Chapter XXV: Letter IX: Roxbury, January 29, 1778 (2)

The United States in congress assembled, shall have authority to
appoint a committee to sit in the recess of congress, to be
denominated “_a committee of the states_,” and to consist of one
delegate from each state, and to appoint such other committees and
civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of
the United States under their direction—to appoint one of their number
to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office
of president more than one year in any term of three years—to
ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of
the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying
the public expences—to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the
United States, transmitting every half year to the respective states
an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted—to build and
equip a navy—to agree upon the number of land forces—and to make
requisitions from each state for its quota, in proportion to the
number of white inhabitants in such state; which requisitions shall be
binding, and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint the
regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm and equip them in
a soldierlike manner, at the expence of the United States; and the
officers and men so clothed, armed and equipped, shall march to the
place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in
congress assembled; but if the United States in congress assembled,
shall on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any state
should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota,
and that any other state should raise a greater number of men than the
quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed,
armed and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such state,
unless the legislature of such state shall judge that such extra
number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they
shall raise, officer, clothe, arm and equip as many of such extra
number as they judge can be safely spared. And the officers and men so
clothed, armed and equipped, shall march to the place appointed and
within the time agreed on by the United States in congress assembled.

The United States in congress assembled, shall never engage in a war
nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter
into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value
thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expences necessary for the defence
and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor
borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money
nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased,
or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a
commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine states assent to
the same; nor shall a question on any other point, except for
adjourning from day to day, be determined unless by the votes of a
majority of the United States, in congress assembled.

The congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any
time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so
that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space
of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings
monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances or
military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and the
yeas and nays of the delegates of each state on any question, shall be
entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the
delegates of a state, or any of them, at his or their request, shall
be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts
as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several
states.

Article 10. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be
authorised to execute, in the recess of congress, such of the powers
of congress as the United States in congress assembled, by the consent
of nine states, shall from time to time think expedient to vest them
with; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for
the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of
nine states in the congress of the United States assembled, is
requisite.

Article 11. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the
measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to
all the advantages of this union; but no other colony shall be
admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine
states.

Article 12. All bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed, and debts
contracted by or under the authority of congress, before the
assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present
confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the
United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United
States and the public faith, are hereby solemnly pledged.

Article 13. Every state shall abide by the determinations of the
United States in congress assembled, on all questions which by this
confederation are submitted to them. And the articles of this
confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the
union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time
hereafter be made in any of them; unless such alteration be agreed to
in a congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the
legislatures of every state.

These articles have been forwarded to the legislatures of all the United States, to be considered; and if approved of by them, the said legislatures are advised to authorise their delegates to ratify the same in the congress, that so they may become conclusive. They have been accompanied with a circular letter, recommending them to the immediate dispassionate attention of the legislatures; and urging them to hasten the conclusion of the plan for confederation. They will be supported in this state by the influence of Mr. Samuel Adams and Mr. John Adams, who obtained leave of absence to visit their families a week before the finished copy was agreed to by congress. These two gentlemen stand in the relation of second cousins to each other.

The same day the copy was agreed to, a committee was appointed to collect and digest some late discoveries for making molasses and spirits from the juice of Indian corn-stalks, and to report a plan for communicating such discoveries to the inhabitants of the several states. The scarcity and dearness of molasses and spirits, and the difficulty of procuring a supply from the West-Indies, have induced some ingenuous enterprising minds to grind the Indian corn-stalks, while in a certain state of verdure, and to obtain from the juice, by boiling it, a kind of molasses. Several have followed the example; and the expectation of the public in many places is raised; but the quantity of molasses produced is too small, and the quantity too poor, to answer expences and to supply the demands of the market, so that this mode of obtaining it will soon cease.

[Nov. 20.] It was reported by a committee, “That an inroad has been made on the western frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania by some savage tribes of Indians, wherein a number of helpless people have been cruelly massacred, and the peaceable inhabitants driven from their homes, and reduced to great distress: and that, from a number of papers stiled proclamations, under the hand and seal of Henry Hamilton, lieut. gov. of Fort Detroit, as well as from other information and circumstances, it appears that these savages have been instigated by British agents and emissaries, and particularly by the said H. Hamilton to this barbarous and murderous war.”

