Chapter XXII (1)

1853

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th January 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... Our new Government will really, I think, command a large support, and, I trust, be of duration, which is a great object. Their only difficulty will be the Budget.

The coldness and tardiness of the Northern Powers in recognising _our_ new _bon Frere_ annoys him very much, and produces a bad effect in France. I don't think it is wise. Unnecessary irritation may produce _real_ mischief. To squabble about _how_ to call him, after having praised and supported him after the _Coup d'Etat_, seems to me very _kleinlich_ and inconsistent, and I think our conduct throughout has been much more dignified....

I have read with pleasure the loyal addresses of the Chambers, and with peculiar satisfaction the allusion to Leopold's visit to England. Let him and Philippe come here often and regularly, and let them study this country and her laws _a fond_--it will do them more good than all the studying and reading in the world. They all three express most warmly to us their hopes of returning to us soon. Do let us have the hope of seeing you in February. It would be delightful!... I must now wish you good-bye. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: HEADMASTERSHIP OF ETON]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _9th January 1853._

... Lord Aberdeen also begs to mention to your Majesty that he saw Dr Hawtrey yesterday and in signifying your Majesty's gracious intentions[1] towards him, took an opportunity of expressing in very strong terms the great importance of the choice of his successor as Headmaster of Eton, and described the requisite qualifications for such a situation, as well as the objections to which some appointments might be liable. Lord Aberdeen was perfectly understood by Dr Hawtrey, although no name was mentioned; and the subject was regarded as being of the utmost importance, not only to the school itself, but to the nation at large.

[Footnote 1: Dr E. C. Hawtrey was advanced to the Provostship
of Eton upon the death of the Rev. Francis Hodgson. Dr C. O.
Goodford succeeded to the Headmastership.]

[Pageheading: MARRIAGE OF EMPEROR NAPOLEON]

_Lady Augusta Bruce to the Duchess of Kent._

RUE DE VARENNES 65, _31st January 1853._

DEAREST MADAME,--I fear that I shall not be able to add much to the newspaper account of yesterday's ceremony,[2] for it was one the impression of which is best conveyed by a simple and accurate description of the scene, and of those arrangements and details which combined to render its effect gorgeous and dazzling. Apart, however, from the historical interest attached to it as one of the very curious acts of the extraordinary Drama now enacting in France, the impression produced was one that would be called forth by a magnificent theatrical representation, and little more. This seemed to be the public feeling, for though multitudes thronged the streets, the day being dry, they appeared to be animated by curiosity chiefly, and that _sober_ curiosity which now characterises the people of Paris, wearied as they are of _novelty_ and excitement. As far as one can judge, it does not seem that the lower orders take much interest in this marriage; the ambition and vanity of _his_ partisans have been wounded by it, and, of course, his enemies do not scruple to calumniate and slander the unfortunate object of his choice disgracefully.

It is very difficult to ascertain anything like truth as regards her, but her beauty and engaging manners will, it is thought by many, gain for her, for a time at least, a greater amount of popularity than his friends who now blame the marriage expect. That he is passionately in love with her no one doubts, and his countenance on late occasions, as well as yesterday, wore a radiant and joyous expression very unusual. She, on the contrary, showed a considerable amount of nervousness at the Civil Marriage, and was as pale as death yesterday--however, even with the high and determined spirit she is supposed to have, this might be expected. Lady Cowley had been kind enough to send us an invitation, of which we were tempted to avail ourselves.[3] Nothing could be more splendid than the decorations of the Cathedral--velvet and ermine--gold and silver--flags and hangings of all colours were combined and harmonised with the splendid costumes of the Clergy, the uniforms, civil and military, and the magnificent dresses of the ladies. The greatest mistake was the _conflict_ of lights--the windows not having been darkened, though countless thousands of wax candles were lighted. The music was very fine.... The object of our neighbours seemed to be to scan and criticise the dress of the Bride, and the wonderful penetration and accuracy of their eagle glances was to us something incredible! Certainly, though unable ourselves at such a distance to appreciate the details of her dress or the expression of her countenance, we saw her distinctly enough to be able to say that a more lovely _coup d'[oe]il_ could not be conceived. Her beautifully chiselled features and marble complexion, her nobly _set-on head_, her exquisitely proportioned figure and graceful carriage were most striking, and the whole was like a Poet's Vision! I believe she is equally beautiful when seen close, but at a distance at which we saw her the effect was something more than that of a lovely picture, it was aerial, ideal. On the classically shaped head she wore a diamond crown or diadem, round her waist a row of magnificent diamonds to correspond, and the same as trimming round the "basques" of her gown. Then a sort of cloud or mist of transparent lace enveloped her, which had the effect of that for which, when speaking of the hills in Scotland, Princess Hohenlohe could find no English word, "_Duft_." I hope your Royal Highness will not think me very much carried by what pleases the eye. I felt all the while that one could view the matter but as an outside show; as such, in as far as she was concerned, it was exquisitely beautiful--and I suppose that a sort of national prejudice made me attribute the grace and dignity of the scene, for what there was of either came from her, to the blood of _Kirkpatrick!!!_

