Chapter XX (3)

The Queen mentioned to Lord Palmerston when he was last here at Windsor Castle that she thought it would not be advisable that he should receive M. Kossuth upon his arrival in England, as being wholly unnecessary, and likely to be misconstrued abroad. Since M. Kossuth's arrival in this country, and his violent denunciations of two Sovereigns with whom we are at peace, the Queen thinks that she owes it as a mark of respect to her Allies, and generally to all States at peace with this country, not to allow that a person endeavouring to excite a political agitation in this country against her Allies should be received by her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether such a reception should take place at his official or private residence can make no difference as to the public nature of the act. The Queen must therefore demand that the reception of M. Kossuth by Lord Palmerston should not take place.

[Footnote 20: Draft sent to Lord John Russell.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _31st October 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Since writing to your Majesty this morning it has occurred to him that it will be best that your Majesty should not give any commands to Lord Palmerston on his sole advice.

With this view he has summoned the Cabinet for Monday, and he humbly proposes that your Majesty should await their advice.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st October 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She thinks it natural that Lord John should wish to bring a matter which may cause a rupture in the Government before the Cabinet, but thinks his having summoned the Cabinet only for Monday will leave Lord Palmerston at liberty in the intermediate time to have his reception of Kossuth, and then rest on his _fait accompli_. Unless, therefore, Lord John Russell can bind him over to good conduct, all the mischief which is apprehended from this step of his will result; and he will have, moreover, the triumph of having carried his point, and having set the Prime Minister at defiance....

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _1st November 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he is deeply sensible of your Majesty's kindness and indulgence. He feels that he is at times overwhelmed by the importance and variety of the questions of which the principal weight lies upon him.

He now lays before your Majesty a copy of the letter he has written to Lord Palmerston.[21] With a grateful sense of your Majesty's confidence, he is now of opinion that the Cabinet should decide, and that no part of the burden should be placed upon your Majesty.

He therefore returns the letter to Lord Palmerston.

He summoned the Cabinet for Monday, as so many members of it are at a distance. He does not think Lord Palmerston will come to town before Monday.

[Footnote 21: The letter is printed in Lord Palmerston's
_Life_. The Premier stated that the question, being one of
grave public importance, must be decided by argument, not
passion, and would be considered by the Cabinet on the
following Monday. _See_ Walpole's _Russell_, chap. xxii.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st November 1851._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of this day, and returns the copy of his to Lord Palmerston. She feels that she has the right and the duty to demand that one of her Ministers should not by his private acts, compromise her and the country, and therefore omitted in her letter to Lord Palmerston all reference to Lord John Russell's opinion; but she of course much prefers that she should be protected from the wilful indiscretions of Lord Palmerston by the attention of the Cabinet being drawn to his proceedings without her personal intervention.[22]

[Footnote 22: The Cabinet met, and having listened to the
statement of the Premier, which is printed in his _Life_,
unanimously supported him. Lord Palmerston accordingly gave
way for the time being. Lord John informed the Queen of the
result.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd November 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She is very glad to hear that this matter has been amicably arranged, and she trusts that Lord Palmerston will act according to his promises.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th November 1851._

The Queen sends this draft to Lord John Russell, as she thinks the tone in which it is written so very ironical, and not altogether becoming for a public despatch from the English Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to be given to the Minister of another State. The substance is quite right, and a dignified explanation of the absurdity of the conduct of the Parma officials would very likely produce its effect, but some expressions in this draft could only tend to irritate, and therefore prevent that readiness to comply with our demand, which is to be produced.[23]

[Footnote 23: Before ten days had elapsed, Lord Palmerston had
resumed his high-handed methods.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th November 1851._

The Queen must write to-day to Lord John Russell on a subject which causes her much anxiety. Her feelings have again been deeply wounded by the official conduct of her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs since the arrival of M. Kossuth in this country. The Queen feels the best interests of her people, the honour and dignity of her Crown, her public and personal obligations towards those Sovereigns with whom she _professes_ to be on terms of peace and amity, most unjustifiably exposed. The Queen has unfortunately very often had to call upon Lord John to check his colleague in the dangerous and unbecoming course which at various times he has so wilfully persevered in pursuing. But Lord John Russell, although agreeing on most of these occasions with the view taken by the Queen, has invariably met her remonstrances with the plea that to push his interference with Lord Palmerston beyond what he had done would lead to a rupture with him, and thus necessarily to a breaking up of the Cabinet. The Queen, considering a change of her Government under present political circumstances dangerous to the true interests of the nation, had only to choose between two evils, without possessing sufficient confidence in her own judgment to decide which in its political consequences would turn out the least. But if in such a contingency the Queen chooses rather not to insist upon what is due to her, she thinks it indispensable at the same time to express to her Cabinet that she does so on their account, leaving it to them to reconcile the injuries done to her with that sound policy and conduct which the maintenance of peace and the welfare of the country require. These remarks seem to be especially called for after the report of the official interview between Lord Palmerston and the deputation from Finsbury,[24] and the Queen requests Lord John Russell to bring them under the notice of the Cabinet.