Congress having received information, that the enemies of the United States endeavored to propagate in Europe groundless reports, that a treaty had been held between congress and the commissioners of the king of Great-Britain, by which it was probable that a reconciliation would take place, resolved, “That the commissioners, of the said United States, at the several courts in Europe, be authorised to represent to the courts at which they respectively reside, that no treaty whatever has been held between the king of Great-Britain, or any of his commissioners and the said United States, since their declaration of independence. They also resolved, “That all proposals of a treaty between the king of Great-Britain, or any of his commissioners, and the United States of America, inconsistent with the independence of the said states, or with such treaties or alliances as may be formed under their authority, will be rejected by congress.” The communication however of this last resolve, was to be suspended until upon a general consultation of the commissioners a majority should judge it necessary. Congress (plunged into difficulties through an excess of paper currency, which they are continually increasing by new emissions) have been and are attempting remedies that can never answer. Some are of that nature as necessarily to produce baneful consequences, and yet are persisted in after trial; of this kind is the regulating and ascertaining the price of labor, manufactures, internal produce, and commodities imported from foreign parts. It has been recommended to all the states to appoint commissioners to convene, some in one place on the fifteenth of January, some in another on the fifteenth of February, for the regulating of prices; and after that, to enact suitable laws to enforce the observance of such regulations. They have also resolved, “That it be earnestly recommended to the several states, as soon as may be, to confiscate and make sale of all the real or personal estates therein of such of their inhabitants and other persons who have forfeited the same, and the right to the protection of their respective states; and to invest the money arising from the sales in continental loan office certificates, to be appropriated in such manner as the respective states shall hereafter direct.” This resolve will encourage the states to make sale of the estates alluded to, but will not bind them to the disposal of the purchase-money in the manner proposed. Artful individuals will avail themselves of it for their own emolument, but it will be of little or no benefit to the public at large.

[Dec. 8.] Mr. Silas Deane has been mentioned in a former letter. Congress came to a final resolution respecting his recal, in these words——“Whereas it is of the greatest importance, that congress should at this critical conjuncture, be well informed of the state of affairs in Europe; and whereas congress have resolved, that the honorable Silas Deane, esq. be recalled from the court of France, and have appointed another commissioner to supply his place there: Ordered, That the committee for foreign affairs write to the honorable Silas Deane, esq. and direct him to embrace the first opportunity of returning to America, and upon his arrival to repair with all possible dispatch to congress.” The explanation of this business will be best conveyed in the language of one of the committee—“Mr. Deane not being recalled upon a motion made at the time of our disavowal of Du Coudray’s treaty, a new motion was made by one of the committee on September the 8th.—On that day, “The congress took into consideration the report of the committee on foreign applications, wherein they set fourth, That besides a number of officers who are come from Europe and the West-Indies of their own accord to solicit for rank and employment in the American army there are others who have proceeded upon the encouragement of conventions made and signed at Paris by Silas Deane, esq. as agent for the United States of North-America:—That Mr. Deane had no authority to make such conventions;—and That congress therefore are not bound to ratify or fulfil them.” This referred to a new list of major generals, brigadiers, colonels, &c. who were ready to relinquish all the parts of their agreement except rank; but said the committee, “The American army having been arranged before the arrival of these gentlemen in America there expectations cannot be complied with, without deranging it, and thereby injuring at so critical a juncture the American cause.” The report was agreed to, and the mation made—“Whereas Silas Deane, esq. _when agent under the committee of secret correspondence_, entered into conventions with several foreign officers, which congress have declared themselves not bound to ratify, and which in the present situation of affairs they could not comply with, without deranging the army, and thereby injuring at this critical juncture the American cause: And whereas the credit, reputation and usefulness of Silas Deane, esq. now one of the American commissioners in France, will be greatly impaired by the consequences of his indiscretion in having entered into such conventions, his recal becomes necessary for the interest of these United States—therefore resolved, That Silas Deane, esq. now one of the American commissioners in France be forthwith recalled, and that from the day of has receiving this resolve, all and every power with which he hath been vested by congress, do case and determine, and that he take the earliest opportunity to embark for North-America, and repair to congress.” The person who read this in his place was, upon being seconded, entreated to withdraw it, in which he acquiesced, upon a general avowal of the necessity of recalling Mr. Deane in some milder way.—On Nov. 21, partiality and tenderness struck away all preamble, and a naked resove passed, “That Silas Deane, esq. be recalled from the court of France, and that the committee for foreign affairs be directed to take proper measures for speedily communicating the pleasure of congress herein to Deane and the other commissioners of the United States at the court of France;—That Monday next be assigned for the choosing a commissioner to the court of France, in place of Silas Deane, esq.” On the 28th, Mr. John Adams was chosen. No time being limited for Mr. Deane’s return, the larded resolve of December the 8th was made. Had a proper dignity been maintained on the 8th of September, the recal would not have been a seeming mystery, or rather a compliment. Though the chairman of the committee for foreign applications was the mover of the proper resolves, yet he finally gave into the over-tenderness of the house, when he acted for foreign affairs in his letter of December the 8th, and in his private letter to Dr. Franklin.

