Chapter XXI (3)

Louis Napoleon being excessively susceptible, and believing us to be inimical towards him, we and the Government thought it would not be wise or prudent for _my_ brother-in-law, just coming _from here_, purposely to avoid him and go out of his way, which Louis Napoleon would immediately say was _my doing_; and unnecessary offence we do not wish to give; the more so as Stockmar was presented to him at Strasburg, and received the _Legion d'honneur_. I promised to explain this to you, as Ernest was distressed lest he should appear to be _timeserving_, and I said I was sure you would understand it.

I must end in a hurry, hoping to write again on Thursday or Friday. Dear Stockmar is very well and most kind. He is much pleased at your children spending some time with him every day. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 46: Marshal Gouvion de St Cyr.]

[Footnote 47: In sending no representative to the funeral of
the Duke of Wellington.]

[Footnote 48: See _ante_, p. 267.]

[Pageheading: CONFUSION OF PARTIES]

_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _25th November 1852._ (_Thursday, four_ P.M.)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, in obedience to your Majesty's gracious commands of this morning, proceeds to report to your Majesty what he finds to have taken place and to be in contemplation; but the accounts of the latter are so conflicting and contradictory, that his report must be as unsatisfactory to your Majesty as the state of the case is unintelligible to himself.

On arriving in London, Lord Derby called on Mr Disraeli, and found that late last night he had had, by his own desire, a private interview with Lord Palmerston, who had come to his house with that object; that Lord Palmerston's language was perfectly friendly towards the Government; that he assured Mr Disraeli that his only object in offering his Amendment was to defeat Mr Villiers; that if that could be done, it was a matter of indifference to him which Amendment was adopted; and he concluded by declaring that though he sat by Mr Sidney Herbert in the House of Commons, and was an old personal friend, he did not act in concert with him or with Mr Gladstone; and that he did not see, on their part, any disposition to approach the Government! After this declaration Mr Disraeli felt that it would be useless and unwise to sound him farther as to his own ulterior views, and the conversation led to nothing.

As Lord Derby was walking home, he was overtaken by Lord Jocelyn, who stated, in direct opposition to what had been said by Lord Palmerston, that he, and the other two gentlemen named, were consulted upon, and had concocted the proposed Amendment; and that they were decidedly acting together. He was present at a dinner of the Peelite Party yesterday at Mr Wortley's, when Speeches were made, and language held about the reunion of the Conservative Party, resulting, however, in a declaration that if your Majesty's servants did not accept Lord Palmerston's Amendment, they, as a body, would vote in favour of Mr Villiers. Lord Derby has been farther informed that they are willing to join the Government, but that one of their conditions would be that Lord Palmerston should lead the House of Commons, Mr Gladstone refusing to serve under Mr Disraeli. This, if true, does not look like an absence of all concert.

To complete the general confusion of Parties, the Duke of Bedford, who called on Lady Derby this morning, assures her that Lord John Russell does not desire the fall of your Majesty's present Government, and that in no case will he enter into any combination with the Radical Party, a declaration quite at variance with the course he has pursued since Parliament met.

Of course Lord Derby, in these circumstances, has not taken any step whatever towards exercising the discretion with which your Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust him this morning.[49] He much regrets having to send your Majesty so unsatisfactory a statement, and has desired to have the latest intelligence sent up to him of what may pass in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour to keep your Majesty informed of any new occurrence which any hour may produce.

_Half-past six._

Lord Derby has just heard from the House of Commons that Sir James Graham has given the history of the framing of the Amendment, and has expressed his intention, if Lord Palmerston's Amendment be accepted, to advise Mr Villiers to withdraw. Mr Gladstone has held the same language; there appears to be much difference of opinion, but Lord Derby would think that the probable result will be the adoption of Lord Palmerston's proposition. He fears this will lead to a good deal of discontent among the supporters of the Government; but a different course would run imminent risk of defeat.

[Footnote 49: The Queen had allowed him to enter into
negotiations with the Peelites and Lord Palmerston on the
distinct understanding that the latter could not receive the
lead of the House of Commons.]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON]

_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _26th November 1852._ (_Half-past one o'clock_ A.M.)

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the House of Commons has this moment divided on Mr Villiers' resolution, and in a House of nearly 600 members they have been rejected by a majority of 80.[50]

The debate was very animated and amusing, from the rival narratives of the principal projectors of the demonstration, who, having quarrelled among themselves, entered into secret and--in a Party sense--somewhat scandalous revelations, to the diversion and sometimes astonishment of the House.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer deeply regrets that, having been obliged to quit the House early yesterday, he was unable to forward a bulletin to your Majesty.

He has fixed next Friday for the Budget.

[Footnote 50: Lord Palmerston's Amendment (see _ante_, p.
399) was carried instead, and Protection was thenceforward
abandoned by Mr Disraeli and his followers.]

[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI AND MR GLADSTONE]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th November 1852._

Before the Council held yesterday we saw Lord Derby, who seemed much pleased with the result of the Division, though a good deal galled by the tone of the Debate.

