Chapter XXXIV: Letter XVI: Roxbury, August 5, 1779

The disasters which followed the American arms, after the landing the British in Georgia, roused the South-Carolinians vigorously to oppose the extension of their conquests. By an almost unanimous voice they chose John Rutledge, esq. their governor; and to him and his council was delegated, by the legislature, power “to do every thing that appeared to him and them necessary for the public good.” In execution of this trust a body of militia were assembled, stationed at Orangeburgh, near the centre of the state, and kept in constant readiness to march whithersoever the public service required. The governor sent orders to gen. Williamson, and directed him to push parties into Georgia, and destroy all the cattle, horses, provisions and carriages they should meet with in that state. [April 16.] Gen. Lincoln, in a letter, remarked upon the order, as affecting alike the innocent and guilty, the aged and infirm, &c. and concluded with saying—“As nothing but a conviction that it is an indispensible duty, would have led me to the disagreeable task of making the above remarks, so I shall avoid at present any other, however my own feelings may have been hurt.” The order, if at all needful, should have gone from the continental general, whom congress had empowered to command in that department. He in a letter of the preceding day, wrote to the president of congress, “We have lately exchanged some prisoners, those who have come out are in a most miserable condition, few of them fit for service. Their treatment on board the prison ships, and the measures adopted to oblige them to renounce their allegiance to the United States, and engage them in the British service, have been cruel and unjustifiable, many enlisted with them—many are dead—and others in a weak, dying state.”

[April 19.] A council of war was held at the general’s headquarters at Black-swamp, when it was agreed—“That as the number of militia in camp, with those at gen. Williamson’s camp, and 500 promised from Orangeburgh, and 700 from North-Carolina now in the state, amounted to 5000 men, they would collect the remainder near to Augusta (after leaving 1000 here and at Purysburgh) and cross the Savannah, take some strong ground in Georgia, prevent the enemy’s receiving supplies from the back parts of the country, circumscribe them within narrow limits, and prevent their junction with the unfriendly, and the savages, in Georgia and the back parts of this state.”—The general began his march, [April 23.] leaving at Black-swamp and Purysburgh, the 5th and part of the 2d regiment of South-Carolina, and about 800 militia under gen. Moultrie. When the American army was 160 miles up the Savannah gen. Prevost availed himself of that moment, and crossed over to Purysburgh with 2400 men; he had beside a considerable body of Indians. The first night after entering Carolina, he made a forced march in hope of attacking Moultrie at Black-swamp, but was three hours too late. The latter had changed his quarters, and being joined by col. M’Intosh’s party, which had made a timely retreat form Purysburgh, took post at Tullyfinny bridge, to prevent the further incursion of the British, and to keep between them and Charleston. Gen. Lincoln, on information of these movements, [May 1.] immediately detached 300 chosen continental troops to reinforce Moultrie, lest he should be mistaken in his idea, that Prevost only intended a feint to divert him from his general plan; in pursuit of which he crossed the Savannah near Augusta, and marched for three days down the country toward the capital of Georgia. But being informed by Moultrie’s letters of the 4th and 5th, that his number of men was greatly diminished by the desertion of the militia, and that he was obliged to retire before the enemy, Lincoln re-crossed the river and country, as fast as possible, to come up with Prevost. Moultrie had no cavalry to check the advancing foe; who met with scarce any other interruption in their march, than the destruction of all the bridges by the retreating Americans. The absence of the main army under Lincoln, the retreat of Moultrie, the plundering and devastations of the invaders, and above all the dread of the royal auxiliaries, the Indians, diffused a general panic among the inhabitants and induced many to apply to the British for protection. The facility with which their army proceeded through the country, added to the repeated suggestions of the friends, to royal governmeat, who positively assured Prevost, that Charleston would certainly surrender at his approach, in duced him to change his original plan, and push for that place. Had he designed it at first and continued his march with the same rapidity he began it, he would probably have carried the town by a coup-de-main; but he halted two or three days; when advanced more than half the distance. In this interval the lieut. governor and the council made the greatest exertions to fortify it on the land side. All the houses in the suburbs were burnt. Lines and abbatis were in a few days carried from Ashley to Cooper rivers. Cannon were mounted at proper intervals across the whole extent of Charleston neck. The militia of the vicinity were summoned to the defence of the place; and they generally obeyed. General Moultrie’s retreating army, governor Rutledge’s militia from Orangeburgh, and the detachment of chosen continental troops under colonel Harris, which marched near forty miles a day for four days successively, all reached Charleston on the 9th and 10th of May.

