Chapter XXXI: Letter XIII: Roxbury, Nov. 12, 1778 (3)

They then crossed the river to the only remaining fort, Wilkesborough, which in hopes of mercy surrendered without demanding any conditions. They found about seventy continental soldiers, who had been engaged merely for the defence of the frontiers, whom they butchered with every circumstance of horrid cruelty. The remainder of the men, with the women and children, were shut up as before in the houses, which being set on fire, they perished altogether in the flames.

A general scene of devastation was now spread through all the townships. Fire, sword, and the other different instruments of destructions alternately triumphed. The settlements of the tories alone generally escaped, and appeared as islands in the midst of the surrounding ruin. The merciless ravagers having destroyed the main objects of their cruelty, directed their animosity to every part of living nature belonging to them: shot and destroyed some of their cattle, and cut out the tongues of others, leaving them still alive to prolong their agonies.

The following are a few of the more singular circumstances of the barbarity practised in the attack upon Wyoming. Captain Bedlock, who had been taken prisoner, being stripped naked, had his body stuck full of splinters of pine-knots,[92] and then a heap of pine-knots piled around him; the whole was then set on fire, and his two companions, captains Ranson and Durgee, thrown alive into the flames, and held down with pitch-forks. The returned tories, who had at different times abandoned the settlement in order to join in those savage expeditions, were the most distinguished for their cruelty; in this they resembled the tories that joined the British forces. One of these Wyoming tories, whose mother had married a second husband, butchered with his own hands, both her, his father-in-law, his own sisters and their infant children. Another, who during his absence had sent home several threats against the life of his father, now not only realized them in person, but was himself, with his own hands, the exterminator of his whole family, mother, brothers and sisters and mingled their blood in one common carnage, with that of the ancient husband and father. The broken parts and scattered relics of families, consisting mostly of women and children, who had escaped to the woods during the different scenes of this devastation, suffered little less than their friends, who had perished in the ruin of their houses. Dispersed and wandering in the forests, as chance and fear directed, without provision or covering, they had a long tract of country to traverse, and many, without doubt, perished in the woods. But whatever distresses and cruelties have been experienced by the Wyoming settlers, the British cause, so far from being served by them, is much injured, through the bitter and lasting resentment they fix in the minds of the Americans.

Some expeditions were undertaken on the other side by the Americans. Colonel Clarke’s expedition through the Indian country, which commenced last summer, is worthy of particular observation, from the successful spirit of enterprise, courage and prudence, with which it was conducted.

The col. left Virginia with a small party of between two and three hundred men. The object in view was the reduction of the French settlements planted by the Canadians on the Upper Missisippi, in the Illinois country, and at so vast a distance that they were obliged to traverse no less than about 1200 miles of an uncultivated and uninhabited wilderness. Much of the mischief which had fallen upon the southern and middle states, from the incursions of the Indians, had been attributed to the governor of those settlements, who beside acting as an agent for the British government and paying large rewards for scalps, had been indefatigable in attempting to excite the Ohio and Missisippi Indians to undertake expeditions against the frontiers. This conduct was the motive to the present enterprise. The party, after a long course down the Monongahela, and a voyage on the Ohio, arrived at the great falls of the latter, within about 60 miles of its mouth, where they hid their boats, and bent their course by land to the northward. In this stage of the expedition, after consuming all the provision they had been able to carry on their backs, they endured a hard march of two days without any sustenance. They therefore, when arrived in this hungry state, about midnight, at the town of Kaskaskias, were unanimously determined to take it or perish in the attempt.

The town contained about 250 houses, and was sufficiently fortified to have withstood a much stronger enemy; but distance having forbidden all idea of danger among the inhabitants, of course superseded all pracaution against surprise. Both town and fort were taken without noise or opposition before the people were well awake, and the inhabitants were so effectually secured that not a person escaped to alarm the neighboring settlements. The governor, Philip Rocheblave, was sent to Virginia, with all the written instructions he had received from Quebec, Detroit, and Michillimackinack, for setting on the Indians, and paying them great rewards for the scalps of the Americans.—The inhabitants were required to take an oath of allegiance to the United States, and the fort became the head-quarters of the victors.