Lord Derby had heard it said that Mr Sidney Herbert, although very bitter in his language, had not meant to be hostile to the Government, but felt that he owed the duty to speak out to the memory of Sir Robert Peel; that he was glad to have thrown the load off his mind. Lord Derby then read us a letter from Lord Claud Hamilton, who had seen Mr Corry (one of the Peelites), who had given him to understand that they would _not_ serve under the leadership of Mr Disraeli; that they were ready, on the other hand, to serve under Lord Palmerston. This put all further negotiation out of the question, for, independently of the Queen objecting to such an arrangement, he himself could not admit of it. On my question why Mr Gladstone could not lead, he replied that Mr Gladstone was, in his opinion, quite unfit for it; he had none of that decision, boldness, readiness, and clearness which was necessary to lead a Party, to inspire it with confidence, and, still [more], to take at times a decision on the spur of the moment, which a leader had often to do. Then he said that he could not in honour sacrifice Mr Disraeli, who had acted very straightforwardly to him as long as they had had anything to do with each other, and who possessed the confidence of his followers. Mr Disraeli had no idea of giving up the lead.

We could quite understand, on the other hand, that the colleagues of Sir Robert Peel could not feel inclined to serve under Mr Disraeli.

Under these circumstances we agreed that nothing should be done at present, and that it must be left to time to operate changes, that much must depend upon the success which Mr Disraeli may have with his Budget, and that the knowledge that Lord Palmerston could not obtain the lead would oblige those who wished to join to think of a different combination.

Lord Derby owned (upon my blunt question) that he did not think Mr Disraeli had ever had a strong feeling, one way or the other, about Protection or Free Trade, and that he would make a very good Free Trade Minister.

The Queen was anxious to know what Lord Derby thought Lord George Bentinck (if now alive) would do in this conjunction. Lord Derby's expression was "he would have made confusion worse confounded" from his excessive violence.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: RECOGNITION OF THE EMPIRE]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

OSBORNE, _2nd December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter, and returns the enclosure from Lord Cowley. Under these circumstances the course recommended to be pursued by Lord Malmesbury[51] appears also to the Queen as the best. It is evident that we have no means of making Louis Napoleon say what he will not, nor would any diplomatic form of obtaining an assurance from him give us any guarantee of his not doing after all exactly what he pleases. Our honour appears therefore to be best in our own keeping. Whatever he may say, it is in our _note of recognition_ that we must state _what_ we recognise and what we do _not_ recognise.

[Footnote 51: Lord Malmesbury advised that a formal repetition
of the interpretation and assurances as to the use of the
numeral "III" in the Imperial title, already verbally made by
the President and the French Ambassador, should be demanded.
This was duly obtained. On the 2nd of December, the
anniversary of the _coup d'etat_, the Imperial title was
assumed; on the 4th, the Empire was officially recognised.]

_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _3rd December 1852._ (_Friday night, twelve o'clock_ P.M.)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, ventures to hope that your Majesty may feel some interest in hearing, so far as he is able to give it, his impression of the effect of Mr Disraeli's announcement of the Budget[52] this evening. Lord Derby was not able to hear quite the commencement of the Speech, having been obliged to attend the House of Lords, which, however, was up at a quarter past five, Mr Disraeli having then been speaking about half an hour. From that time till ten, when he sat down, Lord Derby was in the House of Commons, and anxiously watching the effect produced, which he ventures to assure your Majesty was most favourable, according to his own judgment after some considerable experience in Parliament, and also from what he heard from others. Mr Disraeli spoke for about five hours, with no apparent effort, with perfect self-possession, and with hardly an exception to the fixed attention with which the House listened to the exposition of the views of your Majesty's servants. It was altogether a most masterly performance, and he kept alive the attention of the House with the greatest ability, introducing the most important statements, and the broadest principles of legislature, just at the moments when he had excited the greatest anxiety to learn the precise measures which the Government intended to introduce. The Irish part of the question was dealt with with remarkable dexterity, though probably a great part of the point will be lost in the newspaper reports. It is difficult to foresee the ultimate result, but Lord Derby has no hesitation in saying that the general first impression was very favourable, and that, as a whole, the Budget seemed to meet with the approval of the House.

[Footnote 52: Increase of the House Tax, reduction of the Malt
and Tea duties, and relaxation of Income Tax in the case of
farmers, were the salient features of the Budget.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN TO THE EMPEROR]

_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _4th December 1852._

SIR, MY BROTHER,--Being desirous to maintain uninterrupted the union and good understanding which happily subsist between Great Britain and France, I have made choice of Lord Cowley, a peer of my United Kingdom, a member of my Privy Council, and Knight Commander of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, to reside at your Imperial Majesty's Court in the character of my Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. The long experience which I have had of his talents and zeal for my service assures me that the choice which I have made of Lord Cowley will be perfectly agreeable to your Imperial Majesty, and that he will prove himself worthy of this new mark of my confidence. I request that your Imperial Majesty will give entire credence to all that Lord Cowley shall communicate to you on my part, more especially when he shall assure your Imperial Majesty of my invariable attachment and esteem, and shall express to you those sentiments of sincere friendship and regard with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Imperial Majesty's good Sister,

VICTORIA R.

To my good Brother,[53] the Emperor of the French.

