselves no further pursued, and believing it to be a retreat, followed.——Confusion ensued, and we ran away from the arms of victory ready to receive us.”

Let us turn our attention for a moment to South-Carolina. The successes of the preceding year had humbled the Cherokees most completely. The Carolinians had built, held and continued to occupy Fort Rutledge, at Seneca, quietly and unopposed. The Indians, finding themselves thus vanquished, sued in the most submissive terms for peace. A treaty between them and South-Carolina took place, at which commissioners from Georgia attended, who concurred in and signed the articles of pacification on the 20th of May. By this treaty the Cherokees ceded a considerable part of their land to South-Carolina. By the eighth and last article, it is agreed—“The hatchet shall be for ever buried, and there shall be an universal peace and friendship re-established between South-Carolina, including the Catawba and Georgia, on the one part, and the Cherokee nation on the other; there shall be a general oblivion of injuries; the contracting parties shall use their utmost endeavors to maintain the peace and friendship now re-established, and the Cherokees shall at all times, apprehend and deliver to the commanding officer at Fort Rutledge, every person, white or red, who in their nation or settlements, shall by any means endeavor to instigate a war by the Cherokee nation, or hostility or robbery by any of their people, against or upon any of the American states, or subjects thereof.”

Before we resume the narrative of military operations, let me mention that the New-York convention, authorised for that purpose the 20th of last April, have established the constitution of that state. When this was done, the freeholders chose for their governor, gen. George Clinton, a gentleman excellently well qualified to be at the head of the state at so interesting and perplexed a period. His namesake, Sir Henry, made an incursion into Jersey, from the 12th to the 16th of September, chiefly to collect cattle. He brought away 400 head, including 20 milch cows, 400 sheep and a few horses; in effecting it, he had 8 rank and file killed, 17 wounded, together with a lieutenant, 9 missing, beside a drummer, and 5 taken prisoners by the different parties of Americans that opposed him. The expedition contributes nothing toward subduing the country. The loss of the inhabitants will be the less felt on account of the uncommonly good crops of Indian corn with which they have been this year favored. It is surprising to find that country in so good order already. The harvest has been truly plentiful. Lest it should be forgotten, let me mention that most of the damage which the college building at Princeton sustained, must be charged to the American troops, who destroyed also the leaden pipes for the organ (which had been spared by the royal army) in order to supply themselves with a few bullets to fire at the enemy.

Now let us return to the northern department.

