Chapter XX (2)

The Queen has seen Lord Stanley, who will let Lord John Russell have a copy of the letter. He wishes it not to be known or considered that he has formally undertaken to form a Government till to-morrow, on account of the House of Lords meeting to-day. He feels the difficulty of his position, and is not sure yet that he will be able to complete a Ministry. To-morrow he will give the Queen a positive answer.

_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th February 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord Stanley's letter. She had forgotten the Levee, and was just going to write to him to inform him that she wished to see him at eleven o'clock to-morrow.

The Queen cannot but regret that Lord Stanley should think Lord John Russell's explanation led to a wrong inference; for Lord Stanley will himself recollect that he stated his objections to her much more strongly in his first interview than he did in writing, and as Lord Stanley so strongly advised the Queen to try if no other arrangement could first be come to, she hardly knows how this could otherwise have been expressed than by the words used by Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell.

_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

_26th February 1851._ (_Wednesday._)

Lord Stanley came again at eleven. The first part of the audience, which was not long, was occupied by Lord Stanley's trying to explain away Mr Disraeli's contradiction of Lord John Russell, though he termed it "very unfortunate," by saying that he wished Lord John had _not mentioned_ that _he_ (Lord Stanley) "was not _then_ prepared" to form a Government, for that, though true in fact, he had _not_ absolutely _refused_, but had only advised me to _try_ and make other arrangements first. I said I thought the distinction "a very nice one," which he admitted. What passed between us on the subject the correspondence between Albert and Lord John will best explain.

Lord Stanley then told us that he had seen the Duke of Northumberland, who wished for time to consider; that he was to see Lord Canning again to-day, but had no hopes of his accepting; and that he found so many people out of Town that he must ask for _forty-eight_ hours more before he could give me a positive answer, viz. till Friday. He added he "must not conceal" from me that he was "not very sanguine" of success; almost all depended on Mr Gladstone, who was expected to arrive to-day; but that it might _now_ be said (in answer to a question of Albert's "whether in these days of nice distinctions one _might_ say that he had _undertaken_ to form a Government"), that he had _attempted_ to _undertake_ to _form a Government_.

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS]

_Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th February 1851._ (_Four o'clock_ P.M.)

Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, awaits your Majesty's commands at what hour he may be honoured with an audience, to explain the grounds on which, with the deepest regret, he feels himself under the necessity of resigning the important trust with which your Majesty has honoured him.

_Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1851._

The Queen sanctions Sir James Graham's making any statement to the House of Commons which he thinks necessary, to explain the part which he and Lord Aberdeen took in the late Ministerial negotiations, and indeed hopes that these explanations will be as full as possible on all parts, in order that the country may fully appreciate the difficulties of the crisis.

[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S REASONS]

[Pageheading: THE PAPAL BILL]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1851._

Lord Stanley arrived at half-past five o'clock. We were struck by the change of his countenance, which had lost all the expression of care and anxiety which had marked it at the previous interviews.

He assured the Queen that he had been labouring incessantly since he had seen her last, but that he was sorry to say without any success.

He had seen Mr Gladstone, who declined joining his Government on account of his previous pledges in Parliament respecting the Commercial Policy of Sir R. Peel, but evidently also on account of his peculiar views with respect to the Papal Aggression, which he did not seem disposed to look upon as in any way objectionable.

Lord Canning had given him some hope at one time, but finally declined in order not to risk his credit for political consistency.

Mr H. Corry, whose opinions on Free Trade were by no means decided, and who had only filled a very subordinate situation in Sir R. Peel's Government, he had offered high office, but was refused, Mr Corry expressing his fears that the Government had no chance of standing against the opposition it would have to meet in the House of Commons.

The Duke of Northumberland was the only person not properly belonging to the Protection Party who had accepted office (First Lord of the Admiralty). At one time Lord Ellenborough had accepted, but having been sent on a mission to Mr Goulburn in order to see whether he could convert him, he came home himself converted, and withdrew his acceptance again.

In this situation Lord Stanley called his friends together, and after some discussion concurred in their opinion that it was not possible for them to form such an Administration as ought to be offered to the Queen. Lord Stanley then qualified this expression again, and said that though he could have offered a very respectable Government if he had had a majority in the House of Commons, or the means of strengthening himself by an immediate Dissolution, he could not form such a one which could have withstood an adverse majority and such a formidable array of talent in the Opposition. He therefore returned the trust which had been committed to him into the Queen's hands, expressing at the same time his deep sense of gratitude for the kindness with which she had treated him, the support and confidence she had given him, sorry only that it should have led to no result. He thought, however, that the prolongation of the crisis had not inconvenienced the public service, as Her Majesty's _present_ Government were constitutionally enabled to carry on all necessary business.