[Footnote 53: The Czar persisted in addressing him as _Mon
cher Ami_.]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

OSBORNE, _6th December 1852._

The Queen has this morning received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday, relative to Count Walewski's audience. The manner in which Lord Malmesbury proposes this should be done the Queen approves, and only wishes Lord Malmesbury to communicate with the proper authorities in order that the _Fairy_ may be at Southampton at the right hour, and the Frigate, as suggested, in attendance off Osborne or Cowes, according to what the weather may be. The landing at Osborne Pier, in wet or stormy weather, is very bad, particularly for a lady.

The Queen wishes that the Count and Countess Walewski should come down here with Lord Malmesbury on _Thursday next_, and we should receive them at half-past one. We wish then that they should _all three dine and sleep here that day_.

[Pageheading: A SECRET PROTOCOL]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

OSBORNE, _8th December 1852._

The Queen was very much surprised to receive this morning in a box from Lord Malmesbury, without any further explanation, a secret Protocol[54] signed by the representatives of the four great Powers at the Foreign Office on the 3rd instant.

A step of such importance should not have been taken without even the intention of it having been previously mentioned to the Queen, and her leave having been obtained. She must therefore ask for an explanation from Lord Malmesbury. Though the purport of the Protocol appears to the Queen quite right, she ought not to allow the honour of England to be pledged by her Minister without her sanction.

The exact wording of a document of that nature is a matter of such serious importance that it requires the greatest consideration, and it is a question with the Queen whether it be always quite safe to adopt entirely what is proposed by Baron Brunnow, who is generally the _redacteur_ of such documents.

[Footnote 54: By this Protocol Louis Napoleon was to be
recognised as Emperor by Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and
Russia.]

_The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _13th December 1852._

Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen. He thought it advisable to acquaint your Majesty as soon as possible with a conversation which Count Walewski had held of his own accord in reference to Her Serene Highness the Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe,[55] and he requested Lord Derby to repeat it to your Majesty.

Lord Malmesbury was not mistaken in believing that the Count had not alluded idly to the subject, as he this day called on Lord Malmesbury, and stated to him that the Emperor of the French had not decided to negotiate a marriage with the Princess of Wasa;[56] but, on the contrary, was rather averse to such an alliance; that he was anxious, on the contrary, to make one which indirectly "_resserrerait les liens d'amitie entre l'Angleterre et la France_," and that with this view he wished Lord Malmesbury to ascertain from your Majesty whether any objections would be raised on the part of your Majesty, or of the Princess Adelaide's family, to his contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness. Your Majesty may suppose that he received this intimation by a simple assurance that he would submit the French Emperor's sentiments to your Majesty, and he added that he foresaw a serious difficulty to the project in the fact that the Princess was a Protestant. Count Walewski was evidently sincere in the earnestness with which he spoke of the subject, and the impatience with which he pressed Lord Malmesbury to inform your Majesty of his proposal.

[Footnote 55: The Queen's niece, daughter of Princess
Hohenlohe.]

[Footnote 56: The Princess Caroline Stephanie, daughter of
Prince Gustavus de Wasa, who was son of the last King of
Sweden of the earlier dynasty.]

[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S PROPOSED MARRIAGE]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _14th December 1852._

The Queen sends to Lord Derby a communication which she has received from Lord Malmesbury.

The Queen is sorry to have been put in a situation which requires on her part a direct answer, which to have been spared would have been in every respect more prudent and safe. As it is, however, the Queen is fully aware that the answer she is forced to give may really have, or may hereafter be made appear to have, political consequences disadvantageous to our political relations with France, and injurious to the Queen's personal character.

The Queen therefore encloses for Lord Derby a draft of the answer she intends to give to Lord Malmesbury,[57] asking that Lord Derby will not only give these matters his fullest consideration, but that he will return to the Queen the draft as soon as possible, with such of his suggestions or alterations as he may think advisable to propose to her.

The Queen must also express her decided wish that Lord Derby will not allow Lord Malmesbury to move a single step in this affair without it has been previously concerted with Lord Derby.[58]

[Footnote 57:

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
[_Draft._]
OSBORNE, _14th December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday,
reporting his conversation with Count Walewski, who had asked
him to ascertain from the Queen "whether any objections would
be raised on her part or on that of the Princess Adelaide's
family to his (the Emperor's) contracting a marriage with Her
Serene Highness."

In a question which affects the entire prospects and happiness
of a third person, and that person being a near and dear
relation of hers, the Queen feels herself conscientiously
precluded from forming an opinion of her own, and consequently
from taking the slightest part in it either directly or
indirectly. The only proper persons to refer to for the
consideration of and decision on so serious a proposal are the
parents of the Princess and the Princess herself.]

[Footnote 58: In his reply Lord Derby observed that it did not
appear to him that the matter was at present in so critical
a position. Lord Malmesbury would have little difficulty in
showing Count Walewski, without any interruption of a friendly
_entente_, that the intended overtures were not likely to be
favourably received. He suggested that Lord Malmesbury should
be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from
the Emperor, but unofficially, from Count Walewski; and that
he should, also unofficially, dissuade him from pressing the
subject further; such course could have no injurious effect
upon the political aspect of Europe. Lord Derby could not
understand how the affair, however it might turn out, could
affect the Queen's "personal character."