Congress resolved, “That the commissioners at the courts of France and Spain be directed to exert their utmost endeavours to obtain a loan of two millions sterling, on the faith of the Thirteen United States.” They also received accounts from gen. Gates relative to the retreat of the British from Tyconderoga and Mount Independence. By letters of gen. Conway’s writing to particular members, they were led into a resolution, “That an appointment be made of inspectors general agreeable to the practice of the best disciplined European armies:” and from thence to elect him an inspector general, and a major general. This pomotion, which took place the thirteenth of December, occasioned much uneasiness among the officers; and they requested gen. Washington not to publish it till they had met, and made a proper representation of their grievances. Conway thought himself entitled to a superiority over them, from his having served more than thirty years; and before some of the brigadiers were born, and from the number of men he had commanded for many years in an old army. But these reasons did not reconcile them to his being put over their heads. They might be the more disgusted from his declaring that no two regiments manœuvred alike, and that there were hardly two officers in each regiment able to command the manœuvres. On the 3d of January, the brigadiers sent a remonstrance against his appointment. The objections against him were that he was, intriguing at congress in concert with generals Gates and Mifflin, in order to remove gen. Washington—that he gave himself at congress the merit of the German-town affair—that his powers of inspector general tended to diminish the power of gen. Washington—and that, in a paragraph of a letter, he reflected severely upon the commander in chief and his councellors. Such is the prevailing dislike to him, that he will be of little service in future. The uneasiness which his promotion produced, did not escape his notice, but has led him to renew a former proposal of returning to France.

[Dec. 20.] In order to obtain a supply of clothing for the army, the congress resolved to recommend to the respective legislatures the enacting of laws, appointing persons to seize, for the use of the continental army, all necessary articles of clothing, which may be in the possession of any persons inhabitants of or residents within their respective states, for the purpose of sale; and that the value of such goods be ascertained at the rate which the said articles shall be stated at by the convention of the committees agreeable to the late recommendation. A memorial from lieut. col. Barton, who took gen. Prescot prisoner, was read in congress, on which they resolved, [Dec. 24.] “That on account of his enterprising spirit, and merit in taking the general, he be promoted to the rank and pay of a colonel in the service of the United States, and that he be recommended to gen. Washington, to be employed in such services as he may deem most adapted to his genius.” In testimony of their approbation of the patience, fidelity and zeal of the officers and soldiers under the immediate command of gen. Washington, they directed, six days after, that one month’s extraordinary pay should be given to each; which was no more than justice, considering what they had suffered. The next, being the last day of the year, they had under consideration, the information sent them from Boston by Mr. Samuel Otis, their deputy-clothier-general in the Massachusetts acquainting them, that he had contracted with sundry persons for a large quantity of clothing at the rate of ten to eighteen hundred per cent. and that some of the holders of the said goods refuse to deliver them untill they should receive the cash. Upon this they resolved, “That Mr. Otis be directed to pay only for such of the said clothing as he may have actually received, at the rate for which he may have contracted for such clothing: and That it be most earnestly recommended to the legislative authority of the state of Massachusetts-Bay immediately to take and seize the residue of the clothing, which the holders thereof have refused to deliver to the said Samuel Otis, agreeable to the resolutions of the congress of the 20th inst. which clothing shall be paid for in manner, and at the rate mentioned therein, and not otherwise.” A letter was written to the president of the council upon the occasion, in which they failed not to attempt exciting resentment against the proprietors of the goods for the crime of extortion, and the greater one of refusing to deliver the goods upon the credit of the Thirteen United States. “This irrefragable evidence of the depravity of morals in so many of the citizens of these states, is a most alarming circumstance,” say they, “and if the several governments do not speedily exert their authority effectually to suppress such unheard of extortion, it will unquestionably issue, and at no very distant period, in the destruction of the liberties of this continent. Shall we then tamely see ourselve compelled by the wicked conduct of some of the citizens of these states, to the cruel necessity of submitting to the mercy of an enraged tyrant?” The president was desired to lay the resolutions before the general assembly, who were requested to keep them and their proceedings thereon secret, till carried into execution. The general court instead of interfering, has prudently left the business to take its own course. Those traders, who want to go to market again and make fresh purchases, cannot sell upon the credit of even the Thirteen United States. The encreasing depreciation of the currency is another reason against it. The paper emission is now more than three hundred per cent. for hard money, and by the end of April will probably be four for one; so that when this, the risks of the sea, the scarcity of the commodity, the few returns that can be made, the advance of expences through the rise of provision, labor, &c. and other circumstances are taken into consideration, the rate of from ten to eighteen hundred per cent. has far more the appearance than the reality of extortion.