[May 11.] Nine hundred of the British army, their main body and baggage being left on the south side of Ashley river, crossed the ferry, and soon appeared before the town. The same day count Pulaski’s legionary corps of infantry crossed Cooper river to Charleston. They had scarcely arrived two hours when he led 80 of them out of the lines, and stationed them in a valley behind a small breast-work, with the view of drawing the British into an ambuscade. He advanced a mile beyond his infantry, and joined a party of regular horse and mounted militia volunteers, and with that force engaged the British cavalry for a while, and then retreated to his infantry, who from an eagerness to engage had quitted their breast-work, and so rendered abortive the advantages of the intended ambuscade, and were by superior numbers compelled to retreat. Pulaski, however, by discovering the greatest intrepidity, and by successful personal rencounters with individuals of the British cavalry, had a considerable influence in dispelling the general panic, and in introducing military sentiments into the minds of the citizens. Major Huger, a distinguished officer, while commanding a party without the lines, was killed at night, through mistake, by his countrymen. That the town might not be carried by surprise or a sudden assault, tar barrels were lighted up in front of the works. Its defence rested on the exertions of 3300 men, the greater part of whom were militia, wholly unacquainted with military operations. General Lincoln was marching with all expedition for its relief, but his timely arrival was dubious, and the crisis extremely hazardous; a proposition was therefore made by the civil authority to gen. Prevost—“That South-Carolina would remain in a state of neutrality till the close of the war, and then follow the fate of its neighbors, on condition the royal army would withdraw.” The British commander rejected this advantageous offer, alledging that he did not come in a legislative capacity; and insisted, “that as the garrison was in arms, they should surrender prisoners of war.” Upon this they prepared for sustaining an immediate assault, but Prevost, fearing the consequences, declined making it. Some days after, he took an express coming from Lincoln; upon reading it, and discovering the movements and intentions of the latter, he cried out aloud, that he expected to be between two fires, and precipitately quitted his ground, re-crossed Ashley river, and to avoid Lincoln’s army, now in his rear, filed off from the main land to the island on the sea-coast. Both armies encamped within 30 miles of Charleston, watching each other’s motions till the 20th of June, when a part of the British army entrenched at Stono ferry, was attacked. By a pre-concerted plan, a feint was to have been made from James-Island, with a body of militia from Charleston, at the moment when gen. Lincoln began the attack from the main; but from mismanagement they did not reach their place of destination till several hours after the action. The American army consisted of about 1200 men, only half continentals, who were posted on the left, while the North and South-Carolina militia occupied the right. Col. Malmedy led a corps of light-infantry on the right, and lieut. col. Henderson on the left. The Virginia militia and the cavalry formed a corps of reserve. The British force consisted of 6 or 700 men. They had redoubts, with a line of communication, and field-pices advantageously posted in the intervals, and the whole secured with an abatis. That they might be harassed, or lulled into security, they were alarmed by small parties for several nights preceding the action. When the attack was made, two companies of the 71st regiment sallied out to support the pickets. Henderson ordered his light-infantry to charge them, on which they instantly retreated; only nine of them got safe within their lines. All the men at the British field-pieces between their redoubts, were either killed or wounded. The attack was continued for an hour and twenty minutes, and the assailants had manifestly the advantage; but the appearance of a reinforcement, to prevent which the feint from James-Island was intended, made a retreat necessary. The whole garrison sallied out on the Americans; their light troops, however, so effectually retarded the British, that they not only retreated with regularity, but brought off their wounded with safety. Lincoln lost in killed and wounded, 146, beside 155 missing. This attack accelerated the retreat of the enemy, who with great assiduity and fatigue, passed over from island to island, until they arrived at Beaufort, from whence they had an open and free communication with Georgia by water, whither most of them went, leaving a sufficient garrison under colonel Maitland.

This incursion into South-Carolina added much to the wealth of the officers, soldiers and followers of the camp, and still more to the distresses of the inhabitants. The negroes, allured with hopes of freedom, repaired in great numbers to the royal army; and to recommend themselves to their new masters, discovered where their owners had concealed their property. It is supposed that the British carried out of the state about 3000 slaves, many of whom were shipped off and sold in the West-Indies; but the inhabitants lost upward of 4000, each worth, on an average, about fifty-six pounds sterling. Several hundreds of them died of the camp fever; and numbers laboring under diseases and afraid to return home, perished in the woods. The royal army also plundered the planters of several rice barrels full of plate. They spread over a considerable extent of country, and small parties visited every house, stripping it of whatever was most valuable, and rifling the inhabitants of their money, rings, jewels and other personal ornaments; and yet what was destroyed by the soldiers was supposed to be of more value than what they carried off. The devastations committed by them were so enormous, as that a particular relation of them would scarcely be credited by people at a distance, though the same would be attested by hundreds of eye-witnesses. It will be nearly as difficult to credit another species of depredation which certain Americans have committed upon general Washington’s property. His debtors have been discharging in paper currency (at the rate of a shilling in the pound, through the depreciation) bonds which ought to have been paid him, and would have been realized before he left Virginia, but for his indulgence. Seven thousand pounds sterling would not compensate the losses he might have avoided by remaining at home and attending a little to his own concerns. Alas! what is virtue come to! What a miserable change has four years produced in the temper and disposition of many of the sons of America! It almost surpasses belief.