He suggested that the following words should be substituted
for the last paragraph: "And while she fully appreciates
the desire expressed by Count Walewski on the part of his
Government, '_de resserrer les liens de l'amitie entre
l'Angleterre et la France_,' she feels bound to leave the
consideration and decision of so serious a proposal to the
unbiassed judgment of the parents of the Princess and the
Princess herself, the only persons to whom such a question can
properly be referred. The Queen thinks it right to add that
being fully persuaded of the strong religious persuasion of
the Princess, of the extreme improbability of any change
of opinion on her part, and of the evils inseparable from a
difference of opinion on such a subject between the Emperor
and his intended Consort, she wishes Lord Malmesbury to place
this consideration prominently before Count Walewski, before
he takes any other step in the matter, which he appears to
have brought unofficially under the consideration of Lord
Malmesbury."]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND LORD MALMESBURY]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S OPINION]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _16th December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 14th inst. She did not intend to complain personally of Lord Malmesbury, who, the Queen is sure, was most anxious to do the best he could under the circumstances; but she still thinks that a question of such importance should not have been brought immediately before her for her decision; and although Lord Derby states his opinion that Lord Malmesbury had no alternative but to promise to Count Walewski that he would bring "_the Emperor's sentiments before the Queen_," the very suggestion Lord Derby now makes, viz. "that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor, but _unofficially_ from Count Walewski, and that he should also _unofficially_ dissuade him from pressing the matter further"--shows that there was an alternative.

Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury alone can know, whether, after what may have passed in conversation between Lord Malmesbury and Count Walewski, this course still remains open.

There can be no doubt that the best thing would be to terminate this affair without the Queen being called upon to give any opinion at all.

Lord Derby seems to treat the matter as of much less importance than the Queen, but he will admit that, if the alliance is sought by the Emperor, "_pour resserrer les liens d'amitie entre la France et l'Angleterre_," the refusal of it on the part of the Queen must also have the opposite effect. The responsibility of having produced this effect would rest personally with the Queen, who might be accused of having brought it about, influenced by personal feelings of animosity against the Emperor, or by mistaken friendship for the Orleans family, or misplaced family pride, etc., etc., etc. The acceptance of the proposal, on the other hand, or even the consummation of the project without her _direct_ intervention, cannot fail to expose the Queen to a share in the just opprobrium attaching in the eyes of all right-thinking men to the political acts perpetrated in France ever since 2nd December 1851. And, while it would appear as if her Family did not care for any such considerations, so long as by an alliance they could secure momentary advantages, it would give the other Powers of Europe, whom the Emperor seems to be disposed to treat very unceremoniously (as shown by Lord Cowley's last reports) the impression that England suddenly had separated herself from them, and bound herself to France for a family interest pursued by the Queen.

These are the dangers to "the Queen's personal character," which presented themselves to her mind when she wrote her last letter, and which Lord Derby says remained unintelligible to him.

The Queen wishes Lord Derby to show this letter to Lord Malmesbury, whom, under the circumstances, she thinks it best not to address separately. They will be now both in the fullest possession of the Queen's sentiments, and she hopes will be able to terminate this matter without the expression of an opinion on the part of the Queen becoming necessary.

[Pageheading: DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY]

_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _17th December 1852._ (4 A.M.)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, regrets to have to submit to your Majesty that the House of Commons, from which he has this moment returned, has rejected the resolution for the increase of the House Tax, by a majority of either nineteen or twenty-one.[59] This majority is so decisive, especially having been taken on a question which was understood to involve the fate of the Government, as to leave Lord Derby no alternative as to the course which it will be his duty to pursue; and although, as a matter of form, it is necessary that he should consult his Colleagues, for which purpose he has desired that a Cabinet should be summoned for twelve o'clock, he can entertain no doubt but that their opinion will unanimously concur with his own; that he must humbly ask leave to resign into your Majesty's hands the high trust which your Majesty has been pleased to repose in him. Lord Derby, with your Majesty's permission, will endeavour to do himself the honour of attending your Majesty's pleasure this evening; but it is possible that he may not be able to find the means of crossing,[60] in which case he trusts that your Majesty will honour him with an audience to-morrow (Saturday) morning. Lord Derby trusts he need not assure your Majesty how deeply he feels the inconvenience and annoyance which this event will occasion to your Majesty, nor how anxious will be his desire that your Majesty should be enabled with the least possible delay to form an Administration possessing more of the public confidence. He will never cease to retain the deepest and most grateful sense of the gracious favour and support which he has on all occasions received at your Majesty's hands, and which he deeply regrets that he has been unable to repay by longer and more efficient service.

[Footnote 59: This memorable debate and its sensational
ending, with the notable speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone,
has been repeatedly described. See, _e.g._, Morley's
_Gladstone_ and McCarthy's _History of our own Times_. The
_Times_ leader (quoted by Mr Morley) was cut out and preserved
by the Queen.]

[Footnote 60: To Osborne.]