[Footnote 24: After Kossuth's departure, addresses of thanks
to Lord Palmerston, for his courteous attentions to Kossuth,
were voted by ultra-Radical meetings in Finsbury and
Islington, and he allowed a deputation to present the
addresses to him at the Foreign Office, the Emperors of
Austria and Russia being stigmatised therein as "odious and
detestable assassins" and "merciless tyrants and despots."
Palmerston, who expressed himself as "extremely flattered and
highly gratified" by the references to himself, did not in
terms reprehend the language used of the two Sovereigns, and
added, in a phrase immortalised by Leech's cartoon, that
"a good deal of judicious bottle-holding was obliged to be
brought into play."]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st November 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the honour of receiving last night your Majesty's communication respecting Lord Palmerston.

Lord John Russell presumes that it is the substance of this communication which your Majesty wishes to be laid before the Cabinet.

But before doing so he cannot refrain from mentioning some circumstances which appear to him to weigh materially in the consideration of Lord Palmerston's conduct.

In many instances Lord Palmerston has yielded to the remonstrances of Lord John Russell, supported as they have been by your Majesty.

He did so on the question of furnishing guns to the Sicilians.

He did so in respect to the letter to Baron Koller on the affair of Count Haynau.

He gave way likewise in this last instance, when, after assuring Lord Dudley Stuart that he would see Kossuth whenever he chose to call upon him, he consented to intimate privately to Lord Dudley that he requested him not to call.

This last concession must have been mortifying to Lord Palmerston, and he has consoled himself in a manner not very dignified by giving importance to the inflated addresses from some meetings in the suburbs of London.

But it appears to Lord John Russell that every Minister must have a certain latitude allowed him which he may use, perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice.

Lord John Russell must, however, call your Majesty's attention to an article in the _Morning Post_, which denies the accuracy of the report of Lord Palmerston's answer to what is there called "the froth and folly of an address to Downing Street."

Lord John Russell, in admitting that he has more than once represented to your Majesty that the expulsion of Lord Palmerston would break up the Government, begs to explain that he has always done so upon one of two grounds:

First, if Lord Palmerston should be called upon by your Majesty to resign on account of a line of Foreign Policy of which his colleagues had approved, and for which they were, with him, responsible.

Second, in case no difference of opinion had arisen, and the transaction should bear the character of an intrigue, to get rid of an inconvenient colleague.

It must be remembered that Lord Palmerston was recommended to the late King by Lord Grey as Foreign Secretary, and remained in that Office from 1830 to 1834; that he was afterwards replaced in the same Office by Lord Melbourne, and remained from 1835 to 1841.

He has thus represented the Foreign Policy of the Whig Party fifteen years, and has been approved not only by them but by a large portion of the country. In the advice which Lord John Russell has humbly tendered to your Majesty, he has always had in view the importance of maintaining the popular confidence which your Majesty's name everywhere inspires. Somewhat of the good opinion of the Emperor of Russia and other foreign Sovereigns may be lost, but the good will and affection of the people of England are retained, a great security in these times.

Lord John Russell has made out a note of his address to the Cabinet for your Majesty's information. He prays to have it returned.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and returns the note on his former communication to the Cabinet. If Lord John felt on the 3rd of November that "above all, it behoves us to be particularly cautious and not to afford just ground of complaint to any Party, and that we cannot be too vigilant or weigh our proceedings too scrupulously"--the Queen cannot suppose that Lord John considers the official reception by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of addresses, in which allied Sovereigns are called Despots and Assassins, as within that "latitude" which he claims for every minister, "which he may use perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice."

The Queen leaves it to Lord John Russell whether he will lay her letter, or only the substance of it, before the Cabinet;[25] but she hopes that they will make that careful enquiry into the justice of her complaint which she was sorry to miss altogether in Lord John Russell's answer. It is no question with the Queen whether she pleases the Emperor of Austria or not, but whether she gives him a just ground of complaint or not. And if she does so, she can never believe that this will add to her popularity with her own people. Lord John's letter must accordingly have disappointed her as containing a mere attempt at a defence of Lord Palmerston. Lord John sees one cause of excuse in Lord Palmerston's natural desire to console himself for the mortification of having had to decline seeing M. Kossuth; the Queen has _every reason to believe_ that he has seen him after all.

[Footnote 25: On the 4th of December the matter came before
the Cabinet. No formal resolution was adopted, but regret was
expressed at Palmerston's want of caution in not ascertaining
in advance the tenor of the addresses, and in admitting
unreliable reporters.]

[Pageheading: DEATH OF KING OF HANOVER]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter with the Memorandum relative to the mourning of her Uncle, the late King of Hanover,[26] and she has to say in reply that she thinks the mourning ought not to be for a Foreign Sovereign but for a Prince of the Blood Royal, which was the nearest relation in which he stood to the Throne.

