Chapter XIX (1)

1850

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th February 1850._

MY DEAR UNCLE,--We had the house full for three days last week on account of our theatrical performances on Friday, which went off extremely well. The Grand Duchess Stephanie was here, _tres aimable_, and not altered. She spoke much of Germany and of politics, and of _you_ in the highest terms--"Comme le Roi Leopold s'est bien tenu"--and that she had mentioned this at Claremont, and then felt shocked at it, but that the poor King had answered: "Il avait mon exemple devant lui, et il en a profite!" She thought the whole family _tres digne_ in their _malheur_, but was struck with the melancholy effect of the whole thing.

Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parliament, and the Protectionists have received an effective check; the question of the Corn Laws seems _indeed settled_. This is of great importance, as it puts a stop to the excitement and expectations of the farmers, which have been falsely kept up by the aristocracy....

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _15th February 1850._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I have altered this draft so as I think to meet the views of the Queen and of yourself in regard to the continuance of the suspension.[1] I should not like to put into a despatch an instruction to accept less than we have demanded, because that would imply what I don't think to be the fact, viz. that we have demanded more than is due. If the demands were for the British Government, we might forego what portions we might like to give up, but we have no right to be easy and generous with the rights and claims of other people. Besides, if we get anything, we shall get all. The whole amount is quite within the power of the Greek Government to pay. Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

[Footnote 1: _I.e._ of hostilities against the Greek
Government, designed to extract compensation for the injuries
inflicted on British subjects. See _ante_, p. 231.]

[Pageheading: THE DRAFT TO GREECE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1850._

The Queen sent the day before yesterday the proposed draft to Mr Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, enclosing a Memorandum from Lord John Russell, and telling Lord Palmerston "that she entirely concurred with Lord John, and wished the draft to be altered accordingly." She has not yet received an answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears from Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that Lord Palmerston has _sent_ the draft off _unaltered_.[2] The Queen must remark upon this sort of proceeding, of which this is not the first instance, and plainly tell Lord Palmerston that this must not happen again. Lord Palmerston has a perfect right to state to the Queen his reasons for disagreeing with her views, and will always have found her ready to listen to his reasons; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown and her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and this without her knowledge.

[Footnote 2: _See_ Ashley's _Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. v.]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS. _17th February 1850._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's communication of this day, he begs to state that upon receiving, the day before yesterday, your Majesty's Memorandum on the proposed draft to Mr Wyse, together with the accompanying Memorandum[3] from Lord John Russell, he altered the draft, and sent it to Lord John Russell, and received it back from Lord John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to that which he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was important that the messenger should go off that evening, and the time occupied in these communications rendered it just, but barely, possible to despatch the messenger by the mail train of that evening. The despatch thus altered coincided with the views of your Majesty and Lord John Russell as to the question in regard to the length of time during which reprisals should be suspended to give scope for the French negotiation. The other question as to giving Mr Wyse a latitude of discretion to entertain any proposition which might be made to him by the Greek Government was considered by the Cabinet at its meeting yesterday afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston gave Mr Wyse a latitude of that kind in regard to the claim of Mr Pacifico, the only one to which that question could apply, in a despatch which he sent by the overland Mediterranean mail which went off yesterday afternoon. That despatch also contained some instructions as to the manner in which Mr Wyse is to communicate with Baron Gros,[4] and those instructions were the result of a conversation which Viscount Palmerston had with the French Ambassador after the meeting of the Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston was only waiting for a copy of the despatch of yesterday evening, which, owing to this day being Sunday, he has not yet received, in order to send to your Majesty the altered draft of yesterday evening, with an explanation of the circumstances which rendered it impossible to submit them to your Majesty before they were sent off.[5]

[Footnote 3: Lord John Russell's opinion was that three weeks
should be allowed to Mr Wyse and Sir W. Parker to accept terms
as satisfactory as they could obtain, and that Sir W. Parker
should not be obliged to resume coercive measures, if the
concessions of the Greek Government should appear to afford a
prospect of a speedy settlement of the affair.]

[Footnote 4: Baron Gros was the Commissioner despatched by
the French Government to Athens to assist in arranging the
dispute.]

[Footnote 5: See subsequent correspondence between Lord John
and Lord Palmerston, Walpole's _Russell_, vol. ii. chap. xix.]