Lieut. col. St. Leger, whom gen. Burgoyne had early sent off toward the Mohawk river, after combating all the difficulties, natural and artificial, which offered on his way, invested Fort Stanwix, now Fort Scuyler, on the third of August. It was in so poor a state of defence, that an immediate attempt to drive off the enemy and relieve it, was absolutely necessary. Gen. Herkimer, a leading person in Tryon county, marched with more than 800 militia, on this service. St. Leger had with him about 700 Indian warriors, who with their wives, children, other men and women, made up near 1400. He detached Sir John Johnson, with some troops and the Indians, to lie in ambush in the woods and intercept the militia. [August 6.] Herkimer fell into the snare, and was surprised; but several of the chief Indians fell by the first fire he gave them; soon after which the battle was a scene of confusion beyond any thing the Indians had ever seen. The white people, consisting of the militia and Sir John Johnson’s tory troops, as his own corps is called, got together in parties of twenty or thirty, so that they could not fire, but pulled and hauled, drew their knives and stabbed each other. The Indians, who consisted of Shawanese, Delawares, Senecas, and others, after a while conjectured, from their own loss and the confusion which prevailed, that both Sir John’s people and Herkimer’s intended to destroy them; at length some of their chiefs told the young warriors, that it was a plot of the white people to draw them into a scrape and cut them off; and then ordered them to kill all white people whatever. It is thought that near as many of Sir John’s tory party were killed by the Indians as by the militia. A number of Herkimer’s ran off; about a hundred were so surrounded that they could not get away; but they possessed themselves of an advantageous post behind logs, &c. where they continued fighting the Indians with great bravery, till Sir John drew off his men, fearing that the garrison would sally out and fall upon him; near upon seventy of the hundred by this mean escaped. Two hundred and fifty men, under lieutenant-colonel Willet, sallied out about that time, and routed two of the Indian and tory encampments, destroying their provisions and carrying off kettles, blankets, muskets, tomahawks, spears, clothing, deer skins, a variety of Indian affairs, and five colours; which on their return to the fort were displayed under the continental flag. The loss on the side of the militia was 160 killed, beside the wounded. Gen. Herkimer was among the slain; congress have resolved to honor him with a monument. Many of the principal leaders on the American side, were either killed or wounded, so that all expectation of further attempts to relieve the fort by the assistance of militia, was at an end. The Indians however, were greatly disgusted. St. Leger had brought down with him a number who were neutral, to be spectators of the British conquering the Americans; and had engaged to them and the others, that he and his troops would clear the way for them to Albany. The victory gained had been purchased exceeding dear, according to their ideas; for they had more than seventy killed, and among them several of their most distinguished and favorite warriors. St. Leger left no mean untried to make the most of his victory. On the 8th he sent a flag to the fort, and endeavored to intimidate the garrison by magnifying his own strength; telling them that Burgoyne, after destroying every thing in his way, was at Albany; and declaring that the Indians were determined, if they met with further resistance, to destroy all the men, women and children on the Mohawk river, and as soon as they got into the fort, to kill every man belonging to it. Colonel Gansevoort, the commandant, refused making any answer, or to listen to any proposals unless made in writing. The next day St. Leger tried the same scheme by letter, and receiving for answer, that the colonel being entrusted with the charge of the garrison by the United States of America, he would defend the fort at every hazard, and to the utmost extremity. It was shrewdly remarked by those who were within, that not half the pains would have been taken to have displayed the force immediately without or the success at a distance, if they were any wise proportionable to the representation. The night before the letter was sent, col. Willet and lieut. Stockwell, a good woodsman (as they stile him who can steer his wished for course through the shady and pathless woods with a degree of certainty and readiness) undertook to attempt conveying intelligence down into the country, of the danger the fort was in, and of the necessity of relieving it. They left it at night, and crept upon their bellies for near half a mile, ere they could reach the Mohawk river. After passing it, they had to cross the path from the Indian camp, on which the Indians were continually going forward and backward; for a long time they had the Indian yells sounding in their ears on each side of them. They escaped eveery danger, and after travelling thirty miles, breakfasted the next morning upon blackberries, and pursued their journey about twenty miles further to German-flats. Gen. Scuyler, upon receiving the information at Stillwater, forwarded a continental brigade under gen. Learned; when to his great satisfaction Arnold offered to go and conduct the military operations in Tryon county, for the relief of the fort. After Herkimer’s battle, a nephew of his, Mr. Jost Cuyler, was taken and secured on suspicion of being a spy. A scheme was laid to make him serviceable to the business going forward. He was brought to Arnold, and it was settled, that if he would go and alarm the enemy, with representations of great numbers being on their march against them, so as to occasion their retreat, he should be liberated, and have his estate, which was very large, secured to him. He undertook it, being well qualified from his acquaintance with the Indian language and manners, and his possessing a good share of subtilty. The mode of procedure was settled in concert with some friendly Indians; by advice of one of their head men, Cuyler’s coat was shot though in two or three places, that so the tale he had to relate might be the more readily believed. The necessity of aggravating the numbers marching to the relief of Fort Scuyler was apparent, for when gen. Arnold had got to German-flats, he was convinced from the intelligence procured of the enemy’s strength, that it was much superior to his own; so that on the 21st he wrote to gen. Gates, who arrived at Stillwater and re-assumed the command of the northern department on the 19th, to send him a reinforcement of 1000 light troops. Cuyler proceeded immediately to the Indian camp, informed their warriors that vast numbers were coming against them; that major Butlar was taken, (which was a truth) and that several shot passed though his coat though he got off unhurt. When the Indian camp was thoroughly alarmed, one of the American friendly Indians arrived, an hour or two after Cuyler, with a belt, waited upon the chiefs, and confirmed the intelligence, adding, that the Americans did not want to hurt one of them—all they desired was to fall upon the British. An Indian in camp, unknown to Arnold, was secretly prevailed upon to aid the project, by going off unobserved, taking a circuit, and then coming into that part of the camp, where were those Indians who were most inimical, with a similar story to that of Cuyler’s. The Indians were completely frightened, and determined to go off. St. Leger in vain used every art to prevent it. He attempted making them drunk with rum, and then getting them to alter their resolution. Fond as they are of rum, they would not be taken in at this season of apprehending danger. He then would have prevailed with them to keep in the rear, while the other troops retreated. Neither would they do that; but told him—“You mean to sacrifice us. When we marched down, you told us there would be no fighting for us Indians; we might go down and smoke our pipes; whereas numbers of our warriors have been killed.”—Nothing could change their determination. They went off, and St. Leger was obliged to decamp, about noon of the 22d, in such hurry and confusion, as to leave his bombardier asleep in the bomb battery. His tents, with most of the artillery and stores, fell into the hands of the garrison. Some of the Indian Sachems, who were highly disgusted with him, concluded to play upon him, and divert themselves at his expence. In the evening, the flying troops came to a clay soil, pretty soft. St. Leger and Sir John Johnson were in an altercation, St. Leger reproaching Sir John about his Indians, and Sir John blaming St. Leger for not carrying on the siege differently. A couple of Indian chiefs upon a rising hill at a small distance, with light enough to observe their situation, and near enough to notice their wranglings which proceeded almost to fighting, directed an Indian to withdraw some considerable way behind them and then to run after them, crying out with all imaginable earnestness in the Indian language, _they are coming, they are coming_ and to continue it. St. Leger and Sir John, upon hearing the dismal note, made off as fast as they could, but often tumbled into the dirt. The men threw away their packs, and pushed off in the greatest hurry. The Indians renewed the joke; and continued thus and in the like ways to divert themselves, till the royalists arrived at the Oneida lake. The animosity between the two commanders rose at last to such height that they drew upon each other, meaning to settle the contest by the point of the sword. The Indians being fully satisfied that they had carried the jest far enough, and not being in a blood-thirsty humor, approached the parties with much gravity and friendship, interposed their good offices, recommended peace, made them friends, and carried off the secret of their own management, wherewith to entertain themselves and favorites in future[60]. Considering the predominant disposition of the Indians while retreating in consequence of the ill success that had attended St. Leger, and the loss they had sustained, it was not in the least surprising that they plundered several of the boats belonging to the army, and took even from the baggage of the officers what they fancied.