Sir Henry Clinton dispatched Sir George Collier and general Matthews, with about 2000 men, beside 500 marines, to make a descent upon Virginia. They sailed for Portsmouth, and upon their arrival landed the troops at a distance; then marched and took immediate possession of the town [May 10.] which was defenceless. The remains of Norfolk, on the opposite side of the river, fell of course into their hands. On the approach of the fleet and army the Americans burnt several vessels; others were saved and possessed by the British. The guards were pushed forward 18 miles by night, to Suffolk, where they arrived by daylight, and proceeded to destroy a magazine of provisions, together with the vessels and naval stores found there. A similar destruction was carried on at Kemp’s landing, Gosport, Tanner’s Creek, and other places in that quarter; nor were the frigates and armed vessels less active or successful in their service. Within the fortnight that the fleet and army continued upon the coast, the loss of the Americans was prodigious. Above 130 vessels of all sorts, including some privateers and ships of force, were destroyed or taken by them; 17 prizes were brought away, beside 3000 hogsheads of tobacco, which fell into their possession at Portsmouth. Except the house of a widow and the church, they burnt every house in Suffolk; and all the principal houses of gentlemen in their route, shared the same fate. The Virginia assembly resolved, “that the governor be required to remonstrate to the British commander against such a cruel and unprecedented manner of waging war, not authorized by any civilized nation; but a sufficient military force to back it, was wanting. The fleet and army, with their prizes and booty, arrived safe at New-York before the expiration of the month. The troops were joined to others going up the North-River to attack the posts of Stony-point and Verplank, where the Americans had begun to construct strong works, for keeping the lower communication open between the eastern and southern states. Gen. Vaughan landed with the greater part on the east side; while the remainder, accompanied by Sir H. Clinton, advanced further up, landed on the west side, and took possession of Stony-point without opposition. Directly opposite, the Americans had completely finished a strong fort, which was defended by four pieces of artillery and a garrison of about 70 men. But it was commanded by Stony-point, to the summit of whose rocks cannon and mortars were dragged up during the night. By five in the morning a battery was opened, which poured a storm of fire over on the fort; while Vaughan with his division, making a long circuit through the hills, arrived and closely invested it by land. The garrison, finding themselves totally overpowered, surrendered prisoners of war. Sir H. Clinton moving his main body up the North-River, occasioned the American army’s moving from their encampment at Middle-Brook, toward West-point, for which they were in no small apprehension, the garrison being few, and the fort not completed. Sir H. Clinton gave immediate direction for perfecting the works of both posts, and particularly for putting Stony-point in the strongest state of defence; for their better support, and with a view to further operations, he encamped his army at Philipsburgh, about half way down the river to New-York island. By the loss of these posts, the Jersey people were obliged to make a circuit of about ninety miles through the mountains, to communicate with the states east of Hudson’s-River.

We must here suspend our account of the operations under the direction of Sir Henry, and attend to very different expeditions.

One was ordered to be set on foot by lieut. governor Hamilton of Detroit, who was to be joined in the spring of this year by two hundred Indians from Michilimainoi, and 500 Cherokees and Chickasaws, and other nations; these were to penetrate up the Ohio to Fort Pitt, sweeping Kentucky on their way, having light brass cannon for the purpose. He was to be joined by all the Indians that could be procured; and had no doubt of forcing all West Augusta. Destruction from every quarter seemed to hover over the Virginia back settlers. Col. Clarke hearing that Hamilton (who had taken post at St. Vincent on the 15th of last December, and had fortified the same to be ready for and favor the expedition) had weakened himself by sending away his Indians against the frontiers, formed the desperate resolution of attacking him, as the only probable expedient for saving the country. After many difficulties he arrived [Feb. 23.] unexpectedly to the enemy, and made an assault. The town immediately surrendered, and assisted in the siege of the fort. The next day, Hamilton in the evening, agreed to surrender the garrison prisoners of war, in all 79, with considerable stores. Clarke had marched across the country with only 130 men, being all he could raise. He was 16 days on his route, through the inclemency of the season, drowned lands, &c.——While engaged with Hamilton, an Indian party, who had been to war, returned, knowing nothing of him and his men; Clarke sent a number to give them battle, took nine of them, and released two prisoners. Hearing of a convoy of provisions and goods on their way from Detroit, he detached a party of 60 men in armed boats, which met them before they got intelligence of their danger 40 leagues up the river, and made a prize of the whole, taking 40 prisoners, and about £.10,000 worth of goods and provisions. By Clarke’s attacking Hamilton, the intended expedition of the enemy was ruined. The colonel on his return transmitted to the Virginia council, letters and papers relating to lieut. gov. Hamilton, Philip Dejain, justice of peace for Detroit, and William Lamothe, capt. of volunteers, whom he had made prisoners of war in the Illinois country.

[June 16.] The board proceeded to consider them; and found that Hamilton had incited the Indians to perpetrate their accustomed cruelties on the citizens of the United States—had at the time of his captivity, sent considerable detachments of Indians against the frontiers, and had actually appointed a great council of them to meet him, and concert the operations of the present campaign—and that he gave standing rewards for scalps. It also appeared to them, that Dejain was, on all occasions, the willing and cordial instrument of Hamilton; and that Lamothe was a captain of the volunteer scalping parties of Indians and whites. They therefore, resolved to advise the governor, that they should be put in irons, confined in the dungeon of the public jail, debarred the use of pen, ink and paper, and excluded all converse, except with their keeper, being considered as fit subjects on which to begin the work of retaliation. The governor gave orders accordingly.

[April 19.] Colonel Goose Van Schaick marched from Fort Scuyler toward Onondaga on Lake Ontario, which he destroyed with a large quantity of grain, cattle, horses, arms and ammunition, except such as he could conveniently bring off.—Twelve Indians, mostly warriors, were killed, and 34 made prisoners, the rest fled to the woods. This expedition was performed in about five days and a half, (the distance going and returning one hundred and eighty miles) and without the loss of a single man.

The British generals were divided upon the subject, whether or no to carry on a predatory war against the Americans. They, sent home, and submitted it to the ministry, who determined in favor of waste and rapine. After which, Mr. Arthur Lee, forwarded to gov. Trumbull and the committee for foreign affairs, letters dated Paris, April 6, 1779, mentioning—“I have received intelligence, that it is determined in the British cabinet, to send over immediate orders to New-York for an expedition through the Sound up Connecticut river. The enemy are to land at Weathersfield, and proceed by land to New-Haven bay, where they are to embark, after having plundered, burnt, and destroyed all in their way.” A member of the committee wrote to his correspondent, on the 16th of July, “Arthur Lee had intelligence, on the 6th of April, of the design upon Fairfield, but contrary winds and captures of his originals, have prevented our getting seasonable warning.” Sir H. Clinton, having received the ministerial instructions, proceeded in conformity to the spirit of them, only varying circumstances so far as that required. Sir George Collier, with the necessary ships of war and transports, and, gov. Tryon at the head of 2600 land forces, seconded by gen. Garth, were appointed to the predatory expedition. While in the Sound, the commanders joined in an address to the inhabitants of Connecticut, which they signed on the 4th of July. In that they invited and urged them to return to their duty and allegiance: and promised all, remaining peaceably in their usual place of residence, protection in person and property, excepting the civil and military officers of the government; but threatened those who slighted the warning. The address was merely farcical, for instead of _leaving them to consult each other upon the invention_, as they stated it, they employed force before the people had time to consult each other after the invitation was received.