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _18th December 1852._

Yesterday evening Lord Derby arrived from Town formally to tender his resignation. We retired to the Queen's room after dinner with him to hear what he had to say on the crisis. He complained of the factiousness of the Opposition, which he and his Party hoped, however, not to imitate; was ready to support, as far as he could, any Administration which was sincerely anxious to check the growth of democracy. He said his calculations at the close of the Elections had been found almost to a man verified in the late vote: 286 members voting with the Government, and these were their regular supporters; the other half of the House was composed of 150 Radicals, 50 of the so-called Irish Brigade, 120 Whigs, and 30 Peelites. It was clear that, if all these combined, he would be outvoted, though none of these Parties alone numbered as much as half of his. However, he had heard lately from good authority that the Whigs and Peelites had come to an agreement, and were ready to form an Administration on Conservative principles, to the exclusion of the Radicals, under the lead of Lord Aberdeen. Although only 150 strong, they thought, that with all the talent they had at their command, they would be able to obtain the confidence of the country, and hold the balance between the two extreme Parties in the House. He felt that after having failed to obtain the confidence of Parliament himself, he could do nothing else than retire at once, and he advised the Queen to send for Lord Lansdowne, who knew better than anybody the state of Parties, and would give the best advice. He did not advise the Queen to send for Lord Aberdeen at once, because, if it were reported that he had given this advice, many of his Party--who had already been distressed at his declaration to them that if he was defeated he would withdraw from public life--would think it necessary to join Lord Aberdeen as their new appointed leader; and then the other half, which felt the deepest indignation at the treatment they had received from the Peelites, would throw themselves into a reckless alliance with the Radicals, to revenge themselves upon the new Government, so the great Conservative Party would be broken up, which it was so essential for the country to keep together and moderate.

I interrupted Lord Derby, saying that, constitutionally speaking, it did not rest with him to give advice and become responsible for it, and that nobody therefore could properly throw the responsibility of the Queen's choice of a new Minister upon him; the Queen had thought of sending for Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen together. This, Lord Derby said, would do very well; he knew that, strictly speaking, the Sovereign acted upon her own responsibility, but it was always said on such occasions, for instance, "Lord John advised the Queen to send for Lord Derby," etc., etc.

He then gave it rather jokingly as his opinion that he thought less than 32 could hardly be the number of the new Cabinet, so many former Ministers would expect to be taken in; the Whigs said 36. Lord John Russell was designated for the Home Office, Lord Canning for the Foreign, Mr Gladstone for the Colonial Department, Lord Clanricarde for the Post Office, Lord Granville for Ireland. These were the reports.

ALBERT.

_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne._

OSBORNE, _18th December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Lansdowne's letter, from which she was very sorry to learn that he is suffering from the gout. Although the Queen was very anxious to have consulted with him before taking a definite step for the formation of a new Government consequent on the resignation of Lord Derby, she would have been very unhappy if Lord Lansdowne had exposed his health to any risk in order to gratify her wishes. Time pressing, she has now sent a telegraphic message to Lord Aberdeen to come down here alone, which, from the terms of the Queen's first summons, he had thought himself precluded from doing. Should Lord Lansdowne not be able to move soon, Lord Aberdeen will confer with him by the Queen's desire immediately on his return to Town.

[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _19th December 1852._

Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three o'clock and reported that he had seen Lord Lansdowne, and had come to a perfect understanding with him; he had also consulted with his friends, and with Lord John Russell. It would now depend upon the decision of the Queen whom she would charge with the formation of a Government. The Queen answered that she thought Lord Lansdowne was too old and infirm to undertake such arduous duties, and that she commissioned Lord Aberdeen. He replied he was fully aware of his own unworthiness for the task, and had expressed his disinclination to Lord Lansdowne, while Lord Lansdowne, on the other hand, had pressed him to take the responsibility himself; but since the Queen had commissioned him, he wished to say that it was of the greatest importance that only one person should be charged with the task and be responsible for it, and that the new Government should not be a revival of the old Whig Cabinet with an addition of some Peelites, but should be a liberal Conservative Government in the sense of that of Sir Robert Peel; he thought this would meet with the confidence of the country, even if excluding the Radicals. Lord Aberdeen said he meant to propose to the Queen Lord John Russell as Leader of the House of Commons and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, which _he_ thinks he would accept. (The Queen sanctioned this.) He would then consult Lord John upon his appointments, but he (Lord Aberdeen) would be responsible, taking care that Lord John should be satisfied. There was no doubt that Lord John had full claims to be Prime Minister again, but that he could give him no greater proof of confidence, having been his opponent all his life, than to give him the lead of the House of Commons, which made him virtually as much Prime Minister as he pleased, and the Foreign Office combined with it would satisfy Lord John as following the precedent of Mr Fox. The Peelites would not have served under Lord Lansdowne, much less under Lord John; but a great many Whigs even objected to Lord John. This was a temporary and undeserved unpopularity, and still Lord John remained the first man in the country, and might be Prime Minister again. The Peelites would know and learn to respect him when meeting him in office. Lord Aberdeen hoped even many Conservatives now going with Lord Derby would support such a Government, but to preserve to it a Conservative character, two Secretaries of State at least must be _Peelites_.