[Pageheading: RE-ARRANGEMENT SUGGESTED]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PLAN]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd March 1850._

Before leaving Town yesterday we saw Lord John Russell, who came to state what had passed with reference to Lord Palmerston. He premised that Lord Palmerston had at all times been a most agreeable and accommodating colleague; that he had acted with Lord John ever since 1831, and had not only never made any difficulty, but acted most boldly and in the most spirited manner on all political questions; besides, he was very popular with the Radical part of the House of Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that both would be ready to receive him as their Leader; he (Lord John) was therefore most anxious to do nothing which could hurt Lord Palmerston's feelings, nor to bring about a disruption of the Whig Party, which at this moment of Party confusion was the only one which still held together. On the other hand, the fact that the Queen distrusted Lord Palmerston was a serious impediment to the carrying on of the Government. Lord John was therefore anxious to adopt a plan by which Lord Palmerston's services could be retained with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs entrusted to other hands. The only plan he could think of was to give Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of Commons--the highest position a statesman could aspire to--and to go himself to the House of Lords. He had communicated his views to Lord Lansdowne, who agreed in them, and thought he could do nothing better than speak to Lord Palmerston at once. Lord Palmerston said that he could not have helped to have become aware that he had forfeited the Queen's confidence, but he thought this had not been on _personal_ grounds, but merely on account of his line of policy, with which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen interrupted Lord John by remarking that she distrusted him on _personal_ grounds also, but I remarked that Lord Palmerston had so far at least seen rightly; that he had become disagreeable to the Queen, not on account of his person, but of his political doings, to which the Queen assented.) Lord Palmerston appeared to Lord John willing to enter into this agreement.

On the question how the Foreign Office should be filled, Lord John said that he thought his father-in-law, Lord Minto, ought to take the Foreign Office.... As the Queen was somewhat startled by this announcement, I said I thought that would not go down with the public. After Lord Palmerston's removal (who was considered one of the ablest men in the country) he ought not to be replaced but by an equally able statesman; the Office was of _enormous_ importance, and ought not to be entrusted to any one but Lord John himself or Lord Clarendon. On the Queen's enquiry why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it, Lord John said he was most anxious that the change of the Minister should not produce a change in the general line of policy which he considered to have been quite right, and that Lord Clarendon did not approve of it; somehow or other he never could agree with Lord Clarendon on Foreign Affairs; he thought Lord Clarendon very anti-French and for an alliance with Austria and Russia. The Queen replied she knew Lord Clarendon's bad opinion of the mode in which the Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought that a merit in him, but did not think him Austrian or Russian, but merely disapproving of Lord Palmerston's behaviour. I urged Lord John to take the Foreign Affairs himself, which he said would have to be done if the Queen did not wish Lord Minto to take them; he himself would be able to do the business when in the House of Lords, although he would undertake it unwillingly; with the business in the House of Commons it would have been impossible for him.

The Queen insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House of Lords, adding that, if he found it too much for him, he could at a later period perhaps make the Department over to Lord Clarendon.

I could not help remarking that it was a serious risk to entrust Lord Palmerston with the lead in the House of Commons, that it might be that the Government were defeated and, if once in opposition, Lord Palmerston might take a different line as leader of the Opposition from that which Lord John would like, and might so easily force himself back into office as Prime Minister. Lord John, however, although admitting that danger, thought Lord Palmerston too old to do much in the future (having passed his sixty-fifth year); he admitted that Sir George Grey was the natural leader of the Commons, but expected that a little later the lead would still fall into his hands.

The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would be that Lord Palmerston would take the Home Office, and Sir George Grey the Colonial Office, and Lord Grey vacate this office for the Privy Seal. If Lord Minto, however, was not to have the Foreign Office, the arrangement must be recast. Lord Clarendon would become Secretary of State for Ireland, after the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy. Possibly also Sir George Grey might take the office, and Lord Clarendon take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be glad to be rid of. On my observing that I had thought the Colonies would have done best for Lord Palmerston, leaving Sir George Grey at the Home Office, Lord John acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this arrangement, but considered it rendered impossible from its having been the very thing Lord Grey had proposed in 1845, and upon which the attempt to form a Whig Government at that time had broken down, Lord Palmerston having refused to enter the Cabinet on those terms. Lord John ended by saying that Lord Palmerston having agreed to the change, it was intended that nothing should be done about it till after the close of the Session, in order to avoid debates and questions on the subject; moreover, Lord Lansdowne had agreed to continue still this Session his labours as Leader in the House of Lords, and begged for the _utmost secrecy_ at present.

ALBERT.

