Chapter XXI (4)

[Footnote 67: M.P. for Southwark; well known as a
philosophical writer, the first member of the Radical Party
included in any Ministry.]

[Footnote 68: Mr Bernal Osborne, a well-known speaker at the
time, became Secretary of the Admiralty.]

[Footnote 69: Afterwards, as Duke of Buckingham, Secretary for
the Colonies and Governor of Madras.]

[Pageheading: THE NEW CABINET]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th December 1852._

The Queen has this moment received Lord Aberdeen's letter, reporting that new difficulties have arisen in the completion of the Government by new proposals made by Lord John Russell, since the Queen's sanction had been given to the arrangements submitted to her by Lord Aberdeen, which had then been agreed to by Lord John Russell. The Queen begins to fear serious mischief from the long duration of the crisis. It must weaken the prestige of the new Government, and, instead of smoothing difficulties, is, from the nature of things, rather calculated to invite new ones. The Queen has, in her letter of yesterday, stated some objections _she_ felt, but added that she would waive them all for the satisfaction of the immediate want of the country (a strong Government), and she must express her hope that political parties will not fall short in patriotic spirit of the example she has thus herself set.

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._ [_Draft--from recollection._]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of this afternoon, and is very glad to hear that he has overcome the difficulties which he mentioned this morning, and that he has secured the services of Lord Lansdowne in the Cabinet. She hopes, however, that Lord Aberdeen will remain firm on the other points, as difficulties are never overcome by yielding to more than can be fairly demanded.

_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1852._

Lord Aberdeen came this afternoon to announce the completion of his Cabinet.

From many of them answers have not yet been received.

The day before it looked very bad. Lord John Russell had sent in such a list of persons whom he required in the Cabinet (Sir Francis Baring, Sir George Grey, etc., etc.), that, having been very yielding hitherto, Lord Aberdeen was obliged to be peremptory in his refusal. Now that the Cabinet was formed on a due proportion, he was inclined to let Lord John have his own way pretty much with regard to the minor Offices, considering that he brought 250 followers, and he (Lord Aberdeen) only 50.

It was to Lord Clarendon that the persuasion of Lady John was finally due, but Lord Aberdeen had to add his own promise to that of Lord Clarendon, that the latter would take the Foreign Office whenever she thought Lord John ought to be relieved from it.

Lady Palmerston had been most anxious to bring her husband into office again; Lord Aberdeen had seen the first symptom of their joint wish in the earnestness with which Lord Palmerston's friends declared in all places that, had he been well enough, he would certainly have voted against the Government.

Lord Lansdowne's exertions and Lord Clarendon's disinterestedness were beyond all praise.

Of the Derbyites, he heard that most of them would be very quiet, and many would be very friendly.

Lord Breadalbane is to be Lord Chamberlain. We recommend a trial to get Lord Jersey to remain as Master of the Horse.

VICTORIA R.

_The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th December 1852._

MY DEAR LORD ABERDEEN,--I have heard rumours of some appointments in the Household, for which the writs are to be moved to-morrow. As you have not yet placed before the Queen your recommendations, I merely write this to you, fearing that the "Whig Party" may deal out places before you have had an opportunity of taking the Queen's pleasure. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S FAREWELL AUDIENCE]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th December 1852._

Lord Derby had his audience of leave yesterday afternoon. He repeated his thanks to the Queen for the support and countenance she had given him throughout the period he had been allowed to serve her, adding his regrets that his services could not have been more efficient or longer. One thing only distressed him in taking leave, and that was the idea that the Queen might think he had unnecessarily raised difficulties to the formation of a new Government by his Speech in the House of Lords. Now, it had been incumbent upon him to show to his Party that he had not quitted office on light grounds, after the sacrifices of opinion they had brought in order to support him; he had to prove that the vote in the House of Commons was not an accidental vote, but the preconcerted Union of all Parties (in opposition) against him, which gave them a real majority. We replied that it was not his opinion on the late division, to the expression of which the Queen had objected, but to that of an opinion on the character of the new Government which the Queen had not yet formed. It was of the greatest importance to keep that in suspense, and the declaration that Lord Derby knew Lord Aberdeen to profess Conservative opinions of his own (Lord Derby's) shade, had at once given the alarm to the Radicals, and made them insist upon a greater proportion of Liberals in the Cabinet. Lord Derby rejoined he had expressed his doubts as to how these differences could be reconciled; and he did not see now how this was to be done. How could Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell agree upon the Foreign Policy, for instance? The Queen replied that Lord John's views were very sound and moderate, and that the line of Foreign Policy he had formerly had to pursue had been forced upon him by Lord Palmerston, who had never left a question for the decision of the Cabinet to which he had not already given a decided bias.