The convention and convention troops demand our next attention.

While upon their march to the neighborhood of Boston, the British behaved with such insolence as confirmed the country in their determination never to submit; for the people said, “If they are thus insolent now they are prisoners, what would they be were they our masters? The Germans stole and robbed the houses, as they came along of clothing and every thing on which they could lay their hands, to a large amount. When at Worcester, indeed they themselves were robbed, though in another way. One Dawes, the issuing commissary, upon the first company’s coming to draw their rations, balanced the scales by putting into that which contained the weight, a large stone; when that company was gone (unobserved by the Germans, but not by all present) the stone was taken away before the next came, and all the other companies except the first had short allowance. The troops having finished their march were quartered in the barracks near Cambridge. It was with difficulty gen. Glover could procure quarters for the generals Burgoyne, Reidesel, and Philips, in the town itself. The inhabitants were totally averse to accommodating them. They could not forget the burning of Charlestown. A remonstrance was soon presented to Burgoyne by the officers, complaining, that instead of being conveniently lodged, according to their different ranks, agreeable to the convention, they were put into barracks made of single boards, five, six and seven in a room, without any distinction of rank. Unfortunately for them, there was upon the committee appointed by the general court to the business of quartering them, one John Taylor, who, though of the council, was of a base spirit, and had raised himself by it to the possession of considerable property and influence. He disgraced religion by making a great profession. The last however, gave him much weight with well-meaning men who had only a superficial acquaintance with him. This person could put up with any lodging; and thought that what would do for him, might do for British prisoners, though officers. Thus it happened that they were no better accommodated. They had reason to complain; but the treatment which gen. Burgoyne personally met with, was pleasing. He went to Boston and dined at gen. Heath’s, who commands in this department. He observed with great satisfaction, the good behavior of the town’s people. There was no rabble collected to insult him, either going or returning. He remarked, when re-crossing the ferry to where Charlestown stood (when his eyes surveyed with admiration its awful majestic conflagration) that he should have met with very different treatment even in London.

Suspicions began to be entertained lest the general had some sinister design of conveying the troops to New-York or elsewhere when they could be embarked, instead of sailing with them to Great-Britain; and the public wished to have some pretence for detaining them. It was hinted to congress, that should Sir W. Howe continue obstinately to refuse settling an equitable cartel for the exchange of prisoners, they would be justified in ordering the fulfilling of the convention of Saratoga to be delayed, until the United States received justice in that particular. Congress soon ordered a committee to consider a return of ordnance and stores taken from the enemy, which was enclosed in a letter of the 10th of November, accompanying that hint. Upon the report of the committee, on the 22d, the president was directed immediately to send an express to gen. Gates, desiring answers of several questions. On December the third, the general wrote from Albany to the president—“I had the honor to receive your excellency’s letter of the twenty-third ult. by Mr. Pierce, and immediately proceeded to dispatch to the congress the required answers. Respecting the standards, gen. Burgoyne declared upon his honor, that the colours of the regiments were left in Canada. As to the military chest, its contents might be so easily disposed of, that to have sought for it would have been ineffectual. The British army, all last war, left the paymaster-general and the military chest in some secure town, and warrants were granted upon the paymaster-general there. From the best accounts the enemy’s army had been lately cleared off; so that it is not probable there was any military chest. The medicines were left with the general hospital, which gen. Burgoyne left behind him at Freeman’s farm. Many of the cartouch-boxes were left, and some were carried away. The mentioning of the accoutrements was forgotten in the convention. Those that have been carried off have been sold upon the road to Boston for drams. The quantity of field ammunition and musket cartridges taken, are by no means inconsiderable. The rest was used and destroyed before the treaty commenced. The muskets will ever be less in number than the prisoners, as the drummers and staff officers do not carry firelocks. Many arms were lost in the two hundred batteaux that were taken from the enemy in their retreat from Freeman’s farm, and many others were plundered by the militia on the east side of the river. The bayonets were also pilfered by our own people. The very guards themselves supplied their wants from the piles. Many of the scabbards for the bayonets were disposed of in the like manner. I believe there was no destruction of military stores after the convention, by or with the privity of general Burgoyne or his officers. It is so extraordinary for a British army to surrender their arms, that we ought not to wonder at the violent and disappointed for commiting some irregularities; but I do not conceive that any thing of sufficient consequence was done, to justify our charge of their having violated the convention. On the day general Burgoyne surrendered, I received repeated expresses to inform me, that the enemy’s fleet had advanced up to within a few hours sailing of Albany. The removal of the army was therefore immediately necessary, to cover that city and secure our magazines. My principal attention was of course directed towards that object. Generals Glover and Whipple gave me their assistance and entire approbation in the settlement of the convention. When things of such importance must be done in a hurry, some articles of seeming importance never fail to be omitted. The arms were piled up agreeable to the letter of the convention, and their condition as good as can be expected upon such occasions. Their being wholly unfit for service, is partly owing to the land and water carriages, but chiefly to the want of proper packages to secure them. Our own men have changed them; but here I think we should not imprudently expose the infant state of our military discipline.