A small detachment pushed forward from this place on horseback, and surprised, and took with as little difficulty three other French towns, lying from fifteen to about seventy miles farther up the Missisippi. The inhabitants in them and the neighbouring country made no difficulty of transferring their allegience, which they would reasonably conclude could not be refused with safety, as they might naturally imagine the enemy was in force, being in the heart of the country: the dangerous situation of this small corps in the inner part of the Indian territory, at the back of some of the most cruel and hostile tribes, in the track of many others, and more or less in the way of all, was converted to peculiar advantage, by the extraordinary activity and unwearied spirit of the cammander. He directed and timed his attacks with such judgment, and executed them with such silence and dispatch, that the Indians found their own mode of war effectually turned upon them. Surprised in their inmost retreats, and most sequestered recesses, at those times and seasons, when they were scarcely less disposed for action, than unprepared for defence, they experienced in their own wigwams and families, that unexpected slaughter and destruction which they had so frequently carried home to others. Upon this they grew cautious and timid; and the continual danger to which their families were exposed, damped the ardor of their warriors for hostile expeditions.

Sir Henry Clinton, on the return of the troops from the Bedford expedition, determined upon another to Egg-harbor, on the Jersey coast, where the Americans had a number of privateers and prizes, and some considerable salt works. To draw away the attention of the Americans, and to procure at the same time forage and fresh provisions for the army, lord Cornwallis advanced into Jersey with a strong body of troops, while gen. Knyphausen advancing with another division of the army, took a position on the east side of the North-River, by which only the two divisions were separated; so that by means of their boats they could unite their whole force on either side of it, within twenty-four hours. Lieut. col. Baylor’s regiment of hight-horse, with some militia, were detached to watch and interrupt the foragers. The colonel, it is to be feared, in order to avoid being under gen. Wayne’s command, went with his men into the mouth of the British, and there lay in a state of unsoldierly security, which induced lord Cornwallis to form a plan for surprising the whole. Gen. Gray, with the light-infantry and some other troops, advanced by night on the left to surprise the enemy on that side, and a detachment was made from Knyphausen’s corps on the right, which having passed the North-River, intended so to have enclosed the whole American force employed in watching them, as that few or none of them should have escaped. Some deserters from the column on their right prevented the completion of the scheme. These having at the most critical moment roused the militia, who lay at New-Taapan under gen. Wayne, afforded them the opportunity of escaping. But Grey conducted his division with such silence and order, that they not only cut off a serjeant’s patrol of twelve men without noise, but completely surrounded Old-Taapan without any discovery, [September 27.] and surprised Baylor’s horse asleep and naked in the barns where they lay. A severe execution took place, and numbers were dispatched with the bayonet. The men being so completely surprised and incapable of resistance, the refusal of quarters when implored, has led congress to deem the execution a massacre, after receiving the best information upon oath, that they could obtain concerning it. Of about a dozen wounded soldiers who appeared to give evidence, three had received from nine to eleven stabs each, of bayonets, in the breast, back and trunk of the body, beside several wounds in other parts. Two others had received, the one five, and the other aix stabs in the body. However the admiration of some, who reason from the nature of the weapon and the manner in which it is used, may be excited at these men being able in about three weeks time to give their testimony, as also being seemingly in a fair way of recovery; yet the positive evidence, given upon oath before gov. Livingston, whose penetration would have detected, and whose integrity would have discarded a false witness, will be credited by impartial persons. Baylor himself was wounded, but not dangerously: he lost in killed, wounded and taken, 67 privaves out of 104, beside 70 horses. It it said, that Grey ordered no quarter to be given, and that the charges were drawn, and the flints taken out; but that one of the light-infantry captains ventured to disobey the order; and gave quarters to the whole fourth troop, which serves to account for the number of prisoners taken and carried to New-York, viz. 39 privates, beside a captain, two subalterns, a volunteer, and the sergeon’s mate.

Captain Ferguson of the 70th regiment, with about 300 land forces, were detached on the expedition to Little Egg-harbour, under a proper convoy. They arrived off the bar on the evening of the 5th of October. The Americans had obtained some intelligence of the design and had suddenly sent out to sea, such of their privateers as were in any degree of readiness, to escape the impending danger. The larger of the remaining vessels, chiefly prizes, were hauled up the river to Chesnut-neck, about twenty miles from its mouth. The smaller privateers and craft of different sizes, were carried still further up into the country. The detachment proceeded to Chesnut-neck, burnt the vessels found there, destroyed the settlements, store-houses, and works of every sort, to prevent all privateers being fitted out from thence for the future. On their return, they made excursions into the neighboring country, destroyed some considerable salt-works, as well as the houses and settlements of several persons who had taken a conspicuously active part on the side of America, or had been concerned in the fitting out of privateers.