[Footnote 26: King Ernest died on the 18th of November, aged
eighty, and was succeeded by his son, King George V., who
reigned till 1866, and died in 1878.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of Hanover._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._

MY DEAR GEORGE,--Your kind letter of the 18th, announcing to me the melancholy news of the death of your Father, was given to me yesterday by Mr Somerset, and I hasten to express to you in both our names our sincere and heartfelt condolence, and beg you to do so in our names to our dear Cousin Mary.[27]

It must be a consolation to you that the end of the King was peaceful and so free from pain and suffering. Most truly do I enter into your feelings as to the responsible position into which you are now placed, and my best wishes for your welfare and happiness as well as that of Hanover will ever accompany you. I am happy to hear from Mr Somerset that you were well, as well as your dear Mary and dear children.

Albert desires me to say everything kind from him to you as well as to our cousins, and with every possible good wish for your health and prosperity, believe me always, my dear George, your very affectionate Cousin,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 27: Princess Mary of Saxe-Altenburg (1818-1907),
wife of King George V. of Hanover.]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _22nd November 1851._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty and has taken the proper steps according to your Majesty's commands, about the mourning for the late King of Hanover; and he would wish to know whether it is your Majesty's desire that he should have letters prepared for your Majesty's signature, announcing to Foreign Sovereigns the decease of the late King.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _22nd November 1851._

The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter.

The Queen does not think it necessary for her to announce the King of Hanover's death to other Sovereigns, as there is a head of that branch of her Family who would have to do so. She declared the present King's marriage in Council, but she does not think that she announced it. This Lord Palmerston would perhaps be able to ascertain at the Office.

[Pageheading: THE REFORM QUESTION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _3rd December 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of the 30th ult., and has carefully considered his Memorandum on the report of the Committee of the Cabinet; she now returns Sir Charles Wood's Memorandum.

Considering the question of Reform under its two bearings--on the Franchise and on the Suffrage--the Queen thinks the proposal of merely adding neighbouring towns to the small boroughs an improvement on the original plan, which contemplated the taking away of members from some boroughs, and giving them to others. Thus the animosity may be hoped to be avoided which an attack upon vested interests could not have failed to have produced. Much will depend, however, upon the completeness, fairness, and impartiality with which the selection of the towns will be made which are to be admitted into the electoral district of others. Sir Charles Wood's Memorandum being only a sketch, the Queen hopes to see a more complete list, stating the principle also upon which the selection is made.

With regard to the Suffrage, the proposals of the Committee appear to the Queen to be framed with a due regard to the importance of not giving an undue proportion of weight to the Democracy. In the Queen's opinion, the chief question to consider will be whether the strengthening of the Democratic principle will upset the balance of Constitution, and further weaken the Executive, which is by no means too strong at present. The Queen is well aware of the difficulty of forming a correct estimate beforehand of the moral effect which such extensive changes may produce, but thinks that they cannot even be guessed at before the numerical results are accurately ascertained; she hopes therefore that the statistics will be soon in a state to be laid before her.

The Queen regrets that the idea of reviving the Guilds had to be abandoned, but can quite understand the difficulty which would have been added to the measure by its being clogged with such an additional innovation.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _2nd December 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the 28th. I am truly grieved to hear that you have got so bad a cold; nothing is more trying and annoying than those heavy colds, which render _all_ occupation irksome and trying in the highest degree. I hope that it will soon be past.

It is a great pity that you do not venture to come to us, as I am sure you might do it easily. I do not think that there will be any outburst yet awhile in France....

I am rather unhappy about dear Uncle Mensdorff, who, I hear, has arrived at Vienna with gout in his head. I hope, however, soon to hear of his being much better....

[Pageheading: THE COUP D'ETAT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _4th December 1851._

DEAREST UNCLE,--I must write a line to ask what you say to the _wonderful_ proceedings at Paris, which really seem like a _story_ in a book or a play! What is to be the result of it all?[28]

I feel ashamed to have written _so positively_ a few hours before that nothing would happen.

We are anxiously waiting for to-day's news--though I should hope that the Troops were to be depended upon, and _order_ for the present would prevail. I hope that none of the Orleans Family will move a limb or say a word, but remain perfectly passive.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 28: On the 2nd of December, Louis Napoleon seized
the Government of France, arrested his chief opponents, put
an end to the National Assembly and Council of State, and
declared Paris in a state of siege.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _4th December 1851._

The Queen has learnt with surprise and concern the events which have taken place at Paris.[29] She thinks it is of great importance that Lord Normanby should be instructed to remain entirely passive, and to take no part whatever in what is passing. Any word from him might be misconstrued at such a moment.