When gen. Washington perceived from events in the north, that a proper officer must be chosen to command the eastern militia, he sent on gen. Lincoln, having learned that he had influence over them, and that they confided in him. He arrived at Manchester, from the southward, on the 2d of August, and found about 600 militia there, including 250 that arrived a few days before from New-Hampshire. Lincoln wrote to the Massachusetts council, that a body of troops in that part would not only cover the eastern states, but being in the rear of Burgoyne, oblige him to leave so considerable a part of his army at the different posts he possessed, as would weaken him. Scuyler, attending mainly to making head against Burgoyne’s front, wrote to Lincoln on the 4th, to march his whole force, except Warner’s regiment, and join him with all possible dispatch. On the 6th Lincoln had not been joined by any of the Massachusetts militia, saving a man or two; but was the same day reinforced by the arrival of brigadier gen. Stark, with about 800 more men, from New-Hampshire. That state had been applied to for a large body of militia. Stark, who was one of their brigadier generals, had considerable influence among them; but he was exceedingly secured, thought himself neglected, and that he had not had justice done him by the congress. He had fought courageously at the battle of Breed’s Hill; and shewn himself to be a soldier of sterling courage. He had also no particular liking for Scuyler. When, therefore, he was to be entrusted with the New-Hampshire militia, he would not take the command, but upon the condition of being left at liberty to serve or not under a continental commander, as he pleased; and he determined not to join the continental army till the congress gave him his rank in it. He had about 1400 brave men under him, well officered. Many of them had been in service the two preceding campaigns, and were not raw militia. Scuyler urged him repeatedly to join him; but he declined complying. He was induced so to do, not only from the forementioned reasons, but from considering that Burgoyne would not care what number of enemies he had in front, if he had none in his rear, and the country was open to his incursions. Stark resolved therefore to hang upon his rear, and neglected Scuyler’s application. The matter was brought before congress, so that on the 19th they resolved, “That the council of New-Hampshire be informed, that the instructions which gen. Stark says he has received from them, are destructive of military subordination, and highly prejudicial to the common cause at this crisis; and that therefore they be desired to instruct gen. Stark to conform himself to the same rules which other general officers of the militia are subject to, whenever they are called out at the expence of the United States.” But before this resolve, Stark had assured Scuyler, that he would do every thing to promote the public good, but was not for doing any thing that might prove inconsistent with his own honor; however, if it was thought best that he should march immediately to the camp, he would acquiesce. On the 13th he wrote, that he should throw away all private resentment when put in balance with the good of his country. Gen. Washington did not approve of Scuyler’s apparent intention of uniting all the militia and continental troops in one body, and of making an opposition wholly in front. He was of opinion, that a sufficient body of militia should alway be reserved to fall upon Burgoyne’s flanks or rear, and to intercept his convoys. Stark however had concluded, on the day last mentioned, upon marching from Bennington to meet Lincoln at a certain appointed place, and to proceed with him and join Scuyler; but while writing to the former, he received information that the enemy were on their march to Cambridge.