The Queen rejoined that she was very sorry that this attempt had also failed, that she had tried every possible combination, and still was without a Government. Lord Stanley answered as if he considered it natural that Lord John Russell's Government should now quietly proceed; but on the Queen's observation, that it was now necessary that all Parties should join in the support of some measures at least, and particularly the Papal Bill, he stated what he was prepared to support, and would have been prepared to propose had he taken office, viz. a fuller recital in the preamble of the Bill and no penal clause in the body of it. (The present Bill looked pettish and undignified, as if framed in anger as a return for the insult, and not a correction of the state of the law.) He thought the Law very complex and obscure, and never found it acted upon. He would have proposed therefore that Committees of both Houses should enquire into the whole subject; the state of the Convents; whether subjects were detained against their will; whether people were forced to bequeath their property to the Church on the deathbed, etc., etc.; he knew that the Roman Catholic laity felt severely the oppression which the Priests exercised over them, and would be willing to give evidence.

Lord Stanley asked whether it could be of use if he were to state all this in his explanation to-day, which the Queen strongly affirmed. I added that I hoped he would explain what he was prepared to do on all the subjects in dispute--the Commercial and Financial Policy as well. He promised to do so, and entered into his views on the Income Tax, which he called a War Tax, which had been imposed for temporary purposes only in 1842, and ought to be taken off again when practicable in order to keep faith with the public; but if, as often as there was a surplus, this was immediately absorbed by remission of other burdens, this object could never be fulfilled. He would propose that by degrees, as surpluses arose, the Income Tax should be decreased, and so on to its final repeal.

I disputed with him for some time on the advantages of an Income Tax, but without coming to any result.

On his enquiry whether there was anything else the Queen might wish him to state--perhaps the rumour that he had been refused the power of dissolving--we agreed that he should say the question had never been seriously entertained, but that the Queen had been ready to give him the same support and advantages which any other Government might have enjoyed.[9]

ALBERT.

[Footnote 9: The Prince thereupon, at the Queen's request,
communicated with Lord John Russell, and after recounting
to him the various successive failures to form a Government,
wrote that the Queen must "pause before she again entrusts the
commission of forming an Administration to anybody, till
she has been able to see the result of to-morrow evening's
Debate." He added, "Do you see any Constitutional objection to
this course?"]

[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]

_The Prince Albert to the Duke of Wellington._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th February 1851._

MY DEAR DUKE,--Lord Stanley has likewise resigned his task, not being able to gain over any of Sir R. Peel's friends, and being incapable of forming a Government out of his Party alone.

So Lord John Russell has declared his inability to carry on the Government. Lord Stanley has then declared his inability to form one until every other combination should have failed. We have tried all possible combinations between Whigs and Peelites, and have not succeeded, and now Lord Stanley throws up the game a second time! The Queen would be happy to consult you and hear your advice in this dilemma. Possibly to-night's Debate may define the position of Parties more clearly, and give a clue to what may be best to be done under the circumstances. Ever yours, etc.

ALBERT.

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _28th February 1851._

SIR,--The former Cabinet meet at eleven, at Lansdowne House.

It appears to me that the Queen might with advantage see Lord Lansdowne. He was in office with Mr Fox and Lord Grenville in 1806; he has been distinguished and respected in political life ever since; he is now desirous of retiring, and has therefore no personal object to gain. If the Queen approves, Lord Lansdowne might wait on Her Majesty soon after twelve o'clock. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's very dutiful Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE]

_Queen Victoria to Lord Lansdowne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th February 1851._

It would be a great satisfaction to the Queen to hear Lord Lansdowne's advice in the present critical state of affairs, and she would be glad if he could come to her at twelve this morning. The Queen has sent to the Duke of Wellington in order to hear his opinion also; but he cannot be here before to-night, being at Strathfieldsaye.

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

FRIDAY, _28th February 1851._

Lord Lansdowne, who arrived at twelve o'clock, was asked by the Queen what advice he could offer her in the present complication. His answer was: "I wish indeed I had any good advice to offer to your Majesty." He expressed his delight at the Queen having sent for the Duke of Wellington. We talked generally of the state of affairs; he agreed in a remark of mine, that I thought the Queen should be entirely guided in her choice of the person to construct a Government, by the consideration which Party would now appear to be the strongest in the House of Commons. On my asking, however, whether he knew if, on the failure of Lord Stanley to form a Government, part of his followers would now give up Protection as past hope, and be prepared in future to support the Peelite section of the Conservative Party, Lord Lansdowne said he had heard nothing on the subject, nor could he give us more information on the chance of the Radicals and Irish members now being more willing to support Lord John Russell in future. He liked Lord Stanley's plan of dealing with the Papal Question, of which the Queen communicated to him the outlines, was afraid of Sir J. Graham's excessive leaning towards economy, shook his head at Lord John Russell's letter to the Bishop of Durham[10] which had been instrumental in bringing on the present crisis, and confessed that he had been amongst those in the Cabinet who had prevented the bringing forward of a measure of reform in the present Session. He offered to do whatever might be most conducive to the Queen's comfort--stay out of office, or come into office--as might be thought the most useful.

ALBERT.

[Footnote 10: See _ante_, p. 273 note 1.]