We next talked of Lord Palmerston, whom we agreed it would be imprudent to leave to combine in opposition with Mr Disraeli. Lord Aberdeen had thought of Ireland for him; we felt sure he would not accept that. I gave Lord Aberdeen a list of the possible distribution of offices, which I had drawn up, and which he took with him as containing "valuable suggestions." He hoped the Queen would allow him to strengthen himself in the House of Lords, where there was nobody to cope with Lord Derby, by the translation of Sir James Graham or Mr S. Herbert, if he should find this necessary. Sir James might gain in moving from the House of Commons, as he lately fettered himself with inconvenient Radical pledges. He felt he would have great difficulty in the formation of his Government, for although everybody promised to forget his personal wishes and interests, yet when brought to the test such professions were often belied. The difficulty of measures lies chiefly in the Budget, as the Income Tax would have to be settled, and he was anxious to keep a good surplus. As to Reform, he felt that, considering the Queen to have recommended it by a Speech from the Throne, and Lord John to have actually introduced a Measure as Prime Minister, the door could not be closed against it; but it might be postponed for the present, and there was no real wish for it in the country.

He was very sorry that the Government had been upset, and if the Budget had been such that it could have been accepted he should much have preferred it. Lord Derby seemed very much offended with him personally for his speech in the House of Lords. Lord Aberdeen kissed hands, and started again at four o'clock.

[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

(_Undated._)[61]

Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty, that on his return from Osborne last night, he saw Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell, and found them in the same disposition with respect to the formation of the new Administration. This morning, however, Lord John Russell, partly from an apprehension of the fatigue of the Foreign Office, and partly from the effect likely to be produced on his political friends by his acceptance of office, has expressed his unwillingness to form part of the Administration, although anxious to give it his best support. Lord Aberdeen has discussed this matter very fully with Lord John, and has requested him not to decide finally until to-morrow morning, which he had promised accordingly. In the meantime, Lord Aberdeen humbly submits to your Majesty that his position is materially affected by this irresolution on the part of Lord John. Had he not felt warranted in relying upon Lord John's co-operation, he would not have ventured to speak to your Majesty with the confidence he yesterday evinced. With the most earnest desire to devote himself to your Majesty's service, it becomes doubtful whether he could honestly venture to attempt the execution of your Majesty's commands should Lord John persevere in his present intention. At all events, nothing further can be done until this matter shall be decided; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of reporting the result to your Majesty.

[Footnote 61: Apparently written on the 20th of December
1852.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _20th December 1852._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is grateful for your Majesty's condescension in informing him that your Majesty has charged the Earl of Aberdeen with the duty of constructing a Government.

Lord John Russell is desirous of seeing a durable Government, and he will consider with the utmost care how far he can, consistently with his own honour and his health and strength, contribute to this end.[62]

[Footnote 62: He consulted Lord Lansdowne, and Macaulay,
happening to call, threw his influence into the scale in
favour of his serving under Aberdeen (Walpole's _Russell_,
chap, xxiii.).]

[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI AND PRINCE ALBERT]

_Mr Disraeli to the Prince Albert._

DOWNING STREET, _20th December 1852._

SIR,--I have the honour to return to your Royal Highness the State paper[63] which your Royal Highness entrusted to me. I have not presumed to keep a copy of it, but my memory is familiar with its contents, and in case hereafter there may be any opportunity formed to forward the views of your Royal Highness in this respect, I may perhaps be permitted, if necessary, again to refer to the document.

I hope I am not presumptuous if, on this occasion, I offer to your Royal Highness my grateful acknowledgments of the condescending kindness which I have received from your Royal Highness.

I may, perhaps, be permitted to say that the views which your Royal Highness had developed to me in confidential conversation have not fallen on an ungrateful soil. I shall ever remember with interest and admiration the princely mind in the princely person, and shall at all times be prepared to prove to your Royal Highness my devotion. I have the honour to remain, Sir, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,

B. DISRAELI.

[Footnote 63: It is impossible to ascertain what this was; it
was probably one of the Prince's political Memoranda.]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _20th December 1852._

Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty that Lord John Russell has finally decided not to undertake the Foreign Office, being influenced, Lord Aberdeen fully believes, by domestic considerations, and contrary to the advice of all the most important of his political friends. Lord Lansdowne has done his utmost to shake the resolution, but in vain. Lord John proposes to be in the Cabinet, without office, but to lead the Government business in the House of Commons. Lord Aberdeen thinks this arrangement objectionable, and a novelty, although the Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House of Lords for two years without office when Lord Hill was Commander-in-Chief. If the arrangement should be found untenable in a Parliamentary view, Lord John would consent to accept a nominal office, such as Chancellor of the Duchy. It is with great regret that Lord Aberdeen makes this announcement to your Majesty, as his own position is greatly weakened by this change; but he does not think it a sufficient reason for abandoning the attempt to serve your Majesty, which he feared might have been the case if Lord John had persevered in his intention of not forming part of the Administration.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Derby's letter. She has since read his Speech in the House of Lords announcing his resignation most attentively, and must express her doubts, whether that Speech was calculated to render easier the difficult task which has been thrown upon the Queen by the resignation of her late Government.[64]

[Footnote 64: Lord Derby severely attacked Lord Aberdeen, in
his absence, and declared himself the victim of a factious
combination.]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._

The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter early this morning, the contents of which have filled her with no little anxiety.