When the troops had rejoined the squadron, a French captain, with some privates, who had deserted from count Pulaski’s legion, gave such an account of the careless manner in which three troops of horse and as many companies of infantry were cantoned, at only a few miles distant, that the commanding officers by sea and land, concluded on an expedition to beat up their quarters. They had the advantage of conveying the troops by water to within a small distance of their destination; the deserters also informed them of an unguarded bridge, the possession of which would serve, in case of necessity, effectually to cover their retreat back to the vessels. Two hundred and fifty men were embarked [Oct. 15.] who after rowing ten miles, landed long before day-light within a mile of the bridge, which they secured; and leaving a guard in possession of it, the remainder pushed on and completely surprised Pulaski’s light-infantry, and destroyed about fifty of them, among whom was the baron de Bose and lieutenant de la Borderie. The attack being in the night, little quarter could be given; more would probably have been granted, had not the deserters falsely reported, that Pulaski had issued public orders forbidding his corps to grant any quarter to the British troops. The slaughter would not have ended so soon, if Pulaski had not on the first alarm, hastened with his cavalry to support the infantry, which then kept a good countenance. The British not long after made a hasty retreat, and returned to their boats.

Let me pass from hence to relate a disagreeable disturbance that happened in Charleston, South-Carolina, on the night of September the 6th. By some means a quarrel commenced on shore between the American and French sailors, when the former made use of indecent, illiberal and national reflections against the latter, which provoked resentment. The parties soon proceeded to open hostilities, when the French were driven from the town, and betook themselves to their shipping, whence they fired with cannon and small arms, which was returned by the Americans from the adjoining wharfs and shore. Several lives were lost, and many were wounded. The inhabitants were much alarmed, and the militia were obliged to be under arms a great part of the night. Proper measures were afterwards taken to prevent a repetition of the like disorders; and both the president and assembly expressed their deep concern, that the slightest animosities should prevail between any citizen of America and the subjects of their illustrious and good ally.

In the evening of the 8th, there was a violent affray at Boston between certain unknown persons and a number of French. It is said, though not proved, to have been begun by seamen captured in British vessels, and some of Burgone’s army, who had enlisted in privateers, just ready to sail. A body of these fellows, we have been told, demanded bread of the French bakers employed for the supplying of the count d’Estaing’s fleet; and being refused, fell upon and beat them in a most outrageous manner. Two of the count’s officers, attempting to compose the fray, were wounded, the chevalier de Saint Sauveur so badly that he died on the 15th; and the next day the Massachusetts house of assembly resolved to erect a monumental stone to his memory. None of the offending persons having been discovered, notwithstanding the reward that was offered, it may be feared that Americans were concerned in the riot; while political prudence charged it upon others, that less umbrage might be taken at the event. The count was much grieved at what had happened; but had too much calmness and good sense to charge it upon the body of the inhabitants, who were no less concerned at it than himself; so that it created no dissentions between them. On the 22d, the general court received the compliments of the count and his officers; all of whom were invited to dine, three days after, at a public dinner. The fleet had been so far repaired, and so well secured by formidable works on George’s-Island, in which the count had mounted near a hundred heavy cannon, that they could with the utmost propriety be absent upon the occasion. For the greater security, the general court, under an apprehension that the British fleet and army might move to the northward, with a view of destroying the count’s fleet, and repossessing themselves of Boston, had resolved on the 19th to raise a third of the militia. Three days before this resolve, admiral Byron arrived at New-York from Halifax. His squadron had suffered so in their voyage from Britain, that it was a full month before he could sail again, in order to observe d’Estaing’s motions. The count lay at ease and in safety; and on the 26th of October, entertained a large company of gentlemen and ladies whom he had invited to dine with him on board the Languedoc. The entertainment was highly elegant. A full length picture of gen. Washington, presented to the count by Mr. Hancock, was placed in the center of the upper side of the room, and the frame of it was covered with laurels. The count having made this public return for the personal civilities he had received from numbers secured himself from all liableness to detention by points of honor: from a threated detention of another nature, he had been happily relieved in season. It was generally expected from the scarceness of provisions of all sorts at Boston and the neighborhood, that he would have encountered great difficulties, if not actual distress. The impracticability of victualling his fleet at that port was dreaded, even the subsisting of it was doubted.—But he was freed from these apprehensions by a singular fortune. The New-England cruisers took such a number of provision vessels on their way from Europe to New-York, as not only supplied the wants of the French, but furnished an overplus sufficient to reduce the rates of the markets at Boston. This seasonable supply occasioned great triumph among the inhabitants. The count being in hope of sailing within a few days, published a declaration to be spread among the French Canadians, and addressed them in the name of their ancient master the French king.—The design of it was to recal their affection to the ancient government and to revive all the national attachments of that people, thereby to prepare them for an invasion either from France or America, and to raise their expectations of no distant change of masters. Admiral Byron having repaired his fleet, appeared off Boston bay; but had not cruised there long before he was overtaken by a violent storm, in which the ships again suffered so much, that they were glad to get into shelter at Rhode-Island. The Somerset of 64 guns not being able to clear Cape Cod, run ashore and fell into the hands of the Bay-men, who saved her guns and many valuable articles. When the storm ended, the wind settled in the north-west, and blew fair for carrying the French fleet to the West-Indies. Count d’Estaing seized the opportunity, and sailed from Boston [Nov. 3.] with his ships thoroughly repaired, clean, and well victualled, and with his foces in full health and vigor.