[Pageheading: FURTHER DIFFICULTIES]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st March 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I did not write to you yesterday, thinking I could perhaps give you some more positive news to-day, but I _cannot_. I am still without a Government, and I am still trying to hear and pause before I actually call to Lord John to undertake to form, or rather more to continue, the Government. We have passed an anxious, exciting week, and the difficulties are very peculiar; there are so many conflicting circumstances which render coalition between those who agree in almost everything, and in particular on _Free Trade_, impossible, but the "Papal Question" is the real and almost insuperable difficulty.

Lord Lansdowne is waiting to see me, and I must go, and with many thanks for your two kind letters, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd March 1851._ (_Sunday._)

Lord Lansdowne, who arrived after church, had seen Lord John Russell and discussed with him the Memorandum which we left with him yesterday. He had since drawn up a Memorandum himself which embodied his views, and which he had not yet communicated to any one. He was very apprehensive lest to begin a new Government with an open question would produce the greatest prejudice against it in the public; he was still inclined therefore to recommend the continuance of the present Government avowedly for the purpose of passing the Papal Bill, after which the Coalition might take place, which, however, should be agreed upon and settled at this time. As the Duke of Wellington has not yet sent his promised Memorandum, and Lord Lansdowne was anxious to hear his opinion, the Queen commissioned him to appoint Lord John Russell to come at three o'clock, and to go himself to the Duke of Wellington.

Lord John Russell, who arrived at the appointed time, and had not seen Lord Lansdowne's Memorandum yet, read it over, and expressed great misgivings about the execution of the proposal. He said he saw in fact, like Sir J. Graham, nothing but difficulties. He had ascertained that his Party by no means liked the idea of a fusion, and had been much relieved when the attempt to form a Coalition Ministry had failed. He was afraid that in the interval between their resuming office and giving it up again every possible surmise would be current who were the Ministers to be displaced, and every possible intrigue would spring up for and against particular members of the Cabinet. He would prefer not to make any arrangements for the Coalition now, but merely to engage to resign again after having carried the Papal Bill, when the Queen could try the Coalition, and that failing, could entrust Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham with the carrying on of the Government, whose chief difficulty would then be removed. I objected to this--that his Party might feel justly aggrieved if after their having carried him through the difficulty of the Papal Measure, he were to throw them over and resign, and asked him whether his Cabinet would not repent in the meantime and wish to stay in.

He answered that it would be entirely in his and Lord Lansdowne's hands to carry out the proposed arrangements.

We asked him whether it would strengthen his hands if, instead of his only _accepting_ the task of continuing the Government till the Papal Measure had been passed, the Queen were to make it a _condition_ in _giving_ him the Commission, that it should terminate then. He replied, "Certainly." He begged, however, to be understood not to have given a decided opinion that the plan of "the open Question" proposed in our Memorandum was not preferable, although he saw great objections to that also, particularly as Sir J. Graham had reserved the statement of his principal objections to the Papal Bill for the second reading. He promised to draw up a Memorandum, which he would bring to-morrow at twelve o'clock, after having consulted some of his colleagues, and begged that it might not be considered that he had accepted the Government till then.

One of the difficulties which we likewise discussed was the position of the financial measures which required almost immediate attention, and still ought to be left open for the consideration of the future Government.

We agreed that the pressing on the Papal Measure was the chief point, and that it ought to be altered to meet the objections (as far as they are reasonable) of its opponents, strengthening the declaratory part, however, to please Lord Stanley; and the Queen promised to call upon Lord Stanley to give this so modified Bill the support of himself and his Party, which we thought she could in fairness claim after all that had happened.

The Queen reiterated her objections to Lord Palmerston, and received the renewed promise that her wishes should be attended to.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: A COALITION IMPOSSIBLE]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd March 1851._

Lord John Russell arrived at the hour appointed (twelve o'clock), and was sorry to inform the Queen that all hope of a Coalition must be given up. He had found that his Party was very much averse to it. On proposing to his former colleagues the plan of keeping Office now, and vacating it after the Aggression Bill had passed, many of them, amongst which were Lord Grey, Sir Charles Wood, Sir Francis Baring, declared they would not be _warming-pans_ (an expression used at the time of the Grey-Grenville Coalition), and would resign at once. The Duke of Wellington, whose opinion the Queen had asked, had recommended the return of the old Cabinet to power. He (Lord John) could therefore only advise that course, although he was conscious that it would be a very weak Government, and one not likely to last any length of time.