[July 5.] The troops were landed early on Monday morning, those under Tryon at East-Haven, and those under Garth at West-Haven. The last marched for New-Haven, which they entered between twelve and one, after being much harrassed and galled on their way by the militia, and others who joined them. The town was delivered up to promiscuous plunder, a few instances of protection excepted. Whigs and tories, indiscriminately, though not universally, had their money, plate, rings and other articles taken from them; and much of their furniture, which could not be carried off, was wantonly destroyed;—all the West-India goods and provisions were served the same. In such scenes of confusion, individuals could not escape personal abuse. The militia were collecting in such a manner, and the soldiers had got so disordered by liquor, that the next morning the troops made a sudden retreat, without tarrying to execute the original design of burning the town, or even to fire a single house in it. When they had provided for their own safety, they ventured to burn some stores on the long wharf. At East-Haven, where Tryon commanded in person, several houses were burnt, the cattle were also wantonly killed in the adjoining fields. By the afternoon, the militia became so numerous, and crowded so close upon him, that he retreated on board the fleet, which in the evening sailed for Fairfield [July 7.] There the troops, landed about three o’clock on Wednesday afternoon. As they anchored off the town in the morning, the militia had some little time for collecting. Gov. Tryon sent by a flag to col. Whiting, who commanded them, the address; and gave him an hour’s time to consider and to answer, so as to save the town. The colonel replied in behalf of the Connecticut inhabitants, “The flames have now preceded their answer to your flag, and they will persist to oppose to the utmost, that power which is exerted against injured innocence;” dated 7th July sun-set. That night and the next morning, they plundered and laid the town in ashes, burning the meeting-house, episcopal church, and the buildings in general, to the compass of two miles round, so as to reach Green-farms, though not Greenfield. On the Thursday they retreated to their shipping, the militia becoming more numerous than at New-Haven. They crossed the Sound to the shore of Long-Island; and from thence sailed afterward to Norwalk, whose fate was similar to that of Fairfield. The numbers killed and wounded on each side during these ravages were inconsiderable. But the conflagration list stands thus—burnt at Norwalk 2 houses of public worship, 80 dwelling houses, 87 barns, 22 stores, 17 shops, 4 mills and 5 vessels—at Fairfield 2 houses of public worship, 82 dwelling houses, 55 barns, 15 stores and 15 shops—at Green-farms 1 house of worship, 15 dwelling houses, 11 barns and several stores—beside the stores burnt at New-Haven and the houses at East-Haven. The prevailing humanity of my countrymen, will not relish these depredations in their genuine appearance, the accounts therefore transmitted or published, must be dressed up so as to make them palatable with the public; but be assured, that the burnings were designed, and without sufficient provocation, both as to private and public buildings; some of the latter, and many of the former, were to my knowledge not near to, but even at a considerable distance from other edifices. That gen. Tryon was not averse to engaging in such a service as Lee mentioned the cabinet to have determined upon, is inferred from the animosity he has to those who are attached to the American cause. He was however stopped from all further progress, by an order from Sir H. Clinton for the return of the fleet and troops. Some real or expected movement in the American army might produce such an order.

No sooner did gen. Washington observe how Sir H. Clinton had srengthened the posts of Stony-point and Verplank, than he entertained the design of attacking them. Toward the end of June, he ordered, that a trusty intelligent person should be employed to go into the works of the first; and on the 8th of July, he was informed by a deserter, that there was a sandy beach, on the south side of it running along the flank of the works, and only obstructed by a slight abatis, which might afford an easy and safe approach to a body of troops. He formed plans for attacking both posts at the same instant; the executions of which were intrusted with gen. Wayne and gen. Howe. All the Massachusetts light infantry marched from West-point under lieut. col. Hull, in the morning of the 15th, and joined Wayne at Sandy-beach, 14 miles from Stony-point. The general moved off the ground at twelve o’clock. The roads being exceedingly bad and narrow, and the troops having to pass over high mountains, through difficult defiles and deep morasses, were obliged to move in single files the greatest part of the way. This, and the great heat of the day, occasioned much delay, that it was eight in the evening before the van arrived within a mile and a half of the enemy, where the men formed into columns, and remained till several of the principal officers, with gen. Wayne, returned from reconnoitring the works. At half after eleven o’clock, the whole moved forward, the van of the right consisting of 150 volunteers, under lieut. col. Fleury, the van of the left consisting of 100 volunteers under major Stewart, each with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets, preceded by a brave and determined officer, with twenty picked men, to remove the abatis and other obstructions. The last, and the overflowing of the morass in front by the tide, prevented the assault’s commencing till about 20 minutes after twelve. [July 16.] Previous to it, Wayne placed himself at the head of the right column, and gave the troops the most pointed orders not to fire on any account, but place their whole dependence on the bayonet, which order was faithfully obeyed. Such was the ardor of the troops, that in the face of a most tremendous and incessant fire of musketry, and from cannon loaded with grape-shot, they forced their way, at the point of the bayonet, through every obstacle, and both columns met in the centre of the enemy’s works nearly at the same instant. Fleury struck their standard with his own hand. Notwithstanding the provocations given by the plunderings and burnings at New-Haven, East-Haven, Fairfield and Green-farms, of which they had heard, such was the humanity of the continental soldiers, that they scorned to take the lives of the foe calling for mercy, so that there were but few of the enemy killed upon the occasion. Great is the triumph of the Americans upon the success of this enterprise; and justly, for it would have done honor to the most veteran troops. Wayne had but 15 killed and 83 wounded, not above 30 of whom will be finally lost to the service. The general himself received a slight wound in the head with a musket-ball; but it did not prevent his going on with the troops; and he is not included in the wounded. The enemy had only 63 killed. Lieutenant-colonel Johnston, who commanded the fort, with other officers and privates, amounting to 543, were made prisoners.