The carriages were ugly and the Procession by no means fine, and those in which the Bridal party afterwards travelled to St Cloud, were driven by individuals in the famous theatrical costume of the well-known "Postillon de Longjumeau!"[4]

[Footnote 2: The Emperor of the French was married to
Mademoiselle Eugenie de Montijo on the 29th of January.
William Kirkpatrick, her maternal grandfather, had been a
merchant and American Consul at Malaga, and had there married
Francoise de Grivegnec. Their third daughter, Maria
Manuela, married, in 1817, the Count de Teba, a member of an
illustrious Spanish family, who in 1834 succeeded his brother
as Count de Montijo, and died in 1839. His widow held an
influential social position at Madrid, and her elder daughter
married the Duke of Alba in 1844, while she herself, with
Eugenie, her younger daughter, settled in Paris in 1851.]

[Footnote 3: Lord Cowley had been specifically instructed by
the Government to attend the marriage and be presented to the
Empress.]

[Footnote 4: A comic opera, written by Adolphe Adam, and
performed at Paris in 1836.]

[Pageheading: THE EMPRESS]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _4th February 1853._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter of the 1st. Since I wrote to you _le grand evenement a eu lieu!_ We truly live in times where at least variety is not wanting; the only mischief is that like drunkards people want more and more excitement, and it therefore will probably end by what remains the most exciting of all--War. Amusing and interesting war is, it must be confessed, more than anything in the world, and that makes me think that it must be the bouquet when people will be _blase_ of everything else. I enclose a letter from our Secretary of Legation at Madrid, Baron Beyens, who married a great friend of the Queen, Mademoiselle de Santa Cruz, and is much _au fait_ of all things that interest the public just now. It seems by what I learned from Paris that the Empress communicated to a friend a communication of _son cher epoux_ when she expressed her sense of her elevation to such eminence; as it may interest you and Albert, I will make an extract of it here: "Vous ne me parlez, ma chere enfant, que des avantages de la position que je vous offre, mais mon devoir est de vous signaler aussi ses dangers; ils sont grands, je serai sans doute a vos cotes l'objet de plus d'une tentative d'assassinat; independamment de cela, je dois vous confier que des complots serieux se fomentent dans l'armee. J'ai l'[oe]il ouvert de ce cote et je compte bien d'une maniere ou d'autre prevenir toute explosion; le moyen sera _peut-etre la guerre_. La encore il y a de grandes chances de ruine pour moi. Vous voyez donc bien que vous ne devez pas avoir de scrupules pour partager mon sort, les mauvaises chances etant peut-etre egales aux bonnes!"

I was sorry to hear of Lord Melbourne's, _i.e._, Beauvale's, death. I knew him since 1814, and found him always very kind. For poor Lady Melbourne, who devoted herself so much, it is a sad blow. We are longing for a little cold, but it does not come though we have some east wind. I am held back in some of the _most essential_ measures for the defence of the country by the tricks of the Chamber. I see that the Manchester party shines in unusual Bright-ness and Cobden-ness by a degress of absurdity never as yet heard of. In the American War the Quakers refused to fight; they did not besides like the extremities the States had gone to against the mother country; but not to defend its own country against probable invasion is truly too much.

Pray have the goodness to give my best love to Albert, and believe me, ever my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th February 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for two most kind letters of the 4th and 7th (which I have just received) with very interesting enclosures, which shall be duly returned. The little report of what the Emperor said to the Empress is very curious, and tallies with what I have also heard of his thinking much more of the insecurity of his position than he used to do. The description of the young Empress's character is an interesting one, and also agrees with what I had heard from those who know her well. It may be in her power to do much good--and I hope she may. Her character is made to captivate a man, I should say--particularly one like the Emperor.

I am sorry that you have had trouble with your Parliament. Ours begins its work on Thursday. The accounts of the support which our Government will receive are most satisfactory, and the Cabinet is most harmonious.... Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE CZAR AND TURKEY]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _8th February 1853._

... Lord John Russell read at the Cabinet a despatch received from your Majesty's Minister at St Petersburg, giving an account of an interview with the Emperor, at which His Majesty appeared to expect an early dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and proposed in such a case to act in perfect concert with the British Government. Lord John also read the rough draft of a proposed answer to this despatch, which, with slight alterations, was fully approved.[5]

Lord Aberdeen does not think there is anything very new in this demonstration by the Emperor. It is essentially the same language he has held for some years, although, perhaps, the present difficulties of Turkey may have rendered him more anxious on the subject....

[Footnote 5: _See_ Introductory Note, p. 431. The Emperor had,
no doubt, misunderstood the attitude of the British Ministry
in 1844 on this subject, and regarded Lord Aberdeen as in full
sympathy with himself.]

[Pageheading: THE LEADERSHIP]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _12th February 1853._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has waited till to-day in order to be able to give some account of the appearance of the House of Commons.

Lord John Russell's statement of measures to be proposed was well received, but as it did not contain reform was a disappointment to a part of the House. Mr Walpole spoke privately to Lord John Russell as to his future position in leading the Government in the House of Commons without office. Mr Walpole said it was neither illegal nor unconstitutional, but might prove inconvenient as a precedent.