He then read the Memorandum which he had drawn up and which follows here.[11]

The Queen now asked whether Lord John proposed a modification of his own Cabinet, to which Lord John replied, None, except perhaps an exchange of Office between Sir C. Wood and Sir F. Baring, if Sir Charles were to refuse bringing in a different budget from the one he had already propounded; he was for maintaining the Income Tax, whilst Sir Francis was for repealing it by degrees. The Queen then reminded Lord John of her objections to Lord Palmerston, and his promise that Lord Palmerston should not again be thrust upon her as Foreign Secretary. Lord John admitted to the promise, but said he could not think for a moment of resuming office and either expel Lord Palmerston or quarrel with him. He (Lord John) was in fact the weakness and Lord Palmerston the strength of the Government from his popularity with the Radicals.... He said he was very anxious that he and Lord Lansdowne should bear the responsibility of removing Lord Palmerston from the Foreign Office and not the Queen; her refusal now could only go to the country as a personal objection on her part, and the country would be left without a Government in consequence. On the Queen's reiterating that she wanted to keep Lord John and get rid of Lord Palmerston, and that it was too painful to her to be put into the situation of having actually to _wish_ the fall of her own Government, Lord John promised to move Lord Palmerston in the Easter recess, or to resign then himself if he should meet with difficulties; in the meantime he must apprise Lord Palmerston of this intention, which he could explain to him as a wish to make a general modification of his Government. He would offer him the Lieutenancy of Ireland or the Presidency or lead in the House of Lords, which Lord Lansdowne would be ready to resign. He might at that period perhaps get some of the Radicals into office or some Peelites. The Queen finally entrusted Lord John with the Government on these conditions.

ALBERT.

[Footnote 11: _See_ next page.]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADVICE]

[Pageheading: ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL]

_Memorandum by Lord John Russell._

_3rd March 1851._

Her Majesty having tried in vain the formation of a Government--first, by Lord Stanley; second, by Lord John Russell, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham; third, by Lord Aberdeen; fourth, by Lord Stanley a second time--had recourse to the advice and opinion of the Duke of Wellington. The Duke, admitting the great qualifications for office of the adherents of the late Sir Robert Peel, yet advises the Queen to restore her former Ministers to office.

But supposing Her Majesty to follow that advice, a further question naturally arises: the late Government having fallen from want of Parliamentary support, can they upon their return be in any way strengthened, and be enabled to carry on the public business with more power and efficiency?

This might be done in three ways: first, by a Coalition sooner or later with the Peel Party; secondly, by admitting to office some of their own Radical supporters; thirdly, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley.

The first of these courses appears the most natural. The present Ministers are agreed with the adherents of Sir Robert Peel on Free Trade, and on the policy which has regulated our finances of late years. The difference between them is of a temporary nature. But it may be doubted whether any strength would be gained by an immediate junction with that Party.

If such junction took place now, the Ministers coming in must oppose their colleagues on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill--an unseemly spectacle, a source of weakness, and probably the beginning of strife, which would not end with the Bill in question.

If, on the other hand, the junction were delayed till the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill is disposed of, the existing Ministry would be divided into two portions, one of which would have only a temporary tenure of office. Rumours, cabals, and intrigues would have ample room to spread their mischief in such a state of things.

But finally the Whig Party in the House of Commons would not be cordial supporters of the junction; jealousy and discontent would soon break up the Ministry.

Secondly, by admitting to office some of their Radical supporters. This course must lead to concessions on measures as well as men, and those concessions would provoke hostility in other quarters. The great question of the defence of the country is besides one of too great importance to be made a matter of compromise.

Third, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley. This cannot be done by means of official connection; but something might be effected by adopting measures calculated to convince the Landed Interest that their sufferings were not disregarded.

Upon the whole, if the late Ministers are invited by your Majesty to resume office, the easiest course would be to proceed at once with the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. That question disposed of, it would be seen whether the Ministry had sufficient strength to go on; if they had, they might, as occasion arose, seek assistance from other quarters, looking to those with whom there is the greatest agreement of opinion.

Should the Ministry, on the other hand, not receive Parliamentary support sufficient to enable them to carry on the Government, the Queen would be in a position to form a new Government free from the obstacles which have lately been fatal.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th March 1851._

... The Queen was in hopes to have heard from Lord John Russell this morning relative to what passed in the House of Commons last night. She wishes likewise to hear what takes place at the meeting of Lord John's supporters to-day. The Queen must ask Lord John to keep her constantly informed of what is going on, and of the temper of parties in and out of Parliament; for no one _can_ deny that the present state of affairs is most critical; and after all that has happened it is absolutely necessary that the Queen should not be in a state of uncertainty, not to say of ignorance, as to what is passing. She can else not form a just opinion of the position of affairs.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th March 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Pray receive my warmest thanks for two kind letters of the 28th, and my excuses for the terribly incoherent scrawl of last Saturday. The _denouement_ of ten days of the greatest anxiety and excitement I cannot call satisfactory, for it holds out only the prospect of another crisis in a very short time, and the so much wished-for union of Parties has been again frustrated. I have been speaking _very strongly_ about Lord Palmerston to Lord John, and he has _promised_ that if the Government should still be in at Easter, then to make a change.... Lord Stanley can never succeed _until_ he gives up Protection, which he would do, if the country decides against him;[12] he has failed solely from the _impossibility_ of finding _one_ single man capable to take the important Offices. He said last night to Lord John Russell, "I am _l'homme impossible_; they cannot come to me again." Still it would be very desirable that there should be a strong Conservative Party; nothing but the abandonment of Protection can bring this to pass, and Lord Stanley cannot abandon it with honour till _after_ the _next Election_. This is the state of Parties, which is greatly _erschwert_ by the Papal Question, which divides the Liberals and Conservatives. In short, there _never_ was _such_ a _complicated_ and difficult state of affairs. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Stockmar has been an immense comfort to us in our trials, and I hope you will tell him so.