Gen. Burgoyne’s progress toward Albany was delayed through the want of a speedy and sufficient supply of provisions. He considered in what way the difficulty was to be surmounted. According to information, the Americans had a great deposit of corn, flour and store cattle at Bennington, which was guarded only by militia. Every day’s account confirmed the persuasion of the loyalty of one description of the inhabitants in that part of the country, and of the panic of the other. He therefore entertained the design of surprising the stores at Bennington, and of sending a very large detachment upon the expedition; but was diverted from the latter (as supposed) by major Skeen, who assured him, “The friends to the British cause are as five to one, and they want only the appearance of a protecting power, to show themselves.” Relying upon their attachment, the gen. sent the German lieut. col. Baum, with only about 500 men and 100 Indians, who carried with them two light pieces of artillery. To facilitate the operation, the army moved along the east shore of Hudson’s-River, and encamped nearly opposite to Saratoga; and a bridge of rafts being thrown over, the advance corps passed to that place. Lieut. col. Breymen’s corps, consisting of the Brunswick grenadiers, light-infanty and chasseurs, were posted at Batten-kill, in order, if necessary, to support Baum. Stark hearing that a party of Indians was at Cambridge, sent lieut. col. Gregg, with 200 men to stop their progress. Toward night he was informed by express, that there was a large body of regulars in the rear of the Indians. On that he drew together his brigade and the militia who were at hand, in order to stop their march; sent to Manchester for col. Warner’s regiment, and forwarded expresses to the neighbouring militia to join him with all speed. He then marched, in the morning of the 14th, with colonels Warner, Williams and Brush, and the men present, and in about seven miles met Gregg retreating, and the enemy within a mile of him. The troops drew up in order of battle; and the enemy, upon coming in sight, halted upon a very advantageous piece of ground. Baum perceiving that the Americans were too strong to be attacked by his present force, sent an express to Burgoyne with an account of his situation; and Breymen was immediately dispatched to reinforce him. Mean while small parties of the Americans skirmished with the enemy, killed and wounded 30 of them with two Indian chiefs, without any loss to themselves, which had a good effect upon their courage. The ground Stark occupied, not being suitable for a general action, he retreated about a mile and encamped. In a council of war it was agreed, to send two detachments into the enemy’s rear, while the rest of the troops attacked in front.