Lord John Russell already last year had spoken to me of his wish to go to the House of Lords, finding the work in the House of Commons, together with his other business, too much for him, and Lord Lansdowne being desirous to be relieved from the lead in the Upper House.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM]

_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._[6]

_12th March 1850._

The least the Queen has a right to require of her Minister is:--

1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she has to give her royal sanction.

2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, the Minister who, in the execution of such measure alters or modifies it arbitrarily, commits an act of dishonesty towards the Crown, which the Queen has an undoubted constitutional right to visit with the dismissal of that Minister.

STOCKMAR.

[Footnote 6: Compare this with the Memorandum ultimately drawn
up on the 12th of August.]

_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th March 1850._

The Queen wishes to remark to Lord Lansdowne, that his answer to Lord Stanley in the House of Lords last night might possibly lead to the misapprehension that Lord Palmerston's delay in sending the despatch to Mr Wyse had been caused by the time it took to get the Queen's approval of it. She must protest against such an inference being drawn, as being contrary to the fact, Lord Palmerston indeed having sent out in the first instance a different despatch from that which she had approved.

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _25th March 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,-- ... King Louis Philippe seems better, but still he is evidently breaking; there is no wonder when one considers all he has gone through, and is still to suffer! No one can tell a day [ahead] what may happen in France, and if all the family have, which is but[7] in France, may not be confiscated. The thirst for spoliation is great; the people who lead have no other view, they are not fanatics, their aim is to rise and to enrich themselves; the remainder is mere humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. Never was there a nation in a worse and a more helpless state, and the numerous parties who will _not_ unite render all solutions impossible, and the republic will be maintained for that very reason. It is but a name and no substance, but that _name of_ _republic_ encourages every extravagant or desperate proceeding, and turns people's heads in the old monarchies; every doctor or magistrate sees himself president of some republic, and the ambitions of so many people who see all the impediments which existed formerly removed, and who, according to their _own opinion_, are wonderful people, will be insatiable and much more dangerous than you imagine in England. On the Continent every man thinks himself fit to be at the head of the Government; there is no political measure or scale, and the success of some bookseller or doctor or advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in similar positions--_on ne doute de rien_. When you consider that a _banqueroutier_ like Ledru Rollin[8] ruled over France _for six months_ almost with _absolute power,_ merely because he took it, you may imagine how many thousands, even of workmen, cooks, stage people, etc., look to be taken to rule over their fellow-citizens; _toujours convaincu de leur propre merite_. I am happy to see that you escaped a ministerial crisis; the peril was great, and it would have been dreadful for you at such a moment.

Albert made a fine long speech, I see.[9] Did he read it? _ex tempore_, it would have been very trying. I trust we may come to that unity of mankind of which he speaks, and of universal peace which our friend Richard Cobden considers as very near at hand; if, however, the red benefactors of mankind at Paris get the upper hand, _universal war_ will be the order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of this that we are very seriously occupied with the means of defence which this country can afford, and we imagine that if we are not abandoned by our friends, it will be impossible to force our positions on the Schelde.

I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 7: _I.e._ "only."]

[Footnote 8: He was President in 1848.]

[Footnote 9: At the Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners
for the Exhibition of 1851. See quotation from it in Sir T.
Martin's _Life_, vol. ii, p. 247.]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th March 1850._

The Queen approves these drafts, but thinks that in the part alluding to M. Pacifico, should be added a direction to Mr Wyse to satisfy himself of the _truth_ of M. Pacifico's statements of losses before he grounds his demands upon them.[10] The draft merely allows a sub-division of the claims, but takes their validity for granted.

[Footnote 10: Don Pacifico claimed L31,500--L4,900 being for
effects destroyed, and L26,600 in respect of certain claims
against the Portuguese Government, the vouchers for which he
stated had been destroyed by the mob which pillaged his house.
His valuation of the various items was of the most extravagant
description.]

[Pageheading: SPEECH BY PRINCE ALBERT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th March 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Albert made a really beautiful speech the other day, and it has given the greatest satisfaction and done great good. He is indeed _looked up to and beloved_, as _I_ could _wish_ he should be; and the _more_ his _rare qualities_ of mind and heart are _known_, the _more_ he will be understood and appreciated. People are much struck at his great powers and energy; his great self-denial, and constant wish to work for others, is so striking in his character; but it is the _happiest_ life; pining for what one cannot have, and trying to run after what is pleasantest, _invariably_ ends in disappointment.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th March 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write only a few lines to-day, begging you to give the accompanying drawing of her little _namesake_ to dearest Louise _on_ her birthday.