The Speaker said in conversation there was clearly no _constitutional_ objection, but that the leadership of the House was so laborious that an office without other duties ought to be assigned to it....

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S DEFENCE]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th February 1853._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, and was very glad to hear that he considers the aspect of the House of Commons as favourable to the Government.

Lord John alludes for the first time in his letter to a question on which the Queen has not hitherto expressed her opinion to him personally, viz., how far the proposed new arrangement of Lord John's holding the leadership of the House of Commons without office was constitutional or not?[6] Her opinion perfectly agrees with that expressed by Mr Walpole to Lord John. If the intended arrangement were _undoubtedly illegal_ it would clearly never have been contemplated at all; but it may prove a _dangerous precedent_.

The Queen would have been quite prepared to give the proposition of the Speaker "that the leadership of the House of Commons was so laborious, that an Office without other duties ought to be assigned to it," her fullest and fairest consideration, upon its merits and its constitutional bearings, which ought to have been distinctly set forth before her by her constitutional advisers for her final and unfettered decision.

What the Queen complains of, and, as she believes with justice, is, that so important an innovation in the construction of the executive Government should have been practically decided upon by an arrangement intended to meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own prerogative, or to damage by her own act the _formation_ or _stability_ of the new Government, both of paramount importance to the welfare of the Country.

[Footnote 6: See _ante_, pp. 417, 421.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _13th February 1853._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He cannot forbear from vindicating himself from the charge of forming or being party to an arrangement "intended to meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own prerogative, or to damage by her own act the _formation_ or _stability_ of the new Government--both of paramount importance to the welfare of the Country."

Lord John Russell has done all in his power to contribute to the formation of a Ministry in which he himself holds a subordinate situation, from which nearly all his dearest political friends are excluded, and which is held by some to extinguish the party which for eighteen years he has led.

He has done all this in order that your Majesty and the Country might not be exposed to the evil of a weak Ministry liable to be overthrown at any moment, formed whether by Lord Derby, or by himself at the head of one party only.

But in consenting to this arrangement he was desirous to maintain his honour intact, and for this purpose he asked before the Ministry was formed for the honour of an Audience of your Majesty, that he might explain all the circumstances of his position.

This Audience was not granted, and Lord John Russell has never been in a situation to explain to your Majesty why he believes that his leading the House of Commons without office is not liable to any constitutional objection.

The Speaker and Mr Walpole both concur that no constitutional objection to this arrangement exists, but should your Majesty wish to see the arguments briefly stated by which Lord John Russell has been convinced, he should be happy to be allowed to lay them before your Majesty.

[Pageheading: THE REFUGEE QUESTION]

_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._

_25th February 1853._

Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to state that Count Colloredo[7] called upon him this afternoon.... Count Colloredo then said that he had another and more disagreeable subject to discuss with Lord Clarendon. He commenced by reading a note from Count Buol[8] complaining bitterly of the refugees, and the manner in which they abused the hospitality afforded them in this country, and attributing in great measure to the proclamations of Kossuth and Mazzini the late insurrection at Milan, and the attempt on the Emperor's life.[9] This note expressed a hope and belief that some measure would at once be adopted by your Majesty's Government to remove the just complaints of Allied Governments, and intimated that should this hope not be _spontaneously_ realised some measures on the part of those Governments would become necessary for their own protection as well as to mark their sense of the wrong done to them by England.

Lord Clarendon said that your Majesty's Government were as indignant as that of Austria could be at the disgraceful abuse of the protection afforded to these refugees; but he could hold out no hope of any legislation for the purpose of sending them out of the country.

Count Colloredo did not disguise his annoyance and disappointment at this, and seemed to attribute it to want of goodwill on the part of your Majesty's Government, which he felt sure would have the support of public opinion in proposing such a measure as his Government desired.

The discussion became rather warm, and Lord Clarendon thought it right to remark that too much importance might be given to these proclamations and too little to the causes which at home might lead the subjects of Austria to manifest their discontent by revolutionary outbreaks, nor could we conceal from ourselves that the complaints about the refugees were occasionally directed against the free institutions which gave them protection, and that we were not always viewed with favour as presenting the single but prosperous exception to that system of government which otherwise would now almost be uniform in Europe.[10]

[Footnote 7: Austrian Ambassador.]

[Footnote 8: Austrian Prime Minister.]

[Footnote 9: Kossuth and Mazzini were in England, prosecuting
their schemes against Austria; the Austrian Government
attributed to them the Milanese rising, and the recent attempt
to assassinate the Emperor Francis Joseph at Vienna.]

[Footnote 10: The Refugee Question was debated in the House of
Lords on the 4th of March.]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th March 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter, and the reports on the Militia which she returns, having marked several parts in them which show an absence of the most important requisites. Already in October the Queen observed upon the want of arms for the Militia, and was invariably answered that they would be immediately provided. But by these reports this seems still not to be the case.