[Aug. 15.] It rained all day, which retarded the intended assault, however there were frequent skirmishings in small parties. The heavy rain, together with the badness of the roads, prevented also Breyman’s advancing to Baum’s assistance with dispatch. The next day, [Aug. 16.] Stark being joined in the morning by colonel Seymonds from Berkshire, pursued his plan. Baum in the mean while had intrenched and rendered his post as defensible as time and its nature would admit. Stark detached col. Nichols with 200 men to the rear of his left: col. Henrick, with 300 men, was sent to the rear of his right: they were to join, and then attack. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, with 200 were ordered still further on his right. A hundred men were also advanced toward his front to draw his attention that way. About three o’clock in the afternoon all were ready for the attack. Before Nichols and Henrick could join, the Indians pushed off between the two corps, but receiving a fire as they passed, had three killed and two wounded. Nichols then began the assault upon Baum, and was followed by the rest; those in front pushing forward. In a few minutes the action became general and lastsed about two hours, with one continued noise like the ruffling of a drum. Baum made a brave defence; and the German dragoons kept together after having expended their ammunition, and led by their colonel charged with their swords, but were soon overpowered. The whole detachment, though well enclosed by two breast works, were forced to give way to the superior number and courage of the Americans, who with their brown firelocks, scarce a bayonet, little discipline, and not a single piece of cannon, ventured to attack 500 well-trained regulars, furnished with the best and completest arms and accoutrements, having two pieces of artillery, being advantageously posted, and accompanied by 100 Indians. When the militia had gained the victory, they dispersed to collect plunder, which they were very desirous of securing. This nearly proved fatal to them. While thus busied, Stark received information, that the reinforcement under Breyman was within two miles of him. Happily at that instant, Warner’s continental regiment, which had been sent for from Manchester, came up fresh, marched on and began to engage; mean while the militia collected as fast as possible, and pushed on to its assistance. The action became general; and the battle continued obstinate on both sides till sunset, when the Germans gave way partly through a failure of ammunition, leaving their two pieces of artillery behind them, and a number of prisoners. They retreated in the best manner they could, improving the advantage of the evening and of the night.

The Americans took four brass field-pieces, twelve brass drums, two hundred and fifty dragoon swords, four ammunition waggons, and about 700 prisoners, among whom was lieut. col. Baum. Three hundred dead are said to have been found upon the spot: but if so surely the slain on each side must have been included. The Americans lost but about 100 killed and wounded. The courage of the men was sharpened by the prospect of advantage, for in gen. Stark’s orders they were promised all the plunder that should be taken in the enemy’s camp. The royal officers were astonished to see how undauntedly they rushed on the mouths of the cannon. Both men and officers are entitled to much honor for their gallant behavior. Colonels Warner and Henrick’s superior skill in military matters was of service to the general, who was less conversant with them than they; but his rank in the army of the United States was afterward given him by congress, on the 4th of October, when they “resolved, That the thanks of congress be presented to gen. Stark of the New-Hampshire militia, and the officers and troops under his command, for their brave and successful attack upon, and signal victory over the enemy in their lines at Bennington: and that brigadier Stark be appointed a brigadier general in the army of the United States.” Never were thanks more deservedly bestowed. This was the first turn of affairs in favor of the Americans in the northern department after the death of gen. Montgomery. It raised the spirits of the country and made the militia willing to turn out beyond what would otherwise have been done. When gen. Gates wrote to the commander in chief some days after his arrival at Stillwater, he thus expressed himself—“Upon my leaving Philadelphia, the prospect this way appeared most gloomy, but the severe checks the enemy have met with at Bennington and in Tryon county, has given a more pleasing view of public affairs. I cannot sufficiently thank your excellency for sending col. Morgan’s corps (of riflemen.) They will be of the greatest service to the army; for until the late successes this way, I am told it was quite panic struck by the Indians, and their tory and Canadian assassins in Indian dress. Few of the militia demanded are yet arrived, but I hear of great numbers on their march.” Stark’s victory gave reputation to the militia, as well as increased their courage. They found that neither British nor German regulars were invincible; but that they could beat both. The artillery and other trophies excited their hope and confidence. While the Americans were exulting upon the occasion on the one side, the royal army under Burgoyne experienced a degree of depression on the other; especially as the disaster at Bennington not only added to their delay, but gave Gates the opportunity of strengthening himself, by the arrival of the militia, who were upon their march to reinforce him. When he was upon his journey to take the command, he was much dejected, no less than the troops which were to be under him; but the Bennington affair put them both in better spirits, and afforded them some promising expectations. They relied on his abilities, so that his appearance at camp, and his mode of conducting military business, at once filled them with courage and resolution; and in a few days they faced about and advanced toward Burgoyne.