[Footnote 29: On the 3rd the tidings of the _coup d'etat_
reached London. Count Walewski announced it to Lord
Palmerston, who expressed his approval of it, and wrote to
Lord Normanby the letter printed in his _Life_, disavowing
surprise that the President had struck the blow when he did,
"for it is now well known here that the Duchess of Orleans was
preparing to be called to Paris this week with her younger son
to commence a new period of Orleans dynasty."]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _4th December 1851._ (6 P.M.)

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Your Majesty's directions respecting the state of affairs in Paris shall be followed. Lord Normanby[30] has asked whether he should suspend his diplomatic functions; but the Cabinet were unanimously of opinion that he should not do so.

The result is very uncertain; at present the power is likely to rest in the Army, to whose memory of victories and defeats the President has so strongly appealed.

[Footnote 30: Lord Normanby, having applied for instructions
as to his future conduct, was desired to make no change in his
relations with the French Government, and to abstain from even
the appearance of interference in her internal affairs. Having
made a communication to this effect to M. Turgot, the latter
replied that M. Walewski had notified to him that Lord
Palmerston had already expressed to him his "entire
approbation of the act of the President," and his "conviction
that he could not have acted otherwise."]

[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _5th December 1851._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my best thanks for your dear gracious letter of the 2nd, the date of the battle of Austerlitz, and the _coup d'etat_ at Paris. What do you say to it?

As yet one cannot form an opinion, but I am inclined to think that Louis Bonaparte will succeed. The country is tired and wish quiet, and if they get it by this _coup d'etat_ they will have no objection, and let _le Gouvernement Parlementaire et Constitutionnel_ go to sleep for a while.

I suspect that the great Continental powers will see a military Government at Paris with pleasure; they go rather far in their hatred of everything Parliamentary. The President takes a little of Napoleon already. I understand that he expressed himself displeased, as if I had too much supported the Orleans Family. I render perfect justice to the President, that hitherto he has not plagued us; but we have also abstained from all interference. I think that Helene has been imprudent; besides, it is difficult for the poor Family to avoid to speak on these subjects or to express themselves with mildness.

If something like an Empire establishes itself, perhaps we shall for a time have much to suffer, as the _gloire francaise_ invariably looks to the old frontiers. My hope is that they will necessarily have much to do at home, for a time, as parties will run high.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _6th December 1851._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday. She is glad to hear that the Cabinet occupy themselves assiduously with the Reform Question, but hopes that they will not come to a final decision without having first ascertained how the proposed plan will operate when practically applied to the present state of the Franchise and Suffrage. The Queen is very anxious to arrive at a definite opinion on this subject herself.

The Queen sees from the Manchester Speeches that the _Ballot_ is to be made the stalking-horse of the Radicals.

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S LETTERS]

_The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._

PARIS, _7th December 1851._

MY DEAR CHARLES,--I have an opportunity of writing to you _not_ through the Foreign Office, which I shall take advantage of, as at present the Post is not to be trusted, and I am afraid I do not think the Office is either.

Palmerston has taken lately to writing in the most extraordinary manner to Normanby.[31] I think he wants to fix a quarrel with him, which you may be sure Normanby will avoid at present, as it would have the worst possible effect; but I do not understand it at all, and I wish you could in any way explain what it means. Palmerston seems very angry because Normanby does not unqualifyingly approve of this step here, and the results; the whole thing is so completely a _coup d'etat_, and all the proceedings are so contrary to and devoid of law and justice and security, that even the most violent Tory would be staggered by them. (For instance, to-day _all_ the English papers, even Normanby's, are stopped and prohibited; they will of course allow Normanby's to come, but it is to be under an envelope), and yet Palmerston, who quarrels with all Europe about a political adventurer like Kossuth, because he was defending the liberties and constitution of his country, now tries to quarrel with Normanby, and really writes in the most impertinent manner, because Normanby's despatches are not sufficiently in praise of Louis Napoleon and his _coup d'etat_. There must be some _dessous des cartes_ that we are not aware of. Normanby has always said, having been undertaken, the only thing now is to hope and pray it may be successful; but that is another thing to approving the way it was begun, or the way it has been carried out. The bloodshed has been dreadful and indiscriminate, no quarter was shown, and when an insurgent took refuge in a house, the soldiers killed every one in the house, whether engaged in the _emeute_ or not.... It is very doubtful whether Normanby will be able to go on with [Palmerston] if this sort of thing continues, for he talks of "I hear this" and "I am told that," with reference to Normanby's conduct here, which no man in his position can stand, as, if Palmerston takes the _on-dits_ of others, and not Normanby's own accounts, there is an end of confidence; but I must say his last letter appears to me a sort of exuberance of anger, which spends itself on many subjects rather than the one which first caused it, and therefore I suspect he has received some rap on the knuckles at home, which he resents here, or on the first person who is not of the same opinion as himself; but it is a curious anomaly that he should quarrel with Normanby in support of arbitrary and absolute Government. All is quiet here now, and will, I hope, continue so till the Elections, when I suppose we may have some more _emeutes_....