Still, she relies on the spirit of patriotism which she knows animates all the parties concerned, and which she feels sure will ultimately prevail over all difficulties, and enable a strong Government to be formed, which the country so earnestly demands and requires. The Queen is not surprised at Lord John Russell's fearing the fatigue of the Foreign Office, together with the lead in the House of Commons, which Lord Aberdeen's wish to show him entire confidence had prompted him to offer to Lord John; but _this_ difficulty, she trusts might easily be obviated. We intend leaving this place for Windsor to-morrow morning, and being there by two o'clock.

The Queen would wish to see Lord Aberdeen there in the course of the afternoon--either at three, four, or five--whichever time is most convenient to him, and requests him to let her find a line from him on her arrival, informing her of the hour at which he will come. Any letter, however, sent by the bag to-night or by a messenger will reach the Queen _here_ to-morrow morning, as we do not go before a quarter to ten, and the Queen trusts therefore that Lord Aberdeen will let her hear as soon as possible how matters stand.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _21st December 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your dear and kind letter of the 17th, which was as ever full of love and affection; but you know _very_ well that your affectionate child will never allow any mention of _your_ "leaving the premises." You know--too well--how sacred duties of any kind are, and above all, those of a King, and in these days; and how impossible it is for _us to shirk_ or abandon any of those duties which God has imposed on us.

You will have heard of our crisis, and of the resignation of the Government; its overthrow was inevitable; but we must now get a strong and durable Government, one combined of the best Conservatives and Liberals, which is what the country expects, demands, and requires. Lord Aberdeen has undertaken the task, but I cannot yet announce, as I wish I could, the formation of the new Government. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

You will receive a small parcel for my dear Charlotte for Christmas Eve, and I have directed some prize Christmas beef to be forwarded to Leo, which I hope he will approve of.

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S JUSTIFICATION]

_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _22nd December 1852._

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, learns with the deepest regret, by the note which he has just had the honour of receiving, that the statement which he felt it his duty to make in the House of Lords has appeared to your Majesty not calculated to render easier the difficult task which has been thrown upon your Majesty by the resignation of himself and his colleagues. Lord Derby begs humbly, but most sincerely, to assure your Majesty that nothing could have been farther from his intention than to let fall a single word which could increase the difficulties of the present position. He feels the full extent of those difficulties, and he may perhaps be forgiven if he entertains a strong opinion that a due appreciation of their magnitude might have been expected to have some weight with those Conservative statesmen, whose opposition thrown into the adverse scale turned the balance against your Majesty's servants, and rendered their retirement from office inevitable. Lord Derby does not affect to deny that he thinks he has some reason, personally and politically, to find fault with the course which they have pursued: but to suffer any such consideration to influence his public conduct, with regard to the Government now in process of formation, would be entirely at variance with his sense of public duty, and inconsistent with the deep gratitude which he must ever feel for the confidence with which your Majesty has honoured him. Lord Derby confesses himself at a loss to understand in what manner Lord Aberdeen can be enabled to reconcile the many and serious discrepancies, in matters both of Church and State, which would appear to exist among his presumed future colleagues; but it will give him unfeigned satisfaction to see these difficulties surmounted in such a sense as to enable him to give to the Government his independent support; and in the meantime it is his determination honestly to undertake the task, difficult as it must be, of keeping together a powerful Party, without the excitement of opposition to a Government by which their own leaders have been superseded, and of some members of which they think they have reason to complain; and even to induce that Party to give it their support, whenever they can do so consistently, with their own conscientious convictions.

[Pageheading: THE NEW GOVERNMENT]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1852._

We arrived here from Osborne at half-past one, and saw Lord Aberdeen at half-past five, who reported the progress he had made in the formation of his Government.

_The Chancellorship._--He had hoped to be able to offer to Lord St Leonards to remain, but Lord John Russell insisted, on the part of his Party (which he personally regretted to have to do), that the Chancellor should be a Liberal; Lord Aberdeen in consequence recommended Lord Cranworth.

_The Presidency of the Council._--The Duke of Newcastle, who might have done for Ireland, but whose presence in the House of Lords would be a great support to Lord Aberdeen.

_The Privy Seal._--The Duke of Argyll, to whom he had, however, not yet applied.