The attack upon Verplank, entrusted with gen. Howe, miscarried partly through delays occasioned by high winds, which prevented the timely transportation of artillery; but chiefly through the troops neglecting to take axes with them. The enemy, upon their approach, broke down all the bridges, and thereby cut off the communication by land. Before Howe could receive the means for constructing temporary bridges, Sir H. Clinton marched up troops enough to save the place. Gen. Washington not being in sufficient force to hold possession of Stony-point, resolved upon the removal of the cannon and stores, and upon the destruction of the works, which were accomplished with all dispatch. About a week before, a certain officer, whose station gave him the opportunity of catching deserters from the American camp, was so enraged at their being very numerous, that he informed the general he would cut off the head of the next that fell into his hands; the general wrote immediately, and prohibited such execution; but it had taken place before the letter was received, and the head was forwarded to general Washington. He was shocked at receiving it, and also greatly alarmed from an apprehension of its exciting a general disgust and uneasiness among the people at large, should it be known. Express orders were given to the officer to conduct himself properly for the future. His rashness was afterward atoned for in measure, by his contributing much to the success of the enterprise against Stony-point.

[July 26.] Congress unanimously resolved upon thanks to gen. Washington, for the vigilance, wisdom and magnanimity with which he had conducted the military operations of the states, and manifested particularly in his orders for the above enterprise. They also thanked gen. Wayne for his brave, prudent and soldierly conduct, in his spirited and well conducted attack. They highly commended the coolness, discipline and firm intrepidity of the officers and soldiers. They took proper notice of lieut. col. Fleury and major Stewart; and warmly applauded lieut. Gibbons and lieut. Knox, who led on the forlorn hope and preceded the vans of the two columns, and gave to each a brevet of captain. They further resolved, that a medal, emblematical of the action be struck, and that one of gold be presented to gen. Wayne, and a silver one to both Fleury and Stewart; and that the value of the military stores taken, be ascertained and divided among the troops by whom Stony-point was reduced.

Being brought to mention congress, let me detail some of their further proceedings.

The first commissary-general, col. Joseph Trumbull, is no more; his decease has been thought to have been brought on by the proceedings of congress relative to him—they however resolved [March 30.] that with great care, industry, labor and attention, he instituted a plan by which the army, during his continuance in office, was amply supplied, with much œconomy and to general satisfaction; and that certain allowances should be made for the benefit of his legal representatives. They resolved [April 20.] “That suspicions and animosities have arisen among the late and present commissioners, namely, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Silas Deane, Mr. Arthur Lee, Mr. Ralph Izard, and Mr. William Lee, highly prejudicial to the honor and interest of the United States. It was resolved [April 27.] that the president inform the commander in chief, that if he wants specie for secret services, he may draw to the amount of 2000 guineas upon the treasurer, who will pay the same. Bills prepared by the committee of the treasury on doctor Franklin, in favor of the committee of commerce, for the sum of 360,000 livers tournois, for the purpose of importing military stores, were ordered to be signed by the president; and it was resolved, [June 10.] “That the faith of the United States be pledged to make good any contract or engagement which shall be entered into by their minister plenipotentiary at the court of France, for procuring money or credit to enable him to honor the said bills, and provide for their punctual discharge.” The next day it was agreed to borrow twenty millions of continental dollars, at an interest of six per cent. per annum. Three days after, it was resolved upon the report of a committee, “That congress are satisfied with the conduct of doctor John Morgan, while acting as director general and physician in chief, in the general hospitals of the United States; and that this resolution be published.” [June 14.] Congress in a letter of congratulation to his most Christian majesty on the birth of a princess, say among other things——“Permit us to request the favor of your majesty to oblige us with portraits of yourself and royal consort, that by being placed in our council chamber the representatives of these states may daily have before their eyes the first royal friends and patrons of their cause.” They in another letter request his majesty to furnish them with the necessary supplies of arms, ammunition and clothing, the estimate of which their minister was to lay before him, and they pledged the faith of the states for the repayment with interest, of whatever sums may be advanced for the purpose, as soon as the restoration of peace shall enable them.

[July 12.] The minister of France had a conference with congress in a committee of the whole. He introduced the conference by saying, that he had received some dispatches from his court, which he was ordered to communicate to congress, but that he expected no answer;—that though it was not the usual practice to offer communications of this nature in writing, yet as it had been intimated to him by the president, that this mode would be most agreeable to congress, he had committed the heads of them to paper, not as a memorial, but merely for the assistance of the memory, in a form to which the term of _ad statum legendi_ is appropriated by the usage of the courts of Europe;—that in reading the said paper, he would take the liberty of making some explanations and reflections.

_Ad statum legendi_ delivered by the minister plenipotentiary.