They have been told at the Clubs that they may meet, but they are not to talk politics. In short, I do not suppose that despotism ever reached such a pitch.... You may suppose what the French feel; it serves them all quite right, but that does not prevent one's feeling indignant at it. And this is what Palmerston is now supporting without restriction. We are entirely without any other news from England from any one. Would you not send me or Normanby a letter through Rothschild? I am rather anxious to know whether this is a general feeling in England; it could not be, if they know all that had happened here. Mind, I can quite understand the policy of keeping well with Louis Napoleon, and Normanby is so, and has never expressed to any one a hostile opinion except in his despatches and private letters to Palmerston.... I shall send this by a private hand, not to run the risk of its being read. Ever yours affectionately,

M. NORMANBY.

[Footnote 31: On the 6th, Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord
Normanby the strange letter printed by Mr Evelyn Ashley in the
_Life_, censuring Lord Normanby's supposed hostility to
the French President; Lord Normanby in reply defended his
attitude, and asked for an explicit statement as to the
Foreign Secretary's approval or otherwise of the conduct and
policy of the President.]

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _9th December 1851._

DEAREST UNCLE,--Your kind letter of the 5th reached me on Sunday morning. Much blood has been shed since you wrote....

What you say about arbitrary and military Government in France is very true, and I daresay will do for a time; but I do not know _how_ Louis Napoleon is to proceed, or how he will get over the anger and enmity of those he imprisoned. Still, I see that the Legitimists have all given in their adhesion. Every one in France and elsewhere _must wish_ order, and many therefore rally round the President.

A most extraordinary report was mentioned to me yesterday, which, however, I never could believe, and which is besides _physically impossible_, from the illness of the one and the absence of the other, viz. that Joinville and Aumale had gone or were going to Lille to put themselves at the head of the troops,[32] which would be a terrible and a very unwise thing. It would be very awkward for _you_ too.

I must now conclude, hoping soon to hear from you. You should urge the poor Orleans family to be very prudent in what they say about passing events, as I believe Louis Napoleon is very _sore_ on the subject, and matters might get still worse. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 32: Mr Borthwick, of the _Morning Post_, had so
stated to Lord Palmerston on the authority of General de
Rumigny; seven years later Palmerston wrote the Memorandum on
the subject printed in his _Life_.]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON AND NORMANBY]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S INSTRUCTIONS]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S APPROVAL]

_The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._[33]

PARIS, _9th December 1851._

MY DEAREST CHARLES,--I had written a long letter to the Queen, and upon second thoughts I have burnt it, because events have now become so serious between Normanby and Palmerston that I do not think that I should be the person to inform Her Majesty of it, in case anything was to be said upon the subject in Parliament. And yet as the affront has been given in Palmerston's private letters, I feel sure she does not know it. You have all probably seen Normanby's public despatches, in which, though as an Englishman he deprecates and deplores the means employed and the pledges broken--in short, the unconstitutional illegality of the whole _coup d'etat_--yet he always says, seeing now no other refuge from Rouge ascendency, he hopes it may succeed. One would have supposed, from the whole tenor of his policy, from his Radical tendencies, and all that he has been doing lately, that Palmerston would have been the last person to approve of this _coup d'etat_. Not a bit! He turns upon Normanby in the most flippant manner; almost accuses him of a concealed knowledge of an Orleanist plot--never whispered here, nor I believe, even imagined by the Government of Paris, who would have been too glad to seize upon it as an excuse; says he compromises the relations of the country by his evident disapproval of Louis Napoleon--in short, it is a letter that Morny might have written, and that it is quite impossible for Normanby to bear. The curious thing is that it is a letter or rather letters that would completely ruin Palmerston with _his_ Party. He treats all the acts of the wholesale cruelties of the troops as a joke--in short, it is the letter of a man half mad, I think, for to quarrel with Normanby on this subject is cutting his own throat.... He has written also to Lord John. Louis Napoleon knows perfectly well that Normanby cannot approve the means he has taken; he talks to him confidentially, and treats him as an honest, upright man, and he never showed him more attention, or friendship even than last night when we were at the Elysee, though Normanby said not one word in approval....

There is another question upon which Normanby has a right to complain, which is, that two days before Palmerston sent his instructions here, he expressed to Walewski his complete approval of the step taken by Louis Napoleon, which was transmitted by Walewski in a despatch to Turgot, and read by him to many members of the Corps Diplomatique a day before Normanby heard a word from Palmerston. You will perhaps think that there is not enough in all this to authorise the grave step Normanby has taken, but the whole tone of his letters shows such a want of confidence, is so impertinent--talk of "we hear this," and "we are told that,"--bringing a sort of anonymous gossip against a man of Normanby's character and standing, that respect for himself obliges Normanby to take it up seriously.... In the meantime our Press in England is, as usual, _too_ violent against Louis Napoleon. _We_ have no friends or true allies left, thanks to the policy of Lord Palmerston; as soon as the peace of the country is restored the Army _must_ be employed; it is the course of a Military Government; as much as an absolute Government is destroyed by the people, and the democracy again, when fallen into anarchy, is followed by Military Government. Louis Napoleon must maintain his position by acts: they will find out that Belgium should belong to France, or Alsace, or Antwerp, or something or other that England will not be able to allow, and then how are we prepared for the consequences?...