[Footnote 12: The Queen's judgment was amply confirmed by the
events of 1852. See _post_, p. 404. note 1.]

[Pageheading: THE NATIONAL GALLERY]

_Memorandum by the Queen._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _5th March 1851._

The Queen would give every facility to the selection of a good site for a new National Gallery, and would therefore not object to its being built on to Kensington Palace or anywhere in Kensington Gardens; but does not see why it should exactly be placed upon the site of the present Palace, if not for the purpose of taking from the Crown the last available set of apartments. She is not disposed to trust in the disposition of Parliament or the public to give her an equivalent for these apartments from time to time when emergencies arise. The surrender of Kensington Palace will most likely not be thanked for at the moment, and any new demand in consequence of such surrender would be met with lavish abuse. As to economy in the construction, it will most likely be best consulted by building on a spot perfectly free and unencumbered.

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _14th March 1851._

SIR,--I cannot undertake to make any change in the Foreign Office. Our Party is hardly reunited, and any break into sections, following one man or the other, would be fatal to us. I need not say that the Queen would suffer if it were attributed to her desire, and that as I have no difference of opinion on Foreign Policy, that could not fail to be the case.

Upon the whole, the situation of affairs is most perplexing. A Dissolution I fear would not improve it.

I can only say that my Office is at all times at the Queen's disposal.

I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

_Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _30th March 1851._

The Queen approves of the draft of a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. With respect to the Archbishop's letter and the address, the Queen will receive it in the Closet. It seems strange to propose as a remedy for the present evils in the Church, and for its evident great disunion, _600_ more churches to be built! There ought clearly to be some security given to those who are to encourage such a scheme against the extension of those evils.

[Pageheading: THE GREAT EXHIBITION]

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _19th April 1851._

SIR,--Lord Granville came here yesterday to speak to me upon the order for opening the Exhibition at one o'clock on the 1st of May. He is anxious to have the order changed, and the season-ticket bearers admitted at eleven o'clock.

I did not give him any positive opinion on the subject. But the account he gave me of the route which the Queen will follow in going to the Exhibition takes away the main objection which I felt to the admission of visitors before one o'clock. It appears there cannot well be any interruption to Her Majesty's progress to and from the Crystal Palace on the 1st of May.

I conclude that Her Majesty will not go in the State Coach, but in the same manner that Her Majesty goes in state to the theatres....

I feel assured there will be no undue and inconvenient pressure of the crowd in the part of the building in which Her Majesty may be. Colonel Wemyss and Colonel Bouverie might easily be in attendance to request the visitors not to crowd where the Queen is. At the same time, I am ready to abide by the existing order, if Her Majesty wishes it to be enforced.

I have the honour to submit two private letters sent by Lord Palmerston. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

[Pageheading: THE OPENING CEREMONY]

_The Duchess of Gloucester to Queen Victoria._

GLOUCESTER HOUSE, _2nd May 1851._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--It is impossible to tell you how warmly I do participate in all you must have felt yesterday, as well as dear Albert, at everything having gone off so beautifully. After so much anxiety and the trouble he has had, the joy _must_ be the greater.[13]

The sight from my window was the gayest and the most gratifying to witness, and to me who loves you so dearly as _I do_, made it the more delightful. The good humour of all around, the fineness of the day, the manner you were received in both going and coming from the Exhibition, was quite perfect. Therefore what must it have been in the inside of the building!

Mary and George came away in perfect _enchantment_, and every soul I have seen describes it as the fairest sight that ever was seen and the best-conducted _fete!_Why, G. Bathurst told me it far surpassed the _Coronation_ as to magnificence, and we all agreed in rejoicing that the _Foreigners should_ have witnessed the affection of the _People_ to _you_ and _your Family_, and how the _English people_ do _love_ and respect the _Crown_. As to Mary, she was in _perfect enchantment_, and full of how pretty your dear little Victoria looked, and how nicely she was dressed, and so grateful to your Mother for all her kindness to her. I should have written to you last night, but I thought I would not plague you with a letter until to-day, as I think you must have been tired last night with the _excitement_ of the day. I shall ever lament the having missed such a sight, but I comfort myself in feeling sure I could not have followed you (as I ought) when you walked round. Therefore I was _better_ out of the way. We drank your health at dinner and _congratulation_ on the _complete success_ of _Albert's plans_ and _arrangements_, and also dear little Arthur's health. Many thanks for kind note received last night. Love to Albert. Yours,

MARY.

[Footnote 13: The Great Exhibition in Hyde Park was opened
with brilliant ceremony on the 1st of May.]