Did Lord Derby know that Lord Palmerston gave it out everywhere that, had he been well enough, he should certainly have voted _against_ the Government? Lord Derby could only say that he had allowed his son-in-law, Lord Jocelyn, to go to Italy under the firm conviction that Lord Palmerston would refuse to join Lord Aberdeen or Lord John Russell!

Lord Derby took leave after five o'clock.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: LADY DERBY'S LETTER]

_The Countess of Derby to the Marchioness of Ely._[70]

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th December 1852._

MY DEAREST LADY ELY,--Lord Derby told me that he saw you yesterday, but only for a moment. I think he was nervous about his audience of leave, but he returned deeply touched by the kindness of manner of the Queen and the Prince. I cannot resist saying to you that, during the last year, he has been more and more impressed with the admirable qualities of the Queen, and her noble straightforwardness on all occasions, and her unvarying kindness have inspired him with the strongest attachment (if I may venture so to express his feelings for Her Majesty). During that week of terrible suspense he continually said to me that his chief anxiety and regret were caused by the fear of leaving the Queen, particularly before he had had time and power to do more in her service. I am writing in haste, having much to do this last day in Town, but I have very often wished that the Queen knew how warmly and sincerely Lord Derby is devoted to her service. He is also very grateful to the Prince, for whose abilities he has the highest admiration, often speaking of his wonderful cleverness. I am delighted to hear that the Queen is so well; he said she was looking remarkably well yesterday. He told me that Her Majesty used some kind expression about myself. If you should have an opportunity of saying to Her Majesty how grateful I am for all her former kindness, I should be very much obliged to you. Ever yours very affectionately,

EMMA DERBY.

[Footnote 70: Submitted to the Queen by Lady Ely.]

[Pageheading: THE NEW MINISTRY]

[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1852._

The delivery of the Seals of Office of the outgoing Ministers into the Queen's hands, and her bestowal of them upon the new Ministers, took place to-day.

Of the former, Mr Disraeli seemed to feel most the loss of office.

We saw Lord Aberdeen for some time, who submitted the names of all the persons he recommended for the subordinate Offices, of whom he will send a list. We asked him what might have passed between the last Session and this to chill his feelings for Lord Derby, who maintained that up to the Dissolution he had sent him messages to say that he perfectly agreed with him, except on the Commercial Policy, and that he never would join the Whigs. Lord Aberdeen disclaimed all knowledge of such messages, though he acknowledged to have been very friendly to Lord Derby. At the General Election, however, it appeared to him that there was such a total want of principle in him and his Party, pledging themselves for Protection in one place and Free Trade in another, and appearing consistent only on one point, viz. their hatred to Sir Robert Peel's memory and his friends, that he became determined to have nothing to do with them.

The formation of the Government appeared to give satisfaction to the country, though of course the number of the disappointed must be even larger than usual on such occasions. Lord Canning seemed very much hurt at not being taken into the Cabinet, and felt inclined to refuse the Post Office. We agreed upon the impolicy of such a step, and encouraged Lord Aberdeen to press him. Lord Clanricarde, and particularly Lord Carlisle, were very much grieved at being left out altogether, but there was no help for it; for each man taken in from one side, two would be proposed from the other, and the Cabinet was just large enough to work.

We saw Lord Lansdowne after the Council, who seemed well satisfied with the Government, a combination he had so much and so long wished. Lord Carlisle's annoyance was the only thing which personally grieved him. He said that from the moment he had read Mr Disraeli's Budget he had felt sure that the Government would fall immediately; the country would never submit to a new tax with a surplus in the Exchequer.