The more I think of Palmerston's letters, the less I can understand them; every sentence is in direct contradiction to his acts and words. He ridicules the idea of the Constitution; turns to scorn the idea of anything being due to the Members of the Assembly; laughs and jokes at the Club being fired into, though the English people in it were within an ace of being murdered by the soldiers; says that Normanby is pathetic over a broken looking-glass,[34] forgetting that the same bullet grazed the hand of an Englishman, "_a Roman citizen!_" who was between the window and the glass--in short, as I said before, he is quite incomprehensible, except, as I cannot help thinking, he read the private letter Normanby wrote to the Duke of Bedford upon the Kossuth business, wishing to take his advice a little upon a grave question, but which did not actually interfere with his position here. This would account for his extreme irritation....

All at present is quiet in Paris. There are Socialist risings in many parts of the country, but all these will do the President good, and strengthen his hands, for even the people who have been treated with indignity will pardon him if their chateaux are saved from an infuriated and brutal peasantry. The President told Normanby last night that the accounts of the cruelties and attacks in parts of the country were very serious, but he hoped they would soon be put down....

M. NORMANBY.[35]

[Footnote 33: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.]

[Footnote 34: The tone of Lord Palmerston's private letters
to Lord Normanby at this time is best illustrated by the
following extract:--

"Your despatches since the event of Tuesday have been all
hostile to Louis Napoleon, with very little information as to
events. One of them consisted of a dissertation about
Kossuth, which would have made a good article in the _Times_
a fortnight ago: and another dwells chiefly on a looking-glass
broken in a Club-house; and you are pathetic about a piece
of broken plaster brought down from a ceiling by musket-shots
during the street fights. Now we know that the Diplomatic
Agents of Austria and Russia called on the President
immediately after his measure on Tuesday morning, and
have been profuse in their expressions of approval of his
conduct."]

[Footnote 35: Lady Normanby wrote later:--

"I told you yesterday the President had no faith in him
(Palmerston). The Treaty signed with Buenos Ayres, the Greek
business, and the reception of Kossuth had long destroyed his
confidence in Palmerston, and I believe he hates him and sees
through his present adulations...."]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _13th December 1851._

The Queen sends the enclosed despatch from Lord Normanby to Lord John Russell, from which it appears that the French Government _pretend to have received_ the entire approval of the late _coup d'etat_ by the British Government, as conveyed by Lord Palmerston to Count Walewski. The Queen cannot believe in the truth of the assertion, as such an approval given by Lord Palmerston would have been in complete _contradiction_ to the line of strict neutrality and passiveness which the Queen had expressed her desire to see followed with regard to the late convulsion at Paris, and which was approved by the Cabinet, as stated in Lord John Russell's letter of the 6th inst. Does Lord John know anything about the alleged approval, which, if true, would _again_ expose the honesty and dignity of the Queen's Government in the eyes of the world?[36]

[Footnote 36: On the 15th, Lord Normanby wrote to Lord
Palmerston that he must now assume M. Walewski's report to be
correct, and observed that if the Foreign Secretary held one
language in Downing Street and prescribed another course
to the British Ambassador, the latter must be awkwardly
circumstanced. Lord Palmerston (in a letter not shown to
the Queen or the Cabinet) replied that he had said nothing
inconsistent with his instructions to Lord Normanby, that the
President's action was for the French nation to judge of,
but that in his view that action made for the maintenance of
social order in France.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _13th December 1851._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--These lines are to express my _very warmest_ wishes for _many, many happy_ returns of your dear birthday, and for _every_ earthly blessing you _can_ desire. How I wish you could spend it _here_, or we with you! I venture to send you some trifles which will recall the Exhibition in which you took so much interest. The continuation of the work I send you, I shall forward as it comes out.

As I wrote so lately, and shall do so on Tuesday, I will not touch on politics--with one exception--that I think it of high importance that the Orleans should clear themselves of _all_ suspicion of a _plot_, which _some people_, I am sure, wish to make it _appear_ they _are_ involved in; and that public contradiction should be given to the foolish report, _much_ credited _here_, that Joinville has gone to Lille, or to some part of France, to head the Troops. Ever your devoted Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.

How you will _again_ miss your departed Angel!

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _18th December 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received from Lord Palmerston yesterday an explanation of his declaration of opinion to Mr Walewski, which Lord John Russell regrets to state was quite unsatisfactory.

He thought himself compelled to write to Lord Palmerston in the most decisive terms.