[Pageheading: THE GREAT EXHIBITION]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd May 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... I wish you _could_ have witnessed the _1st May 1851_, the _greatest_ day in our history, the _most beautiful_ and _imposing_ and _touching_ spectacle ever seen, and the triumph of my beloved Albert. Truly it was astonishing, a fairy scene. Many cried, and all felt touched and impressed with devotional feelings. It was the _happiest_, _proudest_ day in my life, and I can think of nothing else. Albert's dearest name is immortalised with this _great_ conception, _his_ own, and my _own_ dear country _showed_ she was _worthy_ of it. The triumph is _immense_, for up to the _last hour_ the difficulties, the opposition, and the ill-natured attempts to annoy and frighten, of a certain set of fashionables and Protectionists, were immense; but Albert's temper, patience, firmness, and energy surmounted all, and the feeling is universal. _You_ will be astounded at this great work when you see it!--the beauty of the building and the vastness of it all. I can never thank God enough. I feel _so_ happy, so proud. Our dear guests were much pleased and impressed. You are right to like the dear Princess, for she is a noble-minded, warm-hearted, distinguished person, much attached to you, and who revered dearest Louise. Oh! _how_ I thought of _her_ on that great day, how kindly she would have rejoiced in our success! Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Austria._[14]

PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _5 Mai 1851._

SIRE ET MON BON FRERE,--C'est avec un vif empressement que je viens remercier votre Majeste Imperiale des superbes objets de l'industrie et des arts de votre Empire, que vous avez eu l'extreme bonte de m'envoyer et qui me seront bien precieux a plus d'un titre d'abord comme venant de votre Majeste, et puis a cause de leur grande beaute et comme un souvenir a une epoque ou il a plu au Tout-Puissant de permettre une reunion pacifique de tous les peuples du monde et de leurs produits.

La ceremonie de l'inauguration de l'Exposition a fait une profonde impression sur mon c[oe]ur et je regrette d'avoir ete le seul Souverain qui ait pu jouir de cette scene a la fois imposante et parlant au c[oe]ur. Nous avons deja fait plusieurs visites au departement Autrichien et le Prince et moi avons eu occasion d'admirer beaucoup les produits qui nous sont venus de vos Etats. Puisse leur exposition contribuer a la prosperite du commerce de l'Empire Autrichien.

Agreez l'expression de ma sincere amitie, qui j'espere pourra un jour etre cimentee par la connaissance personnelle de votre Majeste, et croyez-moi toujours, Sire, de votre Majeste Imperiale, la bonne S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 14: Francis Joseph, who became Emperor in December
1848.]

[Pageheading: DEATH OF MR SHEIL]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd June 1851._

The Queen will see the Judge Advocate on Saturday at three.

The place of the late Mr Mill is already filled up.

Mr Sheil's death is very sudden, and must be a great shock to his family....

We go to Windsor this afternoon to stay till Friday. We hope that Lord John Russell's little girl is going on quite well.

The Queen has had good accounts from the dear Princess of Prussia from Coblentz. Her letter is full of England, her great happiness here, and her great sorrow at having left it. The Princes have expressed the same, so this dangerous journey has gone off without _one_ single unpleasant circumstance, which is very gratifying.

The Prince and Prince Frederic are gone to Berlin, where the statue of Frederic the Great was to be inaugurated yesterday.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1851._

The Queen returns the papers signed. We are both much pleased at what Lord John Russell says about the Prince's speech yesterday.[15] It was on so ticklish a subject that one could not feel sure beforehand how it might be taken; at the same time the Queen felt sure that the Prince would say the right thing, from her entire confidence in his great tact and judgment.

The Queen, at the risk of not appearing sufficiently modest (and yet, why should a wife ever be modest about her husband's merits?), must say that she thinks Lord John Russell will admit now that the Prince is possessed of very extraordinary powers of mind and heart. She feels so proud at being his wife that she cannot refrain from herself paying a tribute to his noble character.

[Footnote 15: The Prince presided at the meeting commemorative
of the one hundred and fifty years' existence of the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel. His speech was warmly
praised by the Premier.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th July 1851._

The Queen hastens to tell Lord John Russell how amiably everything went off last [night], and how enthusiastically we were received by an almost _fearful_ mass of people in the streets;[16] the greatest order prevailed, and the greatest and most gratifying enthusiasm.

Not being aware whether Sir George Grey is equal to any business, the Queen writes to Lord John to direct that a proper letter be written without delay to the Lord Mayor, expressing not only the Queen's and Prince's thanks for the splendid entertainment at the Guildhall, but also our high gratification at the hearty, kind, and enthusiastic reception we met with during our progress through the City, both going and returning. Our only anxiety is lest any accident should have occurred from the great pressure of the dense crowds.

The Queen would likewise wish to know what distinction should be conferred in honour of the occasion on the Lord Mayor.

[Footnote 16: A ball in commemoration of the Exhibition took
place at the Guildhall on the 9th of July.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th July 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. She has no objection on this particular occasion to knight the two Sheriffs, this year being so memorable a one.