General Burgoyne was desirous of altering the place for the embarkation of the convention troops from the port of Boston to that of Rhode-Island or the Sound, contiguous to New-York, which as well as Rhode-Island was possessed by the British. He wrote to gen. Washington upon the subject on the 25th of November. The American commander forwarded the letter to congress. They, on the day it was received, the 17th of December, resolved, “That gen. Washington be directed to inform gen. Burgoyne, that congress will not receive, nor consider any proposition for indulgence or altering the terms of the convention of Saratoga, unless immediately directed to their own body.” The next day they received gen. Gates’s letter of December the 3d, enclosing a letter to him from gen. Burgoyne, of November the 14th, wherein he declared, that the public faith, plighted in the convention of Saratoga, was broken on the part of the United States, inasmuch as the officers included in the convention, had not, since their arrival in Massachusetts-Bay, been accommodated with quarters agreeable to their respective ranks. Congress had now obtained what they wanted, a plea for detaining the convention troops. Some of the members, not attending sufficiently to dates and circumstances, imagined that Burgoyne expected to have sailed before his letter of the 14th could have reached congress time enough for them to have detained him; but it was scarce possible that such an expectation could have existed, when he did not write to general Washington on the subject of changing the place of embarkation before the 25th, and could not, till permission was received, possibly embark at Rhode-Island, to which port the transports were sent, and of whose arrival he was informed by letter of December the fifth. The coming from New-York through the Sound, to Rhode-Island, was so much more convenient and less hazardous than going round by Long-Island and Cape-Cod to Boston, especially at such a season, that the application for changing the place of embarkation was natural.

[Jan. 2, 1778.] Congress resolved, “That the charge made by gen. Burgoyne, of a breach of public faith on the part of these states, is not warranted by the just construction of any article of the convention of Saratoga; that it is a strong indication of his intention, and affords just grounds of fear that he will avail himself of such pretended breach of the convention, in order to disengage himself and the army under him, of the obligations they are under to these United States; and that the security which these states have had in his personal honor, is hereby destroyed.” The next day they resolved therefore—“That the embarkation of gen. Burgoyne and the troops under his command, be suspended till a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga shall be properly notified by the court of Great-Britain.” It was then ordered, “That the resolutions, and the report on which the same are grounded, be recommitted.”

[Jan 8.] They took into consideration afresh, the report of the committee, which says, that the cartouch-boxes, &c. agreeable to the spirit of the convention and the technical interpretation of the word _arms_, ought to have been delivered up. It considers Burgoyne’s refusal to give the descriptive lists, which congress had directed to be taken, in an alarming point of view, more especially as nine days previous to the refusal, he had in his letter to Gates declared, that the public faith was broken. It insists upon this charge as a breach of faith, being a deliberate act of judgment, and so of a most serious nature, pregnant with alarming consequences. It attempts to invalidate the charge, and asserts, that by an examination of the articles it will appear, that the stipulation for quartering the officers was not to be construed in that rigorous sense in which Burgoyne affects to consider it, but on the contrary was “agreed to as far as circumstances would admit.” This assertion reduces the stipulation to a mere non-entity, if it is left with the stipulating party wholly to judge of these circumstances. The committee who made the report mentioned, but forbore “to lay any stress on the seemingly inadequate number of vessels (being only twenty-six transports) for an army consisting of 5642 men, in a winter’s voyage to Europe; or on the improbability of the enemy’s being able, on so short a notice, to victual such a fleet and army for a voyage of such length.” It is happy that they did not lay any stress upon it, as it would have manifested how much they were biassed by an eagerness to vindicate the measures they were desirous of adopting. The committee was a committee of the whole. Twenty-six transports, of 250 ton each, would carry 6500 men, allowing a ton for every man. In winter time they could safely stow more close than in warmer weather. The voyage, though long, in going from America to Europe, is performed generally much sooner in that than any other season, by reason of the prevalency of the north-west winds; so that less provision is required for the passage.