Lord Palmerston requested that his letter might be returned to be copied.

The whole correspondence shall be submitted to your Majesty.

Your Majesty will find in the box a despatch of Lord Normanby of the 15th, and an answer of Lord Palmerston of the 16th,[37] which has been sent without your Majesty's sanction, or the knowledge of Lord John Russell.

[Footnote 37: The letters are given in full in Ashley's
_Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. i. chap. vii., were Lord
Palmerston's explanation of the 16th, in answer to the
Premier's letter of the 14th, will also be found.]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _19th December 1851._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Receive my warmest and best thanks for your truly kind and gracious recollection of my old birthday, and your amiable presents.

Our angelic Louise had quite _un culte_ for that day, and two have already passed since the best and noblest of hearts beats no longer amongst us. When one sees the haste and ardour of earthly pursuits, and how all this is often disposed of, and when one sees that even the greatest success always ends with the grave, one is tempted to wonder that the human race should follow so restlessly bubbles often disappearing just when reached, and always being a source of never-ending anxiety. France gives, these sixty years, the proof of the truth of what I say, always believing itself at the highest point of perfection and changing it a few weeks afterwards.

A military Government in France, if it really gets established, must become dangerous for Europe. I hope that at least at its beginning it will have enough to do in France, and that we may get time to prepare. England will do well not to fall asleep, but to keep up its old energy and courage.... Your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: DISMISSAL OF LORD PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _19th December 1851._

The Queen has received several communications from Lord John Russell, but has not answered them, as she expected daily to hear of Lord Palmerston's answer. As Lord John Russell in his letter of yesterday's date promises to send her his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, she refrains from expressing a decided opinion until she has had an opportunity of perusing it; but Lord John will readily conceive what must be her feelings in seeing matters go from bad to worse with respect to Lord Palmerston's conduct!

[Pageheading: LORD GRANVILLE]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _19th December 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to submit to your Majesty a correspondence with Viscount Palmerston, which terminates with a letter of this day's date.

Lord John Russell has now to advise your Majesty that Lord Palmerston should be informed that your Majesty is ready to accept the Seals of Office, and to place them in other hands.

Lord John Russell has summoned a Cabinet for Monday.

They may be of opinion that they cannot continue a Government.

But that is not Lord John Russell's opinion; and should they agree with him, he will proceed without delay to recommend a successor to your Majesty.

The Earl Granville appears to him the person best calculated for that post, but the Cabinet may be of opinion that more experience is required.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1851._

The Queen found on her arrival here Lord John Russell's letter, enclosing his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which she has perused with that care and attention which the importance and gravity of the subject of it demanded. The Queen has now to express to Lord John Russell her readiness to follow his advice, and her acceptance of the resignation of Lord Palmerston. She will be prepared to see Lord John after the Cabinet on Monday, as he proposes.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1851._

With respect to a successor to Lord Palmerston, the Queen must state, that after the sad experience which she has just had of the difficulties, annoyances, and dangers to which the Sovereign may be exposed by the personal character and qualities of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, she must reserve to herself the unfettered right to approve or disapprove the choice of a Minister for this Office.

Lord Granville, whom Lord John Russell designates as the person best calculated for that post, would meet with her entire approval. The possible opinion of the Cabinet that more experience was required does not weigh much with the Queen. From her knowledge of Lord Granville's character, she is inclined to see no such disadvantage in the circumstance that he has not yet had practice in managing Foreign Affairs, as he will be the more ready to lean upon the advice and judgment of the Prime Minister where he may have diffidence in his own, and thereby will add strength to the Cabinet by maintaining unity in thought and action. The Queen hopes Lord John Russell will not omit to let her have copies of his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, as he has promised her.[38]

[Footnote 38: On the same day the Prince wrote to the Premier
that the Queen was much relieved. She had contemplated
dismissing Lord Palmerston herself, but naturally shrank from
using the power of the Crown, as her action would have been
criticised without the possibility of making a public defence;
in his view the Cabinet was rather strengthened than otherwise
by Palmerston's departure, and public sympathy would not be
with him. The rest of the letter is published in _The Life of
the Prince Consort_.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st December 1851._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of to-day. She is not the least afraid of Lord Granville's not possessing sufficient public confidence for him to undertake the Foreign Affairs. He is very popular with the House of Lords, with the Free Traders, and the Peace party, and all that the Continent knows of him is in his favour; he had great success at Paris last summer, and his never having had an opportunity of damaging his character by having been mixed up in diplomatic intrigues is an immense advantage to him in obtaining the confidence of those with whom he is to negotiate.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have the greatest pleasure in announcing to you a piece of news which I know will give you as much satisfaction and relief as it does to us, and will do to the _whole_ of the world. _Lord Palmerston_ is _no longer Foreign Secretary_--and Lord Granville is already named his successor!! He had become of late really quite reckless, and in spite of the serious admonition and caution he received only on the 29th of November, and again at the beginning of December, he _tells_ Walewski that _he entirely_ approves Louis Napoleon's _coup d'etat_, when he had written to Lord Normanby by my and the Cabinet's desire that he (Lord Normanby) was to continue his diplomatic intercourse with the French Government, but to _remain_ perfectly passive and give _no_ opinion. Walewski wrote Palmerston's opinion (entirely contrary to what the Government had ordered) to M. Turgot, and when Normanby came with his instructions, Turgot told him what Palmerston had said. Upon this Lord John asked Palmerston to give an explanation--which, after the delay of a week, he answered in such an unsatisfactory way that Lord John wrote to him that _he could no longer remain Foreign Secretary_, for that perpetual misunderstanding and breaches of decorum were taking place which endangered the country. Lord Palmerston answered instantly that he would give up the Seals the moment his successor was named! Certain as we all felt that he could not have continued long in his place, we were quite taken by surprise when we learnt of the _denouement_.... Lord Granville will, I think, do extremely well, and his extreme honesty and trustworthiness will make him _invaluable_ to us, and to the Government and to Europe.