_The Secretaries of State._--It appeared that Lord Palmerston had repented of his decision, for he had addressed Lord Lansdowne, and told him that he gave him his proxy--putting himself entirely into his hands, feeling sure that he would take care of his honour. Lord Lansdowne, who had been throughout very kind in his exertions to bring about the junction of Parties, was now engaged to prevail upon him to take the Home Office. We congratulated Lord Aberdeen upon this symptom, which augured confidence in his success. Lord Aberdeen said that when he saw Lord Palmerston, who then declined office, nothing could have exceeded the expressions of his cordiality; he had even reminded him that in fact they were great friends (!!!) of sixty years' standing, having been at school together. We could not help laughing heartily at the _Harrow Boys_ and their friendship. The Foreign Office Lord John had again positively refused, contrary to the advice of all his friends, and to please Lady John. This arrangement failing, Lord Clarendon was to undertake it, but Lord Clarendon was now gone himself to try to persuade Lord, or rather Lady, John to accept--at least temporarily--declaring his readiness to take it off his hands at any time if he should find the work too heavy. Lord Aberdeen had no hope, however, of Lord Clarendon's success. Then there would come the grave Constitutional Question of establishing the novelty of a Leader in the House of Commons who held no office. Lord John had seen the danger of being exposed to the reproach that he had slipped into office without having gone through the popular ordeal of a re-election, and had proposed to obviate this by accepting the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds, and then having himself re-elected for the City of London. But this would not meet all the objections, for it would still be considered unconstitutional that he should lead the business of the Government in the House of Commons without the responsibility of office. The Leader of the House of Commons was an irresponsible person, and Lord John's saying: "I shall represent you (Lord Aberdeen) in the House of Commons," would be equally unconstitutional. Lord John must therefore be prevailed upon to take the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, though he felt no inclination to become the successor of Mr Christopher. Lord Aberdeen read a Memorandum of Lord John's, containing his political views on the crisis and the principles of the new Government, of which he is to send the Queen a copy.

_For the Colonial Office._--Lord Aberdeen wavered between Sir J. Graham and Mr Gladstone; either could be this, or Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord John wished Sir James as Chancellor of the Exchequer. We argued the greater capabilities of Sir James for the Administration of the Colonies, and Mr Gladstone for the Finances.

_Chancellor of the Exchequer_--therefore, Mr Gladstone.
_Admiralty_--Mr Sidney Herbert.
_Board of Control_--Sir C. Wood.
_Board of Trade_--Lord Granville.
_Board of Works_--Sir F. Baring.

(Baring and Wood being the two men whom Lord John had insisted on having on the Treasury Bench sitting by his side.)

_Postmaster_--Lord Canning.
_Secretary-at-War_--Mr Cardwell.

These would form the Cabinet. Upon Ireland no decision had been come to, though Lord Granville was generally pointed out as the best Lord-Lieutenant.

Lord Aberdeen was very much pleased with the entire confidence existing between him and Lord John. The Budget would be a formidable difficulty, as in fact the Government would be an Income Tax Government.

Lord Derby's intemperate and unconstitutional behaviour would do no good to the Government; many of his friends were disgusted. Lord Clanwilliam had called his speech in the House of Lords "a great outrage." The Radicals might be conciliated in some of the lower Offices by the appointment of Mr Charles Villiers, Sir William Molesworth, and others.

[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH]

_The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _23rd December 1852._

Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen, and considers it right to inform your Majesty that Count Walewski again asked him yesterday where the Prince of Hohenlohe was now residing, adding that it was the intention of the Emperor to send a person to see him, and ascertain his feelings with respect to a marriage between him and the Princess Adelaide. Lord Malmesbury confined himself to replying that he did not know. Lord Malmesbury might perhaps in his private capacity endeavour to discourage these advances, but as long as he has the honour of being one of your Majesty's Ministers, it appears to him that your Majesty will be _personally_ the least committed by his interfering as little as possible in the matter.

The Emperor is becoming extremely irritable at the delay of the three great Powers in recognising the Empire, and he has said to M. Huebner that, as they had plenty of time to agree among themselves what course they should pursue when it was proclaimed, he cannot understand how Austria and Prussia can in the face of Europe humiliate themselves by waiting for the orders of Russia--"_les ordres de la Russie_."

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter. She thinks he is acting very judiciously in giving Count Walewski no advice whatever as long as he holds the Seals of Office.

[Pageheading: NEW APPOINTMENTS]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1852._

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's communication of this morning, and was pleased to hear that Lord John has finally accepted the Foreign Office. She has also received the second communication, with the List of the distribution of Offices. The Queen thinks it of such importance that the Cabinet should be now announced to the world as complete, that she is unwilling to throw any difficulties in the way. At the same time, she must observe that in some instances the changes are, in her opinion, not for the better. Sir J. Graham will be very unpopular in the Navy; his achievements at the Admiralty in former times[65] were all _retrenchments_, and have since proved in many instances injurious to the Service. The Secretary-at-War ought properly to be left out of the Cabinet for the well working of the Army;[66] the President of the Board of Trade has always been in the Cabinet, and in Lord Granville's case, even the Vice-President. Lord Granville will have a difficulty as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, being one of the chief lessees of the Duchy, and, the Queen believes, even engaged in a law-suit against it. The Queen has no objection to Sir William Molesworth[67] at the Office of Works. She hopes that the Presidency of the Council will be filled at once, for which Lord Clarendon would be best.

Amongst the Under-Secretaries of State, the Queen wishes merely to express her objection at seeing Mr B. Osborne[68] at the _Foreign_ Office. The Queen sees Lord Chandos's[69] name as Secretary to the Treasury; she would be very much pleased to see his services secured. All the other proposals she approves.

The Queen must repeat in conclusion that she considers the rapid completion of the Government of the first importance, even if none of the points the Queen has alluded to should be amended.

[Footnote 65: From 1830 to 1834.]

[Footnote 66: The Secretary-at-War was not a Secretary of
State.]