Lord John Russell, whom we saw afterwards, seemed in very good health and spirits. He told us that the peaceful parting scene in the House of Commons had been his doing; he had told Mr Walpole that he thought Mr Disraeli ought to make an apology to the House for the language he had used, and which had given pain to a great many persons; and on Mr Walpole's saying that that was a very delicate thing to tell Mr Disraeli, he had allowed it to be told him as a message from him (Lord John). Mr Disraeli declared his readiness, provided others would do the same, and declared they had meant no offence.[71] We owned that we had been astonished to find them of a sudden all so _well bred_. We asked what Lord Palmerston had been about during the crisis? Lord John told us in reply that Lord Palmerston had certainly been disposed to join Lord Derby's Government, but always said he could not do so alone; that if eight of them were to join, then they would have the majority in the Cabinet. He also said that he believed Lord Palmerston would have voted _for_ some parts of the Budget and against others. Lord John does not think that that large Party of Lord Derby's will long keep together, that some would vote for the Government, others might try to raise a Protestant cry.

Lord Palmerston looked excessively ill, and had to walk with two sticks from the gout.

[Footnote 71: "Mr Disraeli ... with infinite polish and grace
asked pardon for the flying words of debate, and drew easy
forgiveness from the member (Mr Goulburn), whom a few hours
before he had mocked as 'a weird sibyl'; the other member (Sir
James Graham), whom he could not say he greatly respected, but
whom he greatly regarded; and the third member (Sir C.
Wood), whom he bade learn that petulance is not sarcasm, and
insolence is not invective. Lord John Russell congratulated
him on the ability and the gallantry with which he had
conducted the struggle, and so the curtain fell." Morley's
_Gladstone_, Book III. chap. viii.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 24th reached me on Monday, and I thank you warmly for it. The success of our excellent Aberdeen's arduous task and the formation of so brilliant and strong a Cabinet would, I was sure, please you. It is the realisation of the country's and our _most_ ardent wishes, and it deserves success, and will, I think, command great support.... It has been an anxious week, and just on our happy Christmas Eve we were still very uneasy.

As I mean to write again before this year runs out, and I have a long Council with outgoing and incoming Ministers this afternoon, you will excuse my taking leave here. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE SUGGESTED MARRIAGE]

_The Princess Hohenlohe to Queen Victoria._

LANGENBURG, _30th December 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--According to your wish and our promise, we send this servant with the most unwelcome news that yesterday morning M. de Jaux arrived here and told Ernest (as you will see by his letter to Albert) that the Count Walewski wishes to have an interview with him to confer on the subject we know of. A quarter of an hour before I received this letter from Uncle Leopold, which I sent in Ernest's letter to Ada, and in which he speaks his opinion that we ought not to say "_No_" _at once_, before telling Ada of it. This is very much against my wish and Ernest's, for we both would like to make an end of the affair as soon as possible, but cannot, as we see the truth of what Uncle Leopold says. I send a letter to Mamma to you, and one for Ada. Mamma knows of it, as she wrote to me the other day, and I leave it to you, dearest Victoria, if you or Mamma will tell the poor child of the transaction. She will be in great distress. I wish she may at once say "_No_," but am not sure of it; and in our letters we have not said anything for the thing, but nothing against also but what naturally is to be said against it. She will not know what to do, and I am sure you and Mamma will not put it to her in _too_ favourable a light, as we are of the same opinion on the subject; but yet there may be some things in its favour too. I wish you would make Charles come to us--_if you think it wise to do so_--and he not only will try to engage us to it. But there may be so many reasons for or against which in a letter it is not possible to explain all, and which we could not answer in time; besides by him we might learn more accurately what Ada feels: but I leave it quite to your and Albert's judgment, if this would be a good plan. I am in great distress, you well may think, my dearest Victoria. Oh! if we could but say "_No_" at once!...

Many thanks, my dearest Victoria, for your kind letter of the 22nd. In the papers I have been following with the greatest interest what has been said on the formation of the new Ministry; there is one name though which frightens me--Lord Palmerston. Let me wish you joy of the New Year; may it _bring peace_ not only to the nations, but also to us. Every blessing and happiness to you, dear Albert, and your children, and for me your love and affection, which is a blessing to your devoted Sister,

FEODORA.

Ernest also wishes you all possible happiness. If Ada has the wish to see the Emperor before she decides, what is to be done?

[Pageheading: NEW YEAR WISHES]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st December 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--On _this_, the last day of the old year, allow me to offer my most ardent wishes for _many_ and happy returns of the New Year to you and yours. May it be one of peace and prosperity to us _all_, and may we have the happiness of seeing _you_ again. May we still hope to see you this _winter_ or not?