[Pageheading: PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _18th March 1853._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter of the 15th. I trust that the bitter cold weather we have now again will not displease you. I fear Albert's heavy cold will not be the better by the east wind which makes one shiver. I am thunderstruck by a telegraph despatch from Marseilles of the 17th, which declares that Prince Menschikoff has not succeeded, and has therefore given orders for the Russian fleet to come to Constantinople.[11] Heaven grant that these news may not be true, though bad news generally turn out correct. I am so sorry to see the Emperor Nicholas, who had been so wise and dignified since 1848, become so very unreasonable. In Austria they are still a good deal excited. One can hardly feel astonished considering circumstances; I trust that reflection may induce them to modify their measures. The Italian Nobles have shown themselves great fools by acting as they have done, and thereby giving an opening to social revolution. By some accident we have been within these few days well informed of some of the movements of the good people that enjoy an asylum in England. Kossuth is now the great director and favourite, and Republics are everywhere to spring up, till he (Kossuth) is to be again Dictator or Emperor somewhere.... Europe will never recover that shock of 1848.

My dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 11: _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_, pp. 431.]

[Pageheading: THE "HOLY PLACES"]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _22nd March 1853._

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He encloses a letter from Lord Cowley, which shows a considerable degree of irritation on the part of the French Government, and of embarrassment in consequence of the rash step they have taken in ordering the departure of their fleet from Toulon to the Greek Waters.[12] If no catastrophe should take place at Constantinople, as Lord Aberdeen hopes and believes, this irritation will probably subside, and they may find us useful in assisting them to escape from their difficulty with respect to the "Holy Places."

Lord Aberdeen has seen the Instructions of Prince Menschikoff, which relate exclusively to the claims of the Greek Church at Jerusalem; and although these conditions may humiliate Turkey, and wound the vanity of France, there is nothing whatever to justify the reproach of territorial aggression, or hostile ambition. If the Turkish Government, relying upon the assistance of England and France, should remain obstinate, the affair might become serious; but even then, Lord Aberdeen is convinced that no final step will be taken by the Emperor, without previous communication to England.

Much depends upon the personal character of Prince Menschikoff. If he can command himself sufficiently to wait for the arrival of Lord Stratford, Lord Aberdeen does not doubt that the matter will be settled, without coming to extremities....

[Footnote 12: Even before the Conference met, Menschikoff's
overbearing conduct and demeanour had induced Napoleon to
despatch the French Fleet from Toulon to Salamis, to watch
events.]

[Pageheading: THE CZAR CONCILIATORY]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd March 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday, and returns Lord Cowley's. Everything appears to her to depend upon the real nature of the demands made by Russia, and the Queen was therefore glad to hear from Lord Aberdeen that he found nothing in Prince Menschikoff's instructions to justify the reproach of territorial aggression or hostile ambition. Still the mode of proceeding at Constantinople is not such as would be resorted to towards a "sick friend for whose life there exists much solicitude." This ought clearly to be stated to Baron Brunnow, in the Queen's opinion.

The two Drafts to Sir H. Seymour and Lord Cowley struck the Queen as very temperate, conciliatory, and dignified.

_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._

_29th March 1853._

Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to state that he had this afternoon a satisfactory interview with the French Ambassador, who told him that the Emperor had to a certain extent been deceived upon the Eastern Question, and that he had given his decision without fully considering the matter in all its bearings. But that he had since viewed it in a different light, and had so far recognised the propriety of the course adopted by your Majesty's Government, that if the sailing order had not been improperly published in the _Moniteur_ the French Fleet should not have quitted Toulon.

Count Walewski further stated that _the Persons_ who had thus advised the Emperor, finding that their views were not supported by facts as they hoped, had endeavoured to throw the blame upon England and to show that France had been abandoned and Russia preferred by your Majesty's Government, and that hence had arisen the want of cordiality and good feeling with respect to which Lord Clarendon some days ago spoke to Count Walewski. He, however, assured Lord Clarendon that all this had now passed away, and that the Emperor was as anxious as ever for a good understanding with England, and particularly upon all matters connected with the East. Lord Clarendon expressed great satisfaction that this momentary difference between the two Governments should be at an end.

Count Walewski in confidence requested Lord Clarendon to impress upon Lord Cowley the necessity of often seeing the Emperor, and not trusting to the Minister, when any question of difficulty arose.

Count Walewski said the Emperor was particularly anxious that your Majesty should know that the liberation of the Madiai[13] was owing to the interference which the French Legation had been instructed by the Emperor to use in their behalf.

[Footnote 13: Two persons, husband and wife, domiciled in
Florence, who had embraced the English reformed religion. In
1852 they were seized, imprisoned in separate dungeons, and
subjected to great hardships. Lords Shaftesbury and Roden went
to Florence and appealed to the Grand Duke on their behalf,
but were unsuccessful. In March 1853, however, after the
British Government had interposed, the two were released, a
pension being provided for them by public subscription.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th March 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you very much for your kind letter of the 25th....