1. The king has approved all the overtures that were made by his minister plenipotentiary to the honorable congress, respecting the affairs of Mr. de Beaumarchais; therefore a line ought to be drawn between the stores which this gentleman has been permitted to take out of the royal magazines, for which he has constituted himself debtor to the department of war, and between those articles which the same gentleman has brought in the way of common trade for the use of the United States.

2. A hint having been given to the minister plenipotentiary, that congress desire to recruit their ships in France, from the English prisoners there, the court in consequence of this representation, is willing to facilitate this mode of recruiting seamen.

3. The king and ministry were extremely pleased with the resolution congress has taken to maintain only one minister plenipotentiary at their court, as well as with the exclusive appointment of so steady and honest a man, and so firm and solid a patriot as doctor Franklin.

4. The congress has given a very great satisfaction to the court of France, by the convenient and spirited step which was taken to disavow a certain ill grounded and pernicious doctrine relating to the mutual obligation of the allies to conclude no truce or peace without the knowledge and consent of each other. The court of France is of opinion, that this doctrine could only be maintained by those men whose aim would be to seek by any means, to weaken the ties of the alliance, and to create disgust and diffidence between the allies.

5. This court has received with some surprise, the intelligence that congress has published the treaties concluded with her, without the previous knowledge and consent of the interested party. It is not to be denied, that such proceedings is but little consistent with reason, and with the general practice of courts and nations; nevertheless, this observation involves not any kind of reproach, but the king thinks that so noble and so generous a system of politics could not but produce desirable effects by its publication.

6. The intelligence that in the first months of last winter, there were no adequate preparations made in America toward a vigorous and successful campaign, was received at Versailles with all the concern which the dangers of the United States and the prolongation of the present contest can create in the most friendly mind. The court of France is fully of opinion, that the exertions of the United States are necessary to bring the common enemy to a proper sense of all the disappointments which he shall meet with.

7. This court being very desirous to acquaint congress exactly with the state of affairs relating to the common cause, would not delay to inform this honorable body, that the court of London, showing on one side dispositions to a reconciliation with France, rejects on the other side, the very idea of a formal and explicit acknowledgment of the independence of the United States, which his most Christian majesty perseveres to hold up as a preliminary and essential condition. The behaviour of the common enemy in this respect, rendered a great deal more probable the conjecture which was communicated to congress some time ago, that the point of honor and pride of the king of England, will be the greatest obstacle to the conclusion of the peace upon those explicit terms: and perhaps the manner of overcoming this difficulty, will of course become the most decisive object of the deliberation of congress, when this honorable body shall determine to make peace. It is presupposed whatever _mezo termine_ may be hit upon, that England shall treat with the United State as with a free people, and evacuate immediately all the territories belonging to them.

The substance of what the minister said at the conference, in explanation of the foregoing articles.

1. From the bills and accounts with which congress have been furnished by Mr. de Beaumarchais, congress would be enabled to distinguish those articles which were drawn from the royal magazines, and those which he supplied in a way of trade; for those last congress would without doubt make remittances to Mr. de Beaumarchais in their own way, to enable him to perform the contracts he had entered into as a merchant. That for the former articles, the king his master taking upon himself to be creditor to the United States, would wait until the congress should find it convenient to make compensation.

2. Though his court had not resolved to retaliate upon the prisoners in their hands for injuries done to prisoners by the common enemy; yet for the reasons assigned, the king his master had assented to the proposal; but in carrying this matter into execution, it would be proper to take such precautions, and to give such orders to the captains, or other persons employed in the business, that it might be managed with prudence.

3. There is every reason to believe that congress will receive very soon proofs of the confidence which his court was always willing to show to the servants of these states. The personal character of Dr. Franklin will enable the court to act with a frankness becoming the alliance; they will have no occasion to withhold any more the secrets which may interest the United States and the alliance.

4. The king his master, after this explicit step, relies with the highest confidence upon the candor and faithfulness of congress in understanding as well as in executing the treaty, and in rejecting every arbitrary and unnatural interpretation or construction, which fales, subtle or designing men can contrive. Congress by their own feeling must be sensible, that such interpretations and constructions are always hurtful, against common decency and dignity, and may oftentimes endanger mutual confidence, and of course the very existence of a treaty; but the sense of congress, as manifested in this particular affair, gives his court the greatest hope, that there shall be no further motive to the painful reflections which that affair excited.

5. He begged leave to add, that this publication interfered with the situation of affairs in Europe, and was in a certain degree disadvantageous to the common cause; because it gave the common enemy a full knowledge of our system and our mutual engagements without procuring us any reason to guess at their views and resolutions. Happily these inconveniencies have not been felt, and ample compensation has been obtained by convincing the people of America, not only that the treaty was just and equal, but that the heavy task which France has taken upon her was magnanimous, gratuitous, and without reward; the whole world was at the same time convinced, that war, conquest and ambition, were not the objects of the alliance, nor of any of the allies, but only the peaceable enjoyment of the sovereignty, liberty, security and independence of these United States; and this conviction gave much honor, credit and consideration to the alliance.

6. On this he observed, that he had endeavored since the last fall, by order of his court, to impress on every mind, that England will never evacuate New-York willingly and could only be brought by proper exertions on the part of America, to think seriously of granting her independence. He believed that congress had adopted a system conformable to their engagements and the situation of affairs; his court was better informed than he was; but without reflecting on past events, the king hopes his amicable apprehensions will be overcome by the success of the campaign, that henceforth the United States will follow the example set them by his majesty, and that they will exert themselves in their own cause, as his majesty exerts himself for their sake and in their cause which he has adopted.