I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th on Tuesday, but am anxious to correct the impression that Albert read his fine speech. He _never_ has done so with any of his fine speeches, but speaks them, having first prepared them and written them down,--and does so _so well_, that no one believes that he is ever nervous, which _he is_. This last he is said to have spoken in so particularly English a way.

We have still sadly cold winds. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th April 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter with the drafts, which he mentioned last night to her, and she has sent his letter with them to Lord Palmerston.

Lord Palmerston's conduct in this Spanish question[11] in not communicating her letter to Lord John, as she had directed, is really too bad, and most disrespectful to the Queen; she can really hardly communicate with him any more; indeed it would be better she should not.

[Footnote 11: The question was the selection of a Minister for
Madrid.]

[Pageheading: LORD HOWDEN]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th April 1850._

In order to save the Government embarrassments, the Queen has sanctioned the appointment of Lord Howden[12] to Madrid, although she does not consider him to be quite the stamp of person in whom she could feel entire confidence that he will be proof against all spirit of intrigue, which at all times and now particularly is so much required in Spain. But she must once more ask Lord John to watch that the Queen may be quite openly and considerately dealt by. She knows that Lord Howden has long been made acquainted with his appointment, and has been corresponding upon it with General Narvaez; the correspondent of the _Times_ has announced his appointment from Madrid already three weeks ago, and all that time Lord Palmerston remained silent upon the matter to the Queen, not even answering her upon her letter expressing her wish to see Lord Westmorland[13] appointed. Lord John must see the impropriety of this course, and if it were not for the Queen's anxiety to smooth all difficulties, the Government might be exposed to most awkward embarrassments. She expects, however, and has the right to claim, equal consideration on the part of her Ministers. She addresses herself in this matter to Lord John as the head of the Government.

[Footnote 12: Lord Howden had been recently Minister at Rio
Janeiro.]

[Footnote 13: Minister at Berlin, 1841-51.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _28th April 1850._

... Lord John Russell cannot but assent to your Majesty's right to claim every consideration on the part of your Majesty's Ministers. He will take care to attend to this subject, and is much concerned to find that your Majesty has so frequently occasion to complain of Lord Palmerston's want of attention.

[Pageheading: THE KOH-I-NOOR]

_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

SIMLA, _15th May 1850._

... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing your Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements for the transmission of the Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He therefore did not then report to your Majesty, as he now humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the jewel himself from Lahore in his own charge, and deposited it in the Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been ordered to Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived, and did not arrive till two months afterwards, thus causing delay. The _Medea_, however, sailed on 6th April, and will, it is hoped, have a safe and speedy passage to England.

By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a record of all that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes through which the Koh-i-noor has passed. The papers are accurate and curious.

In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-ood-deen, who is now at Lahore, and who was himself the messenger, that Runjeet Singh sent a message to Wufa Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom he had taken the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong man were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east, one west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space between them were to be filled with gold, all would not equal the value of the Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking probably that this appraisement was somewhat imaginative, subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question. The Shah replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever possessed it had conquered their enemies."

The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts that your Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may ever continue to realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.

He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]

_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th May 1850._

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--I return you the enclosed letters which forbode a new storm, this time coming from Russia.[14] I confess I do not understand that part of the quarrel, but one conviction grows stronger and stronger with the Queen and myself (if it is possible), viz. that Lord Palmerston is bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to him--I don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly--by all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that the country runs serious danger of having to pay for the consequences. We cannot reproach ourselves with having neglected warning and entreaties, but the Queen may feel that her duty demands her not to be content with mere warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man the welfare of the country must not be exposed....

ALBERT.

[Footnote 14: Russia as well as France had been appealed to by
Greece against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the
18th of April a Convention was signed in London disposing of
the whole dispute, and referring Don Pacifico's claims
against Portugal to arbitration. Lord Palmerston was remiss in
communicating the progress of those negotiations to Mr Wyse,
who persisted in his coercive measures, disregarding the
intelligence on the subject he received from Baron Gros, and
Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and Russia
were incensed, the French Ambassador was recalled, and on the
18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar
action by the Czar.]

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th May 1850._

SIR,--I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be exposed to the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on account of her Minister. I was therefore prepared to state on Monday that it is for Her Majesty to consider what course it will be best for her and for the country to pursue.

1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make Lord Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be imputed to the Government in the late negotiations.

2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If unfavourably, a solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord John Russell will no longer remain in office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.

These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by Monday.