I hope that the Oriental Question will be satisfactorily settled. From all the confidential reports we have received from the Emperor of Russia, I think I may safely say that though he has treated the Sultan rather overbearingly and roughly, there is _no_ alteration in his views--and _no wish whatever_ on his part to appropriate Constantinople or any of those parts to himself--though he does not wish us, or France or Austria _or Greece_, to have it either. But he thinks the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire very imminent, which I really think is not the case. The Russians accuse us (as we have preached moderation) of being too French--and the French of being too Russian!....

Now with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to Lord Clarendon_.

WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th March 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter with great satisfaction. We are now reaping the fruits of an honest and straightforward conduct, and the Queen hopes Lord Clarendon will likewise in all future cases of difficulty arrest the mischief, sure to arise from a continuance of mutual suspicion between this Country and any Power, by at once entering upon full and unreserved explanations, on the first symptoms of distrust.

As the Emperor deserves great credit, if he really caused the liberation of the Madiai, the Queen wishes Lord Clarendon to express to Count Walewski her feelings on this subject.

[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S LETTER]

_The Emperor of Russia to the Prince Albert._

8
ST. PETERSBOURG, _le -- Avril 1853._
20

MONSEIGNEUR,--J'allais Vous adresser mes felicitations sinceres pour l'heureuse delivrance de Sa Majeste la Reine, quand Votre aimable lettre est venue me prevenir.[14] Veuillez donc, Monseigneur, etre persuade, que c'est avec grande joie, que ma femme et moi, nous avons appris cet heureux evenement, et j'ose aussi vous prier de deposer aux pieds de Sa Majeste mes humbles hommages et felicitations. Je me flatte n'avoir pas besoin de Vous assurer tous deux, Monseigneur, de toute la sincerite des sentiments d'affection que je Vous porte. Cette fois j'ose y joindre mes remerciments bien sentis a Sa Majeste la Reine, pour l'indulgence et l'attention qu'Elle a daigne preter aux communications dont j'avais charge directement Sir Hamilton Seymour, qui a le merite seul d'avoir su transmettre mes intentions avec une fidelite et une exactitude parfaites.

Je crois que dans peu Sa Majeste la Reine sera dans le cas de se persuader, que _Son sincere et fidele ami_ l'a prevenue a temps de ce qu'il prevoyait devoir infailliblement arriver; non certes dans l'intention d'etre un _prophete de mauvais augure_, mais dans la conviction intime, que ce n'est que la confiance la plus intime, la plus complette et la plus parfaitte identite de vues entre Sa Majeste et Son tres humble serviteur, c. a. d. entre l'Angleterre et la Russie, que peuvent commander aux evenements et conjurer de terribles catastrophes!

Maintenant nous nous entendons, et je m'en remets a Dieu pour tout ce qui doit arriver.

C'est avec la plus haute consideration et la plus sincere amitie que je serais, toujours, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse Royale le tout devoue Cousin,

NICOLAS.

[Footnote 14: The fourth son of the Queen and Prince,
afterwards Duke of Albany, was born on the 7th of April at
Buckingham Palace.]

[Pageheading: BIRTH OF PRINCE LEOPOLD]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th April 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--My first letter is _this_ time, as last time, addressed to you; last time it was because dearest Louise, to whom the first had heretofore always been addressed, was with me--alas! _now_, she is no longer amongst us! I can report very favourably of myself, for I have never been better or stronger or altogether more comfortable.

Stockmar will have told you that _Leopold_ is to be the name of our fourth young gentleman. It is a mark of love and affection which I hope you will not disapprove. It is a name which is the dearest to me after Albert, and one which recalls the almost _only_ happy days of my sad childhood; to hear "Prince Leopold" again, will make me think of all those days! His other names will be George Duncan Albert, and the Sponsors, the King of Hanover, Ernest Hohenlohe, the Princess of Prussia and Mary Cambridge.

George is after the King of Hanover, and Duncan as a compliment to dear Scotland.... Ever your devoted Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _19th April 1853._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is happy to say that Mr Gladstone's statement last night was one of the most powerful financial speeches ever made in the House of Commons.[15]

Mr Pitt in the days of his glory might have been more imposing, but he could not have been more persuasive.

Lord John Russell is very sanguine as to the success of the plan, both in the House of Commons and in the country.

[Footnote 15: Mr Gladstone's Budget imposed a duty for the
first time on the succession to real property; he retained
the Income Tax for two years longer, at its then rate of
sevenpence in the pound on incomes above L150, and extended
it, at the rate of fivepence in the pound, to incomes between
L100 and L150. Ireland was made subject to the tax, but
received relief in other directions. Remissions of indirect
taxes were also made, and one of these, the repeal of the
Advertisement Duty, was carried against the Government.]

_The Prince Albert to Mr Gladstone._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _19th April 1853._

MY DEAR MR GLADSTONE,--I must write to you a line in order to congratulate you on your success of last night. I have just completed a close and careful perusal of your speech, which I admire extremely, and I have heard from all sides that the effect it has produced is very good. Trusting that your Christian humility will not allow you to become dangerously elated, I cannot resist sending you the report which Lord John Russell made to the Queen for your perusal; knowing that it will give you pleasure, and that these are the best rewards which a public man can look for. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.