On the 30th of August, the British commander had occasion to write to him; and in his letter complained of inhumanity exercised toward the provincial soldiers in the king’s service after the affair of Bennington; and then hinted a retaliation. Gen. Gates, in his answer of September the 2d, invalidated the charge, and then retorted the Indian cruelties, which he imputed to Burgoyne, saying, “Miss M’Rea, a young lady, lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged to an officer of your army, was with other women and children, taken out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in a most shocking manner. Two parents with their six children, were all treated with the same inhumanity, while quietly residing in their once happy and peaceful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M’Rea was particularly aggravated, by her being dressed to receive her promised husband, when she met her murderer employed by you. Upward of 100 men, women and children, have perished by the hands of the ruffians, to whom, it is asserted, you have paid the price of blood.” General Burgoyne, in his reply of the 6th of Sept. vindicated his own character; showed that Miss M’Rea’s death was no premeditated barbarity; and declared that instance excepted, Gates’s intelligence, respecting the cruelties of the Indians, was false. It might be erroneous in point of numbers and other circumstances; but Burgoyne was undoubtedly mistaken in pronouncing it all false, with only a single exception. The number of Indians that joined him was 500. The first party sent out paid attention to the restrictions he had laid them under, in his speech of June the 21st, near Crown-Point; and when they had made several of the Americans prisoners in the heat of the action, treated them with European humanity. But they could not long brook such restraints. They grew uneasy, and reverted to their cruelties and habits of plunder; and several persons became victims to their mode of war. My account of Miss M’Rea’s death will differ only circumstantially from Burgoyne’s. Mr. Jones, her lover, anxious on her account, engaged some Indians of two different tribes to convey her away from among the Americans for the purpose of security. He might fear for her on account of her father’s being interested in the royal cause and of her attachment to himself. He promised to reward the person, who should bring her safe to him, with a barrel of rum. The two who took her and carried her to some distance, disputed who of them should convey her to Mr. Jones. Each was anxious for the reward; and that the other might not receive it, one of them struch his tomahawk into her skull and killed her.[61] As no whisper contrary to her being of an unblemished character ever reached me, in any place or company; be it far from any future European writer to tomahawk her reputation.[62] Upon the first intelligence of what had happened, Burgoyne obliged the Indians to deliver up the murderer, and threatened to put him to death. Many thought the threat would have been executed; but he was pardoned, upon the Indians agreeing to terms enjoined them by Burgoyne, which the general thought would be more efficacious, than an execution to prevent similar mischiefs. He told their interpreter, that he would lose every Indian rather than connive at their enormities, or to that effect.[63] They were not however satisfied and to his astonishment some of the tribes told him, at a council held the beginning of August, that they intended to return home, and demanded his concurrence and assistance. The general was convinced, that a cordial reconciliation was only to be effected by a renunciation of all his former prohibitions, and an indulgence in blood and rapine; but he firmly adhered to the controuls he had established; and the speech he made to them seemed to have the desired effect. But a desertion took place the next day, and they went off by scores, loaded with what plunder they had collected.

The murder of miss M’Rea exasperated the Americans; and from that and other cruelties, occasion was taken to blacken the royal party and army. The people detested that army which accepted of such Indian aid, and loudly reprobated that government which could call in such auxiliaries. General Gates was not deficient in aggravating, by several publications, the excesses which had taken place; and with no small advantage to his own military operations.

General Lincoln, about this time marched from Manchester to Pawlet, with the few militia that had joined him. Having received some reinforcement, in order to divide and distract the royal army, he sent off, with the advice of his officers, on the 13th, colonel Brown and five hundred men, to the landing at Lake George, to release the prisoners and destroy the British stores there; and the same number of men under colonel Johnson, to Mount Independence. The latter was to give a diversion to the enemy, while the former executed his command; and if an opportunity offered without risking too much, to push for Mount Independence, while col. Brown attempted Tyconderoga. Further to amuse and divide the enemy, by attacking the out-posts, &c. a like number of men were sent under col. Woodbridge, to Skeensborough, thence to Fort Anne, and so on toward Fort Edward. He doubted not but that these movements would meet with general Gates’s approbation, though made without his knowledge. He would have mentioned the design, and not have put the plan into execution without his advice, could he have been sure that the information would not have fallen into the hands of the enemy.[64]