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPORT]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _20th May 1850._

Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the Queen on his final determination with respect to the Greek question and Lord Palmerston. He said it was quite impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston upon this question, that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there were cause for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself, who had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly held responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the Government. Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's personal quarrels with all Governments of foreign countries and the hostility with which they were looking upon him was doing serious injury to the country, and exposing the Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength of what I said respecting the power of the Leader of the House of Commons, and the right on the part of the Queen to object to its being conferred upon a person who had not her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord Lansdowne would consider the communication of the letter as quite confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not like that it should come to his ears by third persons or be otherwise talked of. Lord John assured me that Lord Lansdowne could be entirely relied upon, and that he himself had locked up the letter under key the moment he had received it, and would carefully guard it.

The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord Clarendon was the only member of the Government to whom the Foreign Affairs could be entrusted unless Lord John were to take them himself, which was much the best. Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate connection with the _Times_, and the violent Austrian line of that paper; moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the new department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The Colonial Office was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and should Lord John go to the House of Lords, Sir George Grey was to lead in the Commons. Lord John would take an opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till after the close of the Session.[15]

ALBERT.

[Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston
with the Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in
both Houses on Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley
moved a vote of censure on the Government for enforcing by
coercive measures various doubtful or exaggerated claims
against the Greek Government.]

[Pageheading: SUNDAY POSTS]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _9th June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If the Cabinet _think_ it impossible to do otherwise, of course the Queen consents--though _most reluctantly_--to a compliance with the vote respecting the Post Office.[16] The Queen thinks it a very _false_ notion of obeying God's will, to do what will be the cause of much annoyance and possibly of great distress to private families. At any rate, she thinks decidedly that great caution should be used with respect to any alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at least _some means_ of communication may still be possible.

[Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding
the Sunday delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was
appointed, and reported against the proposed change, which was
abandoned.]

_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge._

OSBORNE, _10th June 1850._

MY DEAR UNCLE,--I have enquired into the precedents, and find that though there are none exactly similar to the case of George, there will be no difficulty to call him up to the House of Lords; and I should propose that he should be called up by the name of Earl of Tipperary, which is one of your titles. Culloden, which is your other title, would be from recollections of former times obviously objectionable. There are several precedents of Princes being made Peers without having an establishment, consequently there can be no difficulty on this point.

I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his politics, and support the Government whenever he can. Princes of the Royal Family should keep as much as possible aloof from _Party Politics_, as I think they else invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly regardless of the mischief they cause to the Throne and Royal Family. Believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE]

_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._

CAMBRIDGE HOUSE, _10th June 1850._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I seize the earliest opportunity of thanking you for your very kind letter, which I have this moment received, and to assure you at the same time that I do most fully agree with you in your observations concerning the line in politics which the members of the Royal Family ought to take. This has always been my principle since I entered the House of Lords, and I am fully convinced that George will follow my example.

I must also add that I have felt the great advantage of supporting the Government, and I have by that always been well with all Parties, and have avoided many difficulties which other members of my family have had to encounter.

I shall not fail to communicate your letter to George, who will, I trust, never prove himself unworthy of the kindness you have shown him.

With the request that you will remember me most kindly to Albert, I remain, my dearest Victoria, your most affectionate Uncle,

ADOLPHUS.

_Prince George of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S PALACE, _15th June 1850._

MY DEAR COUSIN,--I have not as yet ventured to address you on a subject of much interest personally to myself, and upon which I am aware that you have been in correspondence with my father; but as I believe that the question which was brought to your notice has been settled, I cannot any longer deprive myself of the pleasure of expressing to you my most sincere and grateful thanks for the kind manner in which you have at once acceded to the anxious request of my father and myself, by arranging with the Government that I should be called up to the House of Lords. This has been a point upon which I have long been most anxious, and I am truly and sincerely grateful that you have so considerately entered into my feelings and wishes. I understand that it is your intention that I should be called up by my father's second title as Earl of Tipperary; at the same time I hope that though I take a seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, I may be permitted to retain and be called by my present name on all occasions not connected with the House of Lords. As regards the wish expressed by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be made a political partisan, I need not, I trust, assure you that it will be ever my endeavour to obey your desires upon this as on all other occasions; but I trust I may be permitted to add, that even before this desire expressed by you, it had been my intention to follow this line of conduct. I conceive that whenever they conscientiously can do so, the members of the Royal Family should support the Queen's Government; and if at times it should happen that they have a difficulty in so doing, it is at all events not desirable that they should place themselves prominently in opposition to it. This I believe to be your feelings on the subject, and if you will permit me to say so, they are also my own.

Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my gratitude in person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,

GEORGE.

_Queen Victoria to Prince George of Cambridge._

OSBORNE, _17th June 1850._

MY DEAR GEORGE,--Many thanks for your kind letter received yesterday. I am glad to hear that you are so entirely of my opinion with respect to the political conduct of the Princes of the Royal Family who are peers, and I feel sure that your conduct will be quite in accordance with this view. With respect to your wish to be called as you have hitherto been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be much flattered at your being called up by the title of Tipperary) would feel it as a slight if you did not wish to be called by the title you bear. All the Royal Peers have always been called by their titles in this and in other countries, and I do not think it would be possible to avoid it. Ever, etc.,

VICTORIA R.[17]

[Footnote 17: The patent was made out, but not signed, a
memorandum of Prince Albert recording:--

BUCKINGHAM PALACE. _8th July 1850._

I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account
of the Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday
evening, without a struggle, after an attack of fever which
had lasted four weeks. So the summons of Prince George has
never been carried out.

ALBERT.]

[Pageheading: MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _21st June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him yesterday what course the Government intends to pursue after the late vote of the House of Lords.[18]

The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's answer.

Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general approbation of the Foreign Policy of the Government.

What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say, but as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House of Lords to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it is impossible to avoid a decision by the House of Commons on this subject.

The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of negotiation is confounded with the general principles of our Foreign Policy, and on the other a censure upon a Foreign Policy, the tendency of which has been to leave despotism and democracy to fight out their own battles, will imply in the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of despotism, and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on behalf of absolute government. The jealousy of the House of Commons would not long bear such a policy.

Be that as it may, Lord Stanley has opened a beginning of strife, which may last for many years to come.

[Footnote 18: Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by
a majority of 37 in a House of 301.]

[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S MOTION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and read his speech in the House of Commons. She regrets exceedingly the position in which the Government has been placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley in the House of Lords. Whichever way the Debate in the House of Commons may terminate, the Queen foresees great troubles. A defeat of the Government would be _most inconvenient_. The Queen has always approved the _general_ tendency of the policy of the Government to let despotism and democracy fight out their battles abroad, but must remind Lord John that in the execution of this policy Lord Palmerston has _gone a long way_ in taking up the side of democracy in the fight, and this is the "detail of negotiations" which Lord John is afraid may be confounded with the general principle of our Foreign Policy. Indeed it is already confounded by the whole of the foreign and the great majority of the British public, and it is to be feared that the discussion will place despotic and democratic principles in array against each other in this country, whilst the original question turns only upon the justice of Don Pacifico's claims.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _22nd June 1850._

Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty should be exposed to inconvenience in consequence of Lord Stanley's Motion. He has copied Mr Roebuck's Motion as it now stands on the votes. The word "principles" includes the general policy, and excludes the particular measures which from time to time have been adopted as the objects of approbation.

It is impossible to say at this moment what will be the result. Lord Stanley, Lord Aberdeen, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Disraeli appear to be in close concert.

Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. Mr Gladstone, one should imagine, can hardly abandon Free Trade. The anger of the honest Protectionists and the honest Free-Traders will be very great at so unprincipled a coalition.

Mr Roebuck's Motion: That the principles on which the Foreign Policy of Her Majesty's Government has been regulated have been such as were calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and in times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace between England and the various nations of the world.

[Pageheading: HOLSTEIN AND GERMANY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, but cannot say that his arguments in support of his former opinion, that the Germanic Confederation should be omitted from amongst the Powers who are to be invited to sign a protocol, the object of which is to decide upon the fate of Holstein, have proved successful in convincing her of the propriety of this course. As Holstein belongs to the Germanic Confederation and is only accidentally connected with Denmark through its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure the integrity of the Danish Monarchy is a direct attack upon Germany, if carried out without her knowledge and consent; and it is an act repugnant to all feelings of justice and morality for third parties to dispose of other people's property, which no diplomatic etiquette about the difficulty of finding a proper representative for Germany could justify. The mode of representation might safely be left to the Confederation itself. It is not surprising to the Queen that Austria and Prussia should complain of Lord Palmerston's agreeing with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France upon the Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any notice of it.

[Pageheading: THE PROTOCOL]

_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _23rd June 1850._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The Queen has entirely misconceived the object and effect of the proposed Protocol. It does not "decide upon the fate of Holstein," nor is it "an attack upon Germany." In fact, the Protocol is to _decide_ nothing; it is to be merely a record of the wishes and opinions of the Power whose representatives are to sign it....[19]

How does any part of this decide the fate of Holstein or attack Germany?