The former resolves were passed the second time, but not till congress had resolved, “that as many of the cartouch-boxes and several other articles of military accoutrements, annexed to the persons of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers, included in the convention of Saratoga, have not been delivered up, the convention, on the part of the British army, has not been strictly complied with—that the refusal of general Burgoyne to give descriptive lists of the non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to his army, subsequent to his declaration that the public faith was broke, is considered by congress in an alarming point of view; since a compliance could only have been prejudicial to that army in case of an infraction of the convention on their part.” It was in vain that the general explained the intention and construction of the passage objected to in his letter: or that his officers, in order to remove the difficulty occasioned by it, respectively signed their parole. He even pledged himself, that his officers would still join with him in signing any instrument that might be thought necessary for confirming or renewing the validity of the convention: but it was to no purpose. Congress have been unalterable; and the detention of the troops is now settled.

On the ninth of January, the Massachusetts general court permitted Dr. Benjamin Church, whose treachery had subjected him to a long confinement, to take passage on board a brigantine bound to Martinico.[82]

The American privateers and continental shipping have taken a large number of vessels belonging to Great-Britain, and sent them into their own harbors. They have undoubtedly taken many others upon the European coasts, that we have not heard of. We have had accounts of several; and that the coasts of Great-Britain and Ireland have been insulted by them, in a manner never before ventured upon by your hardiest enemies; so as to produce the appointment of a convoy (for the first time ever known) to protect the linen ships from Dublin and Newry.—We learn also that the General Mifflin privateer, after making repeated captures arrived at Brest, and saluted the French admiral, who returned the salute in form, as to the vessel of a sovereign independent state. We are likewise told, that though lord Stormont, on his threatening to return immediately to Great-Britain, unless satisfaction was given, obtained an order requiring not only all American privateers, but their prizes, to leave the French ports, the same is evaded. However, his majesty’s vessels on the American station have not been idle; for they have captured very considerable on these coasts and the West-Indies. Their captures indeed, are generally not of much value singly, yet they have furnished at times some rich prizes, and in the aggregate have been of great amount. But the balance of property will most certainly be in favor of the Americans. The continental frigate Hancock, of thirty-two guns, mostly twelve-pounders, commanded by capt. Manly, was taken on the 8th of July, by Sir George Collier, of his majesty’s ship the Rainbow.

Sir George, in company with the Victor brig, discovered three sail in the morning of the sixth. He chased with all the sail he could crowd: but observing the next day that they steered different courses, about two in the afternoon he tacked after the Hancock, which appeared the largest ship. She seemed at first rather to outsail the Rainbow; but Manly endeavouring to make his ship sail better, started all his water forward, and so put her out of trim. At half past eight the next morning Sir George hailed her, and let the men know, that if they expected quarters, they must strike immediately. Manly endeavoured to avail himself of a fesh breeze just springing up. Sir George therefore fired into him, on which he struck after a chase of thirty-nine hours. He had lately taken the Fox of twenty-eight guns on the banks of Newfoundland; which was one of the three sail, and being discovered by the Flora on the seventh was chased till retaken. The third was the Boston continental frigate of thirty guns, commanded by capt. M’Neal, which escaped. The public are not satisfied with the conduct of the latter, imagining that if he had not left his consort, and that if both had behaved well, neither would have been captured. The Hancock’s compliment was 290 men, near as many as the Rainbow’s.

On the first of December, the ship Flamand, capt. Landais, arrived at Portsmouth, from Marseilles. Mr. John Baptiste Lazarus Thevaneau de Francey is come supercargo and agent for the house of Roderique Hortales and company, alias Mr. Pierre Augustin Coron de Beaumarchais. The ship has brought 48 pieces of brass cannon, four-pounders, with carriages complete—19 nine inch mortars—250 bombs, nine inches—2,000 four-pound balls—a quantity of intrenching tools—3000 fusees—1110 of another quality for dragoons—about 18,000 pounds of gun-powder—and 61,051 of brimstone.

The continent is looking out for important news from France.