Our Government is very satisfactorily settled. To have my faithful friend Aberdeen as Prime Minister is a great happiness and comfort for me personally. Lord Palmerston is terribly altered, and all his friends think him breaking. He walks with two sticks, and seemed in great suffering at the Council, I thought. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XXII

The opening of the year 1853 saw a strong Coalition Ministry in power; the necessity of a cordial understanding with France was obvious, but bitter and indiscreet attacks on the Emperor of the French were made by certain members of the Government, for which Mr Disraeli took them severely to task. Lord John Russell, who had been appointed Foreign Secretary, resigned that office in February, in favour of Lord Clarendon, being unable to bear the twofold burden of the Leadership of the House and the Foreign Office. Though the arrangement was questioned, he continued during the year to lead the House without office. A Canadian Clergy Reserves Bill, an India Bill, introducing competitive examination into the Civil Service, and various measures of Metropolitan improvement were passed. A more important feature of the Session was Mr Gladstone's first Budget, dealing comprehensively with the Income Tax, and imposing a duty on successions to real property.

The Eastern Question, however, overshadowed all other interests. For some time a dispute had existed between the Latin and Greek Churches as to the guardianship of the Holy Places (including the Church of the Holy Sepulchre) in Palestine. After long negotiations between the French and Russian Governments, as representing these Churches, an indecisive judgment was pronounced by the Porte, which, however, so incensed Russia that she began to make warlike demonstrations, and sent Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople to make peremptory requisitions as to the Holy Places.

In the meanwhile, the Czar had made confidential overtures to Sir Hamilton Seymour, the British Ambassador at St Petersburg, representing the Sultan as a very "sick man," and suggesting that, on the dissolution of his Empire, a concerted disposal of the Turkish dominions should be made by England and Russia; these conversations were reported at once to the British Government. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who had been sent to represent British interests at Constantinople, arrived there after Prince Menschikoff, and a settlement of the disputes as to the Holy Places was then easily effected, Lord Stratford insisting on this question being kept independent of any other issue. But Prince Menschikoff had come to the conference with instructions to keep an ulterior object in view, namely, to advance a claim, by means of a strained interpretation of the Treaty of Kainardji of 1774, of a Russian protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan. Influenced by Lord Stratford, the Porte rejected the claim, and, in retaliation, the Czar occupied the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, characterising the step not as an act of war, but a material guarantee of Russia's just rights. The French Emperor, anxious to divert the attention of his subjects from domestic politics, was making preparations for war; and similar preparations were also being made in England.

Negotiations took place between the Powers with a view of averting war, and a document known as the Vienna Note, to which Great Britain and France were parties, and which Russia accepted, was proffered to the Sultan: again Lord Stratford interposed to prevent its acceptance, and, when the Russian Government subsequently announced its own interpretation of the Note, it was apparent that the Western Powers had been mistaken as to its purport.

An Ultimatum, requiring the evacuation of the Principalities, was sent by the Porte to Russia and rejected: war broke out, and the first encounter at Oltenitza, on the 4th of November, resulted in favour of Turkey. Meanwhile both the British and French fleets had been sent to the East, and, on the declaration of war, the British Admiral was instructed to take any action he thought fit to prevent Russian aggression on Turkish territory. On the 30th of November the Turkish Fleet in Sinope Harbour was destroyed by the Russian squadron, this occurrence provoking profound indignation in England, though it had been urged both within the Cabinet and outside that the despatch of the combined Western Fleets through the Dardanelles was more likely to appear as a defiance to Russia than a support to Turkey.

Earlier in the year Lord Aberdeen had desired to retire, but enquiry soon disclosed that Lord John Russell no longer had the influence necessary to form a Ministry, and in the face of danger Lord Aberdeen remained at his post. But there were sharp dissensions in the Cabinet, especially between Lord Palmerston, representing the anti-Russian party, on the one hand, and on the other Lord Aberdeen, who distrusted the Turks, and Mr Gladstone, who disavowed any obligation to uphold the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In December, Lord Palmerston resigned office, the ostensible reason being his opposition to the contemplated Reform Bill of the Government. The real cause was his opinion that apathy was being shown by his colleagues in reference to the Eastern Question; however, after arrangements had been made for replacing him, he was, at his own desire, re-admitted to the Cabinet.