_Mr Gladstone to the Prince Albert._

DOWNING STREET, _19th April 1853._

Sir,--I have to offer my most humble and grateful thanks to Her Majesty for graciously allowing me to know the terms in which Lord John Russell's kindness allowed him to describe the statement made by me last night in the House of Commons; and to your Royal Highness for the letter which your Royal Highness had been pleased to address to me.

The reception which you, Sir, gave to my explanation on the 9th instant of the propositions I had to submit to the Cabinet, was one of the first and best omens of their favourable fortune.

As a Servant of the Crown, deeply sharing in that attachment which all servants of Her Majesty must feel both to her Throne and Person, I venture to hope that the propositions of the Government declared through me, are in accordance with our faith and loyalty to Her Majesty.

For myself, Sir, I am most thankful, if it can be said that I have not by my own defects injured a good and an honest cause; my only title to reward lies in sincerity of purpose, and by such testimony as that of your Royal Highness I am already much more than duly rewarded....

I return the letter of Lord John Russell, and I pray your Royal Highness to believe me, Sir, your most dutiful and most obedient Servant,

W. E. GLADSTONE.

[Pageheading: THE INDIA BILL]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

OSBORNE, _27th May 1853._

The Queen has read Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday with great concern. She had been much surprised to hear from Lord John Russell on the 24th that "in concert with Sir Charles Wood and Sir James Graham, he had settled last night to propose to the Cabinet on Wednesday to delay the measure (on the Indian Government) till next Session, and that Sir James Graham had stated that Lord Aberdeen would be ready to assent to this course."[16] She did not answer Lord John until she should have heard from Lord Aberdeen himself. From the explanation he has now given to the Queen, she must say that it would have a _very bad_ effect if the measure were withdrawn at the eleventh hour, and after all that has been publicly and privately stated.[17] Nothing damages a Government more than the appearance of vacillation and uncertainty of purpose, and no Government ought to shun this more than the _present_. The fact of a dissension in the Cabinet on a vital point, which it cannot be hoped will remain concealed, must besides much impair its vigour and power....

The Queen earnestly hopes that it will not become necessary to change the course announced by the Government.

[Footnote 16: The India Bill, which passed during the Session,
threw open the lucrative patronage of the Company (whose
existence was continued but with less absolute control) to
competition. The Mutiny, and the resulting legislation of
1858, tended subsequently to overshadow Sir Charles Wood's
measure.]

[Footnote 17: The matter had been referred to a Cabinet
Committee, reported upon, agreed to in full Cabinet, proposed
to and sanctioned by the Queen and announced to Parliament.]

[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _3 June 1853._

MY DEAREST, BEST VICTORIA,--... The young Emperor[18] I confess I like much, there is much sense and courage in his warm blue eye, and it is not without a very amiable merriment when there is occasion for it. He is slight and very graceful, but even in the _melee_ of dancers and Archdukes, and all in uniform, he may always be distinguished as the _Chef_. This struck me more than anything, as now at Vienna the dancing is also that general _melee_ which renders waltzing most difficult.... The manners are excellent and free from pompousness or awkwardness of any kind, simple, and when he is graciously disposed, as he was to me, _sehr herzlich und natuerlich_. He keeps every one in great order without requiring for this an _outre_ appearance of authority, merely because he is the master, and there is that about him which gives authority, and which sometimes those _who have the authority cannot succeed in getting accepted or in practising_. I think he may be severe _si l'occasion se presente_; he has something very _muthig_. We were several times surrounded by people of all classes, and he certainly quite at their mercy, but I never saw his little _muthig_ expression changed either by being pleased or alarmed. I trust that this family connection may mitigate the only impression which in Austria has created a hostile feeling, viz. the suspicions in Palmerston's time that it had become a plan of England _to destroy_ the Austrian Empire. After the _attentat_ on the Emperor the impression on those who are attached to their country was, and still is, that in England a sort of menagerie of Kossuths, Mazzinis, Lagranges, Ledru Rollins, etc., is kept to be let occasionally loose on the Continent to render its quiet and prosperity impossible. That impression, which Lord Aberdeen stated in the House of Lords at the end of April, is strong everywhere on the Continent, in Prussia as it is in Austria, and even here our _industriels_ are convinced of it. About what is to be done by way of graciousness on your part we will consider. ...Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 18: Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria.]

_The Duke of Newcastle to Queen Victoria._

_7th June 1853._

The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour of bringing under your Majesty's notice a desire for some time past felt by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by others interested in the welfare of the Church of England in the Colonies, that the extensive See of Capetown should be divided, and that a new Bishopric of Grahamstown should be erected.

An endowment of L10,000 for the proposed See has lately been provided by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

The Duke of Newcastle under these circumstances hopes that your Majesty will approve of the erection of this new See, and has the honour to recommend to your Majesty that, in that case the Rev. J. W. Colenso should be appointed to it.

Mr Colenso at present holds a living in the Diocese of Norwich, he was second wrangler at Cambridge, and was at one time tutor to two of the sons of the late Sir Robert Peel at Harrow.

The Duke of Newcastle has received a very high character of Mr Colenso from his Diocesan, and the Archbishop of Canterbury considers him a fit person to be recommended to your Majesty.