Is not the Queen requiring that I should be Minister, not indeed for Austria, Russia, or France, but for the Germanic Confederation? Why should we take up the cudgels for Germany, when we are inviting Austria and Prussia, the two leading powers of Germany, and who would of course put in a claim for the Confederation if they thought it necessary, which, however, for the reasons above stated, they surely would not?...

As to my having _agreed_ with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France before communicating with Prussia and Austria, that is not the course which things have taken. Brunnow proposed the Protocol to me, and I have been in discussion with him about it. It is _he_ who has communicated it to the French Ambassador, to Reventlow, and to Rehausen; I sent it privately several weeks ago to Westmorland, that he might show it confidentially to Schleinitz, but telling Westmorland that it was not a thing settled, but only a proposal by Russia, and that, at all events, some part of the wording would be altered. I have no doubt that Brunnow has also shown it to Koller; but I could not send it officially to Berlin or Vienna till Brunnow had agreed to such a wording as I could recommend the Government to adopt, nor until I received the Queen's sanction to do so.

The only thing that occurs to me as practicable would be to say to Austria and Prussia that if, in signing the Protocol, they could add that they signed also in the name of the Confederation, we should be glad to have the additional weight of that authority, but that could not be made a _sine qua non_, any more than the signature of Austria and Prussia themselves, for I think that the Protocol ought to be signed by as many of the proposed Powers as may choose to agree to it, bearing always in mind that it is only a record of opinions and wishes, and does not decide or pretend to decide anything practically. Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

[Footnote 19: The Protocol was to record the desirability
of the following points:--(1) that the several states which
constituted the Danish Monarchy should remain united, and
that the Danish Crown should be settled in such manner that it
should go with the Duchy of Holstein; (2) that the signatory
Powers, when the peace should have been concluded, should
concert measures for the purpose of giving to the results
an additional pledge of stability, by a general European
acknowledgment.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S OPINION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter enclosing those of Lord Palmerston and Lord Lansdowne. The _misconception_ on the Queen's part, which Lord Palmerston alleges to exist, consists in her taking the essence of the arrangement for the mere words. Lord Palmerston pretends that the Protocol "does not decide upon the fate of Holstein nor attack Germany." However, the only object of the Protocol is the fate of Holstein, which is decided upon--

(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the interests of Europe to uphold the integrity of the Danish Monarchy (which has no meaning, if it does not mean that Holstein is to remain with it).

(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of Denmark to keep it with Denmark, by adapting the law of succession to that of Holstein.

(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers to use their "_soins_" to get the constitutional position of Holstein settled in a peace according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of which it was one of the conditions that the question of the succession was to be left untouched.

(4.) To seal the whole arrangement by an act of European acknowledgment.

If the declarations of importance, the approval, the "_soins_" and the acknowledgments of _all_ the great Powers of Europe are to decide nothing, then Lord Palmerston is quite right; if they decide anything, it is the fate of Holstein.

Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or not will be easily deduced from the fact that the attempt on the part of Denmark to incorporate into her polity the Duchy of Schleswig was declared by the Diet in 1846 to be a declaration of war against Germany merely on account of its intimate connection with the Duchy of Holstein.

The Queen does not wish her Minister to be Minister for Germany, but merely to treat that country with the same consideration which is due to every country on whose interests we mean to decide.

The Queen would wish her correspondence upon this subject to be brought before the Cabinet, and will abide by their deliberate opinion.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th June 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Charles will have told you how kindly and amiably the Prince of Prussia has come here, travelling night and day from St Petersburg, in order to be in time for the christening of our little _Arthur_.[20] I wish you could (and you will, for he intends stopping at Brussels) hear him speak, for he is so straightforward, conciliatory, and yet firm of purpose; I have a great esteem and respect for him. The poor King of Prussia is recovered,[21] and has been received with great enthusiasm on the first occasion of his first reappearance in public.

We are in a _crisis_, no one knowing how this debate upon this most unfortunate Greek business will end. It is most unfortunate, for whatever way it ends, it must do great harm.

I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered by the heat. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 20: The present Duke of Connaught, born on the 1st
of May, the birthday of the Duke of Wellington, who was one of
the sponsors, and after whom he was named.]

[Footnote 21: From an attempt to assassinate him.]