But the Queen would wish it clearly to be _understood_ that they have no right or claim to be knighted whenever the Queen goes into the City.

On the occasion of the opening of the Royal Exchange the Sheriffs were not knighted....

We regret to hear of Lord John's continued indisposition.

[Pageheading: THE DANISH SUCCESSION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _25th August 1851._

The Queen wishes to draw Lord John Russell's attention to the enclosed draft, which she does not think can go in its present shape. We argued in innumerable despatches that the _choice of the successor_ to the Danish Crown was entirely an internal question for Denmark, in which foreign Powers could not interfere. Here, however, it is laid down that the German Diet has no right to treat the succession in Holstein (a German State) as an _internal_ question, as it ought to be decided on--not according to the _German law of succession_, but according to the interests of Europe. Nor is it true, as stated in the despatch, that the Duke of Augustenburg has _no_ claim to the Danish Crown. His mother was the daughter of Christian VII. and of Queen Matilda.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN IN SCOTLAND]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _16th September 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 8th. It is a good thing for Leo to begin to follow in your footsteps, but (if I may speak out plainly), I think that anything like _fonctions_ and _representation_ is agreeable and _not_ difficult to Leo. It is the common contact with his fellow-creatures, the being put on a par with him, the being brought to feel that he is as much _one_ of them as any other, in spite of his birth, which I think of such great importance for him, and I therefore hope you will send him to _Bonn_.

My letter is terribly _decousu_, for it has been twice interrupted. I was out the whole day with Albert, in the forest in a perfectly tropical heat. Since we went to Allt-na-Giuthasach, our little bothy near Loch Muich on the 12th, the heat of the sun has been daily increasing, and has reached a pitch which makes it almost sickening to be out in it, though it is beautiful to behold. The sky these last two evenings has been like an Italian one, and for the last few days--at least the last four--without the slightest particle of cloud, and the sun blazing. With this, not a breath of air. The mountains look quite crimson and lilac, and everything glows with the setting sun. The evenings are quite a _relief_. Really one cannot undertake expeditions, the heat is so great. We thought of you, and wished you could be here; you would fancy yourself in Italy.

Albert got a splendid stag to-day. I must hastily conclude, hoping to hear from you that you _will come_. Our moonlights have been magnificent also. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _22nd September 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to you on purpose on this large paper in order that you may see and admire it. Landseer did it also on purpose, and I think it is even finer than the other. It is so truly the character of the noble animal.

That abuse of the poor Orleans family in our papers is abominable, and Lord John is equally shocked at it, but won't interfere. Don't you think Joinville should not have left it open for him to accept it, for it is _impossible_ for _him_ to be _President_ of the French Republic? Still, I feel convinced that he and they _all_ do what they think best for _France_.

I must conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHS]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

SHIEL OF ALLT-NA-GIUTHASACH, _30th September 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to you from our little bothy in the hills, which is quite a wilderness--where we arrived yesterday evening after a long hill expedition to the Lake of Loch Nagar, which is one of the wildest spots imaginable. It was very cold. To-day it pours so that I hardly know if we shall be able to get out, or home even. We are not _snowed_, but _rained up_. Our little Shiel is very snug and comfortable, and we have got a little piano in it. Lady Douro is with us.

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 22nd. Our warm, fine weather left us on the 25th, and we have had storm and snow in the mountains ever since then.

The position of Princes is no doubt difficult in these times, but it would be much less so if they would behave honourably and straightforwardly, giving the people gradually those privileges which would satisfy all the reasonable and well-intentioned, and would weaken the power of the Red Republicans; instead of that, _reaction_ and a return to all the tyranny and oppression is the cry and the principle--and all papers and books are being seized and prohibited, as in the days of Metternich!...

Vicky was kicked off her pony--a quiet beast--but not the least hurt; this is more than three weeks ago. Alfred (whom you will recollect I told you was so terribly heedless and entirely indifferent to all punishment, etc.) tumbled downstairs last week. He was not seriously hurt at all, and quite well the next morning, only with a terribly black, green, and yellow face and very much swelled. He might have been killed; he is always bent upon self-destruction, and one hardly knows what to do, for he don't mind being hurt or scolded or punished; and the very next morning he tried to go down the stairs leaning over the banisters just as he had done when he fell.

Alas! this will be my last letter but one from the dear Highlands. We start on the 7th, visiting Liverpool and Manchester on our way back, and expect to be at Windsor on the 11th.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE HIGHLANDS]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BALMORAL CASTLE, _6th October 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Only two words can I write to you, as we are to start to-morrow morning. My heart is _bien gros_ at going from here.

I love my peaceful, wild Highlands, the glorious scenery, the dear good people who are much attached to us, and who feel their _Einsamkeit_ sadly, very much. One of our Gillies, a young Highlander who generally went out with me, said, in answer to my observation that they must be very dull here when we left: "It's just like death come all at once." In addition to my sorrow at leaving this dear place, I am in great sorrow at the loss of a dear and faithful, excellent friend, whom you will sincerely lament--our good Lord Liverpool. He was well and in the highest spirits with us only six weeks ago, and in three days he was carried away. I cannot tell you _how_ it has upset me; I have known him so long, and he was such an intimate friend of ours. We received the news yesterday.