[Pageheading: THE KING OF HANOVER]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd June 1853._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 17th, which I could not answer on my usual day (yesterday), as we were the whole day at the Camp, where there was a Review, at which I rode. It was a very fine sight, but my enjoyment was a good deal spoilt by the nervousness which I was in at having my poor blind cousin[19] _on_ horseback next to me--_led_. It is a sad sight, and one which keeps me in a constant state of anxiety, as one is afraid of saying or doing anything which may pain or distress him, or of his meeting with any accident; but he manages it wonderfully well, hardly ever makes a mistake, and manages so well at dinner. He is very cheerful, kind, and civil, and would be very good looking if it were not for his poor eyes. He likes to go everywhere and do everything like anybody else, and speaks of things _as if he saw_ them....

The Oriental Question is at a standstill. It is the Emperor of Russia who must enable _us_ to help him out of the difficulty. I feel convinced that _War will_ be _avoided_, but I don't see _how_ exactly. Our Troops looked beautiful yesterday. I wish your young people could see our Camp.[20]

With Albert's love, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 19: King George V. of Hanover.]

[Footnote 20: Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had insisted that
the disputed points as to the guardianship of the Holy Places,
and the Russian demand for a Protectorate over the Christian
subjects of the Sultan, should be kept distinct. After the
former had been arranged and the latter had been rejected by
the Porte acting under Lord Stratford's advice, Menschikoff
abruptly quitted Constantinople, and the Russian troops,
crossing the Pruth, invaded the Danubian principalities of
Moldavia and Wallachia (now united as Roumania). In England,
meanwhile, a military encampment had been established at
Chobham.]

[Pageheading: DEATH OF LADY DALHOUSIE]

_The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

_12th July 1853._

Lord Dalhousie presents his humble duty to your Majesty, most gratefully acknowledging the gracious words which your Majesty has addressed to him in the time of his great affliction.[21]

Your Majesty has been pleased for many years to honour him with frequent marks of personal distinction. He is indeed most keenly sensible of the favour which bestowed them all. But his deep gratitude must ever be given to the goodness which dictated the touching assurance he has now received of your Majesty's interest in the piteous fate of one who for eighteen years has been all the world to him, whose patient, gentle spirit, and whose brave heart had turned aside so many perils, and who yet has sunk at last under the very means on which all had securely reckoned as her certain safety.

Lord Dalhousie ought not perhaps to have uttered even this much of his sorrow, but your Majesty's truly gracious words have melted it from his heart; and still encourage him to believe that your Majesty will not regard it as obtrusive.

Lord Dalhousie will not mingle the other topics, on which it is his duty to address your Majesty, with this respectful expression of the enduring gratitude, with which he has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.

[Footnote 21: Lady Dalhousie died on the 6th of May, on her
passage home from India.]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ATTITUDE]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _11th September 1853._

Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....

Lord Aberdeen has by no means forgotten the conversation to which your Majesty has referred; but after full consideration he believes that the safest and best course has been adopted.[22] Trusting to your Majesty's gracious condescension, and the confidence with which Lord Aberdeen has been honoured, he will humbly venture to lay before your Majesty, without any reserve, the motives which have induced him to offer this advice to your Majesty.

The situation of Lord Palmerston is peculiar.[23] Unless he should continue to be a cordial member of your Majesty's Government, he may very easily become the leader of Opposition. Lord Aberdeen is at this moment ignorant of his real views and intentions. He has been recently more than once thwarted in his endeavours to press a hostile policy upon the Cabinet; and it has been reported to Lord Aberdeen that he has expressed himself in terms of great hostility. This cannot perhaps be avoided, and is only the result of taking different views of the public interest; but it is very essential that Lord Palmerston should have no personal or private cause of complaint against Lord Aberdeen. From his office of Home Secretary he might naturally expect to have the honour of attending your Majesty; and should this not be the case he might probably resent it and attribute it to the jealousy and ill-will of Lord Aberdeen. But whether he did this, or not, himself, the Public and the Press would not fail to do so, and would convert this neglect into the ground of the most hostile and bitter attacks.

Your Majesty may perhaps be aware that there is no amount of flattery which is not offered to Lord Palmerston by the Tory party, with the hope of separating him altogether from the Government.

Lord Aberdeen fully admits that this step which he has humbly proposed to your Majesty may fail to produce any good effect, and that it may even be turned hereafter to the injury of the Government; but, at all events, Lord Aberdeen's conscience will be clear; and if Lord Palmerston has any generous feelings, it is not impossible that he may appreciate favourably a proceeding which cannot but afford him personal satisfaction.