[Pageheading: THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _26th June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that in the debate of last night Viscount Palmerston defended the whole Foreign Policy of the Government in a speech of four hours and three quarters.[22] This speech was one of the most masterly ever delivered, going through the details of transactions in the various parts of the world, and appealing from time to time to great principles of justice and of freedom.

The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The debate was adjourned till Thursday, when it will probably close.

The expectation is that Ministers will have a majority, but on the amount of that majority must depend their future course.

[Footnote 22: It lasted from dusk till dawn, and the Minister
asked for a verdict on the question whether, "as the Roman in
days of old held himself free from indignity when he could
say, _Civis Romanus sum_, so also a British subject, in
whatever land he may be, shall feel confident that the
watchful eye and the strong arm of England will protect
him against injustice and wrong." Peel, who made his last
appearance in the House, voted against Palmerston.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

_Chesham Place_, _27th June 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the prospects of the division are rather more favourable for Ministers than they were.

Ministers ought to have a majority of forty to justify their remaining in office.[23]

Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join Lord Stanley in forming an Administration.

Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour of an audience of your Majesty on Saturday at twelve or one o'clock.

The division will not take place till to-morrow night.

[Footnote 23: In the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to
264, although opposed to them in the debate were Mr Gladstone,
Mr Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Mr Disraeli, Sir James Graham,
and Sir William Molesworth. Next to the speeches of Lord
Palmerston and Lord John Russell, the most effective speech
on the Government side was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn,
afterwards Lord Chief Justice of England.]

[Pageheading: PEEL'S ACCIDENT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd July 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For two most kind and affectionate letters I offer my warmest and best thanks. The good report of my beloved Louise's improvement is a great happiness. By my letter to Louise you will have learnt all the details of this certainly very disgraceful and very inconceivable attack.[24] I have not suffered except from my head, which is still very tender, the blow having been extremely violent, and the brass _end_ of the stick fell on my head so as to make a considerable noise. I own it makes me nervous out driving, and I start at any person coming near the carriage, which I am afraid is natural. We have, alas! now another cause of much greater anxiety in the person of our excellent Sir Robert Peel,[25] who, as you will see, has had a most serious fall, and though going on well at first, was very ill last night; thank God! he is better again this morning, but I fear still in great danger. I cannot bear even to think of losing him; it would be the greatest loss for the whole country, and irreparable for us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to be depended on. _All_ parties are in great anxiety about him. I will leave my letter open to give you the latest news.

Our good and amiable guest[26] likes being with us, and will remain with us till Saturday. We had a concert last night, and go to the opera very regularly. The _Prophete_ is quite beautiful, and I am sure would delight you. The music in the _Scene du Couronnement_ is, I think, finer than anything in either _Robert_ or the _Huguenots_; it is highly dramatic, and really very touching. Mario sings and acts in it quite in perfection. His _Raoul_ in the Huguenots is also most beautiful. He improves every year, and I really think his voice is the finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and acts with such _intense_ feeling.

What do you say to the conclusion of our debate? It leaves things just as they were. The House of Commons is becoming very unmanageable and troublesome....

I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your most affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very ill, is freer from pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels himself better; the Doctors think there is _no_ vital injury, and nothing from which he cannot recover, but that he must be for some days in a precarious state.

[Footnote 24: The Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House,
where she had called to inquire after the Duke of Cambridge's
health, was struck with a cane by one Robert Pate, an
ex-officer, and a severe bruise was inflicted on her forehead.
The outrage was apparently committed without motive, but an
attempt to prove Pate insane failed, and he was sentenced to
seven years' transportation.]

[Footnote 25: On the day following the Don Pacifico debate,
Sir Robert Peel, after attending a meeting of the Exhibition
Commissioners, had gone out riding. On his return, while
passing up Constitution Hill, he was thrown from his horse,
and, after lingering three days in intense pain, died on the
5th of July.]

[Footnote 26: The Prince of Prussia.]

[Pageheading: THE KING OF DENMARK]

_The King of Denmark to Queen Victoria._

COPENHAGUE, _4 Juillet 1850._

MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Je remplis un devoir des plus agreables, en m'empressant d'annoncer a votre Majeste que la paix vient d'etre signee le 2 de ce mois a Berlin entre moi et Sa Majeste le Roi de Prusse, en Son nom et en celui de la Confederation Germanique.[27]

Je sais et je reconnais de grand c[oe]ur combien je suis redevable a votre Majeste et a Son Gouvernement de ce resultat important, qui justifie mon esperance de pouvoir bientot rendre a tous mes sujets les bienfaits d'une sincere reconciliation et d'une veritable concorde.