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th. I am glad all went off so well, but it must have been dreadful to miss dearest Louise. This time reminds me so much of all our sorrow last year on her dear account.

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th October 1851._

The Queen returns Lord Howden's letter, and thinks that the best answer to the Queen of Spain's request will be that the Statutes do not allow the Garter to be bestowed upon a lady; that the Queen herself possesses no order of knighthood from any country.[17]

With reference to the claim for the King arising out of the Prince having received the Fleece, it may be well to say that the offer of the Fleece had in the first instance been declined for fear of establishing a ground for the necessity of giving the Garter in return, and was at its second offer accepted by the Prince, together with the first orders of almost every country, on the understanding that no return would be expected. It would have been impossible to give the Garter to every Sovereign, and very difficult to make a selection. The Queen of Spain ought to be made aware of the fact that among the reigning Sovereigns, the Emperors of Austria and Brazil, and the Kings of Sweden, Denmark, Bavaria, Holland, Sardinia, Naples, Greece, etc., etc., have not got the Garter, although many of them have expressed a wish for it, and that amongst the Kings Consort, the King of Portugal, the Queen's first cousin, has not received it yet, although the Queen has long been anxious to give it to him.

Anything short of these explanations might offend, or leave the claim open to be repeated from time to time.

[Footnote 17: The Queen of Spain had expressed a desire
through Lord Howden to receive the Order of the Garter.]

[Pageheading: EXTENSION OF THE FRANCHISE]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _14th October 1851._

Lord Carlisle, Lord Minto, and Sir Charles Wood are appointed a Committee to consider of the extension of the Suffrage. They meet to-morrow. Lord John Russell expects to see Mr Peel to-morrow. It is proposed that Parliament should meet on the 3rd or 5th of February....

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th October 1851._

The Queen does not consider the Committee appointed to consider the extension of the Franchise a very strong one. Will Lord Carlisle be up to the peculiar business?

[Pageheading: KOSSUTH IN ENGLAND]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[18]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th October 1851._

The Queen concludes Lord John Russell has read the accounts of Kossuth's arrival in to-day's papers.

She wishes Lord John could still try to prevent Lord Palmerston from receiving him. The effect it will have abroad will do us immense harm. At all events, Lord John should take care to have it understood that the Government have not sanctioned it, and that it is a private act of Lord Palmerston's.

The Queen will else have again to submit to insults and affronts, which are the result of Lord Palmerston's conduct.

[Footnote 18: Substance of the note to Lord John Russell,
written down from recollection.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th October 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is sorry to say he can interfere no further with respect to Lord Palmerston's reception of Kossuth.

With respect to the manner of the reception, however, he will write to Lord Palmerston to desire him to take care that nothing is said which goes beyond the strict expression of thanks for the efforts made by the British Government to procure first the safety, and next the liberty, of Kossuth.

As for the reception, it is to be considered that Kossuth is considered the representative of English institutions against despotism.

If this were so the public feeling would be laudable.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _31st October 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has the honour to submit to your Majesty a correspondence[19] which has taken place between Lord Palmerston and himself.

After Lord Palmerston's answer, Lord John Russell can have but little hope that Lord Palmerston will not see M. Kossuth. Lord John Russell cannot separate the private from the public man in this instance; the reception of Kossuth, if it takes place, will be a reception by your Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether that reception is to take place in Downing Street or Carlton Terrace does not appear to him material.

Lord John Russell would, as a last resource, humbly advise your Majesty to command Lord Palmerston not to receive M. Kossuth.

It appears to him that your Majesty owes this mark of respect to your Majesty's ally, and generally to all States at peace with this country.

Lord John Russell has no other copy of this letter to Lord Palmerston.

[Footnote 19: Lord Palmerston wished to receive Kossuth at the
Foreign Office. In the correspondence here referred to, which
will be found in Russell's _Life_, the Premier "positively
requested" Lord Palmerston to decline to receive Kossuth. The
rejoinder, written while the messenger waited, was: "There are
limits to all things. I do not choose to be dictated to as to
who I may or may not receive in my own house.... I shall use
my own discretion.... You will, of course, use yours as to the
composition of your Government."]

[Pageheading: KOSSUTH AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, and returns the enclosures. She likewise sends him her letter to Lord Palmerston, which she begs him to send on, merely changing the label. She must tell Lord John, however, that although _he_ may go on with a _colleague_, even after having received an answer like the one Lord Palmerston has returned to the many entreaties not to compromise the Government by his personal act, the Queen cannot expose herself to having her positive commands disobeyed by one of her public servants, and that should Lord Palmerston persist in his intention he cannot continue as her Minister. She refrains from any expression upon Lord Palmerston's conduct in this matter, as Lord John is well aware of her feelings.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._[20]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._