7. He said, that he was authorised to tell congress in confidence, that this reflection is the result of the observations which the court of Spain made upon the conduct of England, throughout her negociations of mediation:—That the British ministry seem to be solicitous to be reconciled with France, and to keep up this negociation; that from thence probable hopes may be entertained of their internal disposition to peace; but at the same time they reject with haughtiness the formal acknowledgment of the independence inserted by France and Spain. New orders have been given to the Spanish ambassador at London, to ascertain as nearly as possible those dispositions. In these circumstances the king his master ordered him to communicate this intelligence to the United States, that they may if they think proper take under consideration, if it would not be expedient to give their plenipotentiary instructions and full powers, founded upon the necessity of the conjectures, and upon the treaty of alliance, the express and formal terms of which are, that peace shall not be made without an express or tacit acknowledgement of the sovereignty, and consequently a fortiori of the rights inherent in sovereignty, as well as of the independence of the United States in matters of government and commerce. This substantial alternative in an engagement, which is a mere gratuitous gift without any compensation or stipulation, ought indeed never to be forgot in a negociation for peace. France foresaw the extreme difficulties a formal and explicit acknowledgement might meet with. She knew by her own experience in similar contest, in which she has been deeply concerned respecting the republic of Holland, Genoa and the Swiss Cantons, how tenacious monarchs are, and how repugnant to pronounce the humiliating _formula_. It was only obtained for Holland tacitly after a war of thirty years, and explicitly after a resistance of seventy. To this day Genoa and the Swiss Cantons have obtained no renunciation, nor acknowledgment either tacit or formal from their former sovereigns; but they enjoy their sovereignty and independence only under the guarantee of France. His court thought it important to provide, that difficulties of this nature, which reside merely in words, should not delay or prevent America from enjoying the thing itself. From these considerations arose the very important and explicit stipulation in the treaty, which he just now related, and which hath received the sanction of the United States. The circumstances seem already such as call for the application of the alternative of tacit or explicit acknowledgment. All these considerations therefore are mentioned, that congress may, if they think proper, consider whether the literal execution of the treaty in this point is not become necessary, and whether the safety and happiness of the American people, as well as the essential principles of the alliance, are not intimately connected with the resolutions that may be taken on this subject: and it remains with the prudence of congress to examine, whether instructions on some particular conditions may not frustrate the salutary purpose of the treaty of alliance relative to a tacit acknowledgment, which the situation of affairs may require. “In thus executing the orders,” continued he, “I have received, I cannot omit observing, that these orders were given with the full presumption, that the business which I laid before congress in Feb. last, would have been settled long before these dispatches should come to my hands. However sensibly my court will be disappointed in her expectations, I shall add nothing to the information and observations, which with the warmest zeal for the interest and honor of both countries, and by the duties of my office and my instructions, I found myself bound to deliver from time to time to congress in the course of this business. The apprehension of giving new matter to those who endeavour to cast blame upon congress is a new motive for me to remain silent. I beg only to remind this honorable body of the aforesaid information and reflections, and particularly of those which I had the honor to deliver to an assembly similar to the present. I shall only insist on a single point which I established then and since in one of my memorials, namely the manifest and striking necessity of enabling Spain, by the determination of just and moderate terms to press upon England with her good offices, and to bring her mediation to an issue, in order that we may know whether we are to expect peace or war. This step is looked upon in Europe as immediately necessary. It was the proper object of the message I delivered in February last, I established then (in a private audience) the strong reasons which require, that at the same time, and without delay, proper terms should be offered to his Catholic majesty, in order to reconcile him perfectly to the American contest. I did not conceal, that it was to be feared that any condition inconsistent with the establishment of the alliance which is the binding and only law of the allies, and contrary to the line of conduct which Spain pursued in the course of her mediation, would lead her to drop the mediation, and prevent his Catholic majesty by motives of honor and faithfulness from joining in our common cause, and for completing the intended triumverate. No loss, no unhappy event could be so heavy upon the allies as this. Indeed although the British forces are already kept in check by the combined efforts of France and America, it is nevertheless evident that the accession of Spain only can give to the alliance a decided superiority adequate to our purposes, and free us from the fatal chance, that a single unlucky event may overturn the balance.”

The committee then taking notice of what the minister had said concerning _a tacit assurance of the independence of these states_, requested to know his sense concerning the manner in which such tacit assurance could be given; to which he, premising that what he should now say ought to be considered only as his private sentiments, replied—That the British court would probably endeavor to avoid an express acknowledgment by imitating precedents that had occurred in Europe on similar occasions, instancing in the case of the Swiss Cantons, and of the United Provinces of Holland; that the mode adopted in the latter case had been for the arch-dukes, to whom the king of Spain had transferred his right of sovereignty, to treat with them as free and independent states; and that with respect to the Cantons, France had not been able to obtain more for them in the treaty of Munster, than “a declaration that they should be in possession of full liberty and exemption from the empire, and be in no manner subject to the jurisdiction thereof;”—but that in his opinion, the circumstances of these states, and the manner in which they had conducted their opposition, would justify their expecting a more full declaration.

Mr. Gerard, by strongly urging congress, in February, to come to an ultimatum, that so no promising negociations might be delayed or obstructed, contributed toward putting the states into a profound sleep. They amused themselves with idle dreams of peace, and hardly made any exertions for the war. Till about the time of the above conference, the army scarcely received a single recruit, though a large part of it dissolved in the course of last winter and spring, by the expiration of the term of service for which the men were engaged. Gen. Washington has a prospect of 1000 or 1500 levies, at enormous bounties, for nine months, from Massachusetts and Connecticut, which is all the reinforcement he expects. Inferior in strength to the enemy, he will be able to do little more than take care of himself, and guard the communication of the North-River. The distressing situation of public affairs, led the late president of congress, Mr. Laurens, to write to his friend—“[July 14.] Let us look around and enquire into the state of the army, the navy, the treasury—the view is truly affecting; but what is most of all to be deplored is, the torpitude of national virtue. How many men are there who now in secret say, could I have believed it would have come to this, I would——. I am not of that number.”