[Footnote 22: Lord Aberdeen had suggested that it would be
advisable for several reasons that Lord Palmerston should
be invited to Balmoral as Minister in attendance, and he
accordingly went there on the 15th of September.]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BALMORAL, _24th September 1853._

The Queen has this morning received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 22nd inst. She has not been surprised at the line taken by Austria, who, Lord Clarendon will remember, the Queen never thought could be depended upon, as she is not in that independent position which renders a National Policy possible. The accounts from Constantinople are very alarming, and make the Queen most anxious for the future. She quite approves of the steps taken by the Government. The presence of the Fleets at Constantinople in case of general disturbance will take from the Emperor of Russia what Lord Cowley calls his _coup de Theatre a la Sadlers Wells_, viz.: the part of the generous protector of the Sultan and restorer of Order.[24]

[Footnote 23: Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell led the
war party in the Cabinet; but the latter was pledged to the
introduction of a Reform Bill, while the former was opposed
to the scheme. Lord Aberdeen's pacific views were making him
increasingly unpopular in the country.]

[Footnote 24: Even after the Russian occupation of the
Principalities, which the Russian Minister, Count Nesselrode,
had described as not an act of war, but a material guarantee
for the concession by Turkey of the Russian demands,
the resources of diplomacy were not exhausted. The Four
Powers--England, France, Austria, and Prussia--agreed, in
conference at Vienna, to present a note for acceptance by
Russia and the Porte, to the effect (_inter alia_) that the
Government of the Sultan would remain faithful "to the letter
and to the spirit of the Treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople
relative to the protection of the Christian religion." This
was most unfortunately worded, but, however, the clause had
obtained the sanction of the English Government, and the
Czar expressed his willingness to accept it. Lord Stratford,
however, saw the danger underlying the ambiguity of the
language, and, under his advice, the Porte proposed as an
amendment the substitution of the words "to the stipulations
of the Treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that of Adrianople,
relative to the protection by the Sublime Porte of the
Christian religion." The Russian Government refused to accept
this amendment, and from that moment war was inevitable. The
British Fleet under Admiral Dundas had been sent from Malta to
the East at the beginning of June.]

[Pageheading: THE VIENNA NOTE]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

BALMORAL, _25th September 1853._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 23rd, and is very thankful to him for this full and lucid statement of the present very critical situation.

She transmits to him a memorandum containing our views, drawn up by the Prince with the desire he might also communicate it to Lord Clarendon.[25]

The Queen must say she now rejoices the Fleets should be on their way to Constantinople.

God grant that any outbreak at Constantinople may yet be averted.

[Footnote 25: The Memorandum stated that it would be fruitless
further to attempt to settle the dispute by the "Redaction" of
Notes to be exchanged between Turkey and Russia, or the
choice of particular words and expressions in public documents
designed in order to avoid naming the real objects in dispute.

"It is evident" (it was added) "that Russia has hitherto
attempted to deceive us in pretending that she did not aim
at the acquisition of any _new_ Right, but required only a
satisfaction of honour and a re-acknowledgment of the Rights
she already possessed by Treaty; that she _does intend_ and
for the first time lays bare that intention, to acquire _new_
Rights of interference which the Porte does _not_ wish to
concede and cannot concede, and which the European Powers have
repeatedly declared she _ought not_ to concede....

"If the views of Russia, for instance, with regard to
'Modification III. of the Note,' were to prevail, the
extension of the advantages and privileges enjoyed by
Christian communities, in their capacity as _foreigners_,
to the Greeks generally, with the Right granted to Russia
to intercede for them to this effect, would simply make
foreigners of 10,000,000 of the subjects of the Porte, or
depose the Sultan as their sovereign, putting the Emperor of
Russia in his place."]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _6th October 1853._

... The Cabinet will meet to-morrow; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of humbly reporting to your Majesty the result of their discussions. It will be Lord Aberdeen's endeavour to prevent any rash decision; and, above all, to keep open the possibility of peaceful communications. No doubt, it may be very agreeable to humiliate the Emperor of Russia; but Lord Aberdeen thinks that it is paying a little too dear for this pleasure, to check the progress and prosperity of this happy country, and to cover Europe with confusion, misery, and blood.

[Pageheading: MOVEMENTS OF THE FLEET]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _7th October 1853._

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As your Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the honour of addressing your Majesty, although he could wish that it had been in his power to give your Majesty a more full and satisfactory account of the decisions of the Cabinet. The meeting was very long, and considerable difference of opinion prevailed in the course of the discussion. At length, however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there was such an agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive principle of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be already at Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be brought there forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in the Bosphorus, unless the Russians should cross the Danube, or make any attack upon the Turkish possessions on the coast of the Black Sea. In this case, the combined Fleets would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the Turkish territory.

Considering the position we have already assumed in this unfortunate affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than this; and as there is very little chance of Russia undertaking any active hostilities of the nature apprehended, it may reasonably be hoped that no actual collision will take place. At the same time it must be recollected that Russia will regard the entrance of line of battle-ships into the Black Sea as a virtual declaration of war against herself.

There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war by the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any serious impediment to the decision of the Divan being fulfilled, it is rather strange that intelligence to this effect has not been received. If Lord Stratford should see great cause for apprehension at the prospect of the Turks in the prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible that by his influence he may have arrested the progress of their warlike measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all events, Lord Aberdeen trusts that the path of negotiation is not finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal position of Great Britain in this contest, it may still be possible to employ words of conciliation and peace....

[Pageheading: WAR IMMINENT]

[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN OVERBORNE]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BALMORAL, _10th October 1853._