The behaviour of the French officers and sailors, the whole time that their fleet lay in port, was remarkably good, far beyond any thing of the kind ever before, when several men of war were present. The count made a point of always lying on board at night. The officers conducted with the greatest regularity and decorum; but noticed a certain coolness in the gentlemen and ladies toward them, which was imputed to the want of so cordial an affection for France as what they had once entertained for Great-Britain, and had not wholly laid aside; but it was greatly owing to the successless expedition against Rhode-Island, and to what had been related concerning them respecting that affair. The common sailors were peaceably inclined; and engaged in no quarrels excepting what has been related, and one at night of October the 5th, in no wise material; and in neither of these do they appear to have been the aggressors.—They neither abused nor injured the town’s-people; nor made themselves a nuisence by their excesses and disorderly conduct. An opportunity at length offers for mentioning some detached articles.

The Raleigh Frigate, capt. John Barry, sailed from Boston the 25th of September, and was taken on the 29th, after bravely engaging for some time, and then being run on an island with a view to escape falling into the hands of two British men of war.

The Pigot schooner, of eight twelve-pounders and forty-five men, laying near Howland’s ferry on the eastern side of Rhode-Island, a plan was laid for taking her. Major Talbot, with a number of troops, sailed on the 25th of October from Providence on board a small vessel. It was not till the 28th at night, that he ran down through Howland’s ferry; when drifting after that under bare poles, for fear that the fort on Rhode-Island should fire upon him and alarm the Pigot, he passed on undiscovered; and at half past one in the morning of the 29th got sight of the schooner. When but at a small distance from her, she hailed him; and receiving no satifactory answer, her marines fired upon him from her quarter deck. He reserved his fire till he had run his jib-boom through her fore shrouds, when he fired some cannon and threw in such a volley of musketry, loaded with bullets and buck-shot, that the men on deck immediately ran below begging for quarters, and they that were below never made their appearance on deck. The consequence was, his men ran out upon the jib-boom and boarded her, without the loss of a men. The captain of the Pigot behaved with the greatest resolution, and defended his vessel in his shirt and drawers for some time, without a single soul of his crew to assist him. Major Talbot’s gunnel was eight feet lower than the nettings of the schooner. He carried her off with him, and ran to Stonnington. Congress as a reward of his merit, and for the encouragement of a spirit of enterprise, have presented him with the commission of lieutenant-colonel.

The Massachusetts general court passed an act in their first session to prevent the return to this state of certain persons therein named, and others who have left the state, or either of the United States, and joined the British. There are about 300 named in it. In case they return they are to be taken up and secured, till they can be transported to some place within the British dominions or in the possession of the British forces.—Should they return after transportation, without liberty first obtained from the general court, they are to suffer death. Among the persons thus interdicted, it is to be supposed there are many whose greatest crime is that of having left the country and preferred Britain for their place of residence, that so they might be exempted from the ravages and terrors of war.

The state of Virginia has passed an act for sequestering British property, and enabling those indebted to British subjects to pay off such debts by placing the money for the discharge of the same, in the loan-office of the commonwealth.

[Nov. 5.] General Gates arrived at Boston, having been directed forthwith to repair thither and take the command of the continental forces in the eastern district.

The present narrative of American matters shall close with part of a letter,[93] written from Philadelphia, the 27th of August, by a gentleman of eminence, to gov. Houston, of Georgia—“Were I to unfold to you, Sir, the scenes of venality, peculation and fraud which I have discovered, the disclosure would astonish you; nor would you, Sir, be less astonished were I, by a detail which the occasion would require, to prove to you, that he must be a pitiful rogue who, when detected or suspected, meets not with powerful advocates among those, who, in the present corrupt time, ought to exert all their powers in defence and support of these friend-plundered, much injured, and, I was going to say, sinking states. Don’t apprehend, Sir, that I colour too high, or that any part of these intimations are the effect of rash judgment or despondency; I am warranted to say they are not; my opinion, my sentiments, are supported every day by the declaration of individuals; the difficulty lies in bringing men collectively to attack with vigor a proper object.”