Captain Cunningham, who took and carried the Dutch packet into Dunkirk, being captured on board a private armed cutter in the West-Indies, was brought to New-York, put under a rigorous and ignominious confinement, and ordered to be sent to Great-Britain. Congress was induced by it to order a letter to be written [July 17.] to the British naval commander at New-York, demanding the reasons for the treatment he had met with; and resolved, that if they had not a satisfactory answer by the 1st of August, one or more persons should be confined, to abide the fate of the said Cunningham. Two days after, congress having well considered the letters before them, giving an account of the devastations of the enemy, and the burning of Fairfield, Norwalk and Bedford, “Resolved—That the marine committee be, and are hereby directed to take the most effectual means to carry into execution the manifesto of October 30, 1778, by burning and destroying the towns belonging to the enemy in Great-Britain and the West-Indies.”

The operations of war demand our further notice.

A daring and dangerous enterprise against the enemy’s post at Powles-Hook was committed to major Lee. The object was to throw a lustre upon the American arms by surprising the post, and immediately retiring with such prisoners as the major could conveniently make. Did it appear too hazardous, either in the execution or the difficulty of effecting a retreat, he was at liberty to abandon it. The necessity of making a timely and safe retreat, was strongly inculcated by the commander in chief, and the major was desired to lose no time in attempting to remove or destroy any stores, or even in collecting stragglers. The major, with a party of 300 Virginians, a troop of dismounted dragoons and one company from the Maryland line, proceeded on the service, and very early in the morning [July 19.] before day-light, completely surprised the post. Major Southerland, the commandant, with a number of Hessians, had the good fortune to escape, by reason of the darkness, to a small block-house on the left of the fort. Major Lee killed about 30 of the enemy, and took 161 prisoners, including 7 officers, at the expence of about half a dozen men killed and wounded. In conformity to his orders, he made an immediate retreat, without tarrying to destroy either barracks or artillery. The approach of day, and the vicinity of the enemy’s main body, rendered it absolutely necessary. Lord Stirling took judicious measures to forward the enterprise, and to secure the retreat to Lee’s party. This affair, for the size of it, may be ranked with the most heroic actions of the war, considering the peculiar position of Powles-Hook, and its being garrisoned by 200 men.

The expeditions carrying on against Penobscot by the Massachusetts, and against the Mohawks by the United States, will be related when brought to a close. Gen. Sullivan being called away to command the latter, gen. Gates left Boston and went to Providence. In May, a number of the troops under him, mutinied, and were upon the point of marching off for want of bread; he prevailed upon them to stay a few days. During that period he, by express, ordered flour immediately up from Boston, which however could not have been procured, had it not been from the captures just brought in by the cruisers. The American privateers, the state and continental vessels, have been very successful in capturing and getting safe into port a number of West-India ships and others of great value, more than sefficient to counterbalance by much the losses the United States have sustained in a similar way. It was computed, on the 15th of July, that within six or seven weeks preceding, upward of 20,000 barrels of provisions, designed for the use of the enemy, had found their way into the Massachusetts ports. But for these and such like captures, the inhabitants would have been under the greatest difficulty through a prevailing scarcity. One while there was such a want of bread in Boston, that familes who had lived well were without it many days. The price, however, of all articles, is rapidly raising in a continual succession, occasioned chiefly by the enormous quantity of paper currency, genuine and counterfeit, that is in circulation. The rise of commodities, and the associated depreciation of continental currency, has spread such an alarm, that at Philadelphia and in the Massachusetts, the inhabitants are attempting afresh to remedy both, by a regulation of prices—which like Sisyphus’ stone, will never reach the summit of the evil.

We have heard within these few days, by a letter from Martinico of June 29th, that admiral Byron having left St. Lucie with an intention as it is thought of convoying a large British West-India fleet throught the passages, count d’Estaing immediately embraced the opportunity, and planned an expedition against St. Vincent, which succeeded. We are also informed, that since then, Mr. de la Motte Piquet, with five ships of the line, had joined the count; who finding himself sufficiently strong, had planned an expedition against Grenada, and was to sail for that island the day after the date of the letter.

The count sent lieut. De Trolong du Rumain to St. Vincent, with about 450 men, only half of them regulars, who landed the 16th of June, and were immediately joined by the Carribs; they then possessed themselves of the heights which commanded the town of Kingston. On the 18th the island was delivered up by capitulation without having made any resistance. This may have been owing partly to the inhabitants being in dread of the Carribs, and partly to their apprehended danger from attempting a defence, and none from changing sovereigns.

Mr. Gerard has obtained leave to return to France, on account of the ill state of his health; and the new minister plenipotentiary, the chevalier de la Luzerne, is arrived at Boston in a French frigate. Mr. John Adams accompanied him, his commission having been superseded the last September, by the appointment of Dr. Franklin, minister plenipotentiary at the court of France. The carrying of this appointment was a favorite measure with Mr. de Vergennes as he expects from the doctor singly more obsequious devotion to the pleasure of the French court, than he could have obtained had the doctor been still joined to both or either of his former colleagues, Messes. John Adams and Arthur Lee.