I send some prints, etc., for the children for Christmas. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: MEETING OF THE CABINET]

[Pageheading: LORD CLARENDON]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1851._

Lord John Russell arrived here at six o'clock yesterday evening immediately from the Cabinet, and reported that the Cabinet had, without a dissenting voice, condemned Lord Palmerston's conduct, and approved of the steps taken by Lord John Russell, which was a great relief to him. Lord Lansdowne, to whom he had first written on the subject, had frightened him by answering that it was not possible to avoid the rupture with Lord Palmerston, but that he thought the Government would after this not be able to go on. When, however, this question was discussed in Cabinet, and Lord John had stated that he thought the Office could be well filled, they all agreed in the propriety of going on. The Members of the Cabinet were so unable to understand Lord Palmerston's motives for his conduct during these last months, that Mr. Fox Maule started an idea which once occurred to Lord John himself (as he said), viz. that he must have had the design to bring on a rupture! Lord Minto, who was absent from the Cabinet, expressed himself in a letter to Lord John very strongly about Lord Palmerston's _reckless conduct_, which would yet undo the country.

Lord John, after having received the concurrence of the Cabinet on the question of Lord Palmerston's dismissal, stated that Lord Granville was the person whom he would like best to see fill his office, and he knew this to be the feeling of the Queen also. The Cabinet quite agreed in Lord Granville's fitness, but Sir George Grey stated it as his opinion that it ought first to be offered to Lord Clarendon, who has always been pointed out by the public as the proper person to succeed Lord Palmerston, and that, if he were passed over, the whole matter would have the appearance of a Cabinet intrigue in favour of one colleague against another. The whole of the Cabinet sided with this opinion, and Lord John Russell now proposed to the Queen that an offer should in the first instance be made to Lord Clarendon.

The Queen protested against the Cabinet's taking upon itself the appointment of its own Members, which rested entirely with the Prime Minister and the Sovereign, under whose approval the former constructed his Government.... Lord John replied that he thought Lord Clarendon would not accept the offer, and therefore there would be little danger in satisfying the desires of the Cabinet. He had written to Lord Clarendon a cautioning letter from Woburn, apprising him of some serious crisis, of which he would soon hear, and speaking of his former wish to exchange the Lord-Lieutenancy for some other Office. Lord Clarendon at once perceived the drift of the hint, and wrote to the Duke of Bedford what he said he did not wish to write to his brother John, that, if it was that Palmerston was going, and _he_ were thought of as a successor, nothing would be so disagreeable to him, as the whole change would be put down as an intrigue of his, whom Lord Palmerston had always accused of wishing to supplant him; that if, however, the service of the country required it, he had the courage to face all personal obloquy....

Lord John owned that Sir George Grey's chief desire was to see Lord Clarendon removed from Ireland, having been there so long; the Cabinet would wish to see the Duke of Newcastle join the Government as Lord-Lieutenant, which he might be induced to do. The Queen having mentioned Lord Clarendon as most fit to succeed Lord Lansdowne one day as President of the Council and leader in the House of Lords, Lord John said that Lord Clarendon had particularly begged not to have the position offered him, for which he did not feel fit. Lord John would like him as Ambassador at Paris, and thought Lord Clarendon would like this himself; but it was difficult to know what to do with Lord Normanby.

In the course of the conversation, Lord John congratulated the Queen upon the change having been accomplished without her personal intervention, which might have exposed her to the animosity of Lord Palmerston's admirers, whilst she would have been precluded from making any public defence. I reminded Lord John that, as such was the disadvantage of the regal position, it behoved the Queen doubly to watch, lest she be put into the same dilemma with a new Minister, whose conduct she could not approve of. Lord Clarendon's appointment would be doubly galling to Lord Palmerston, whom Lord John might not wish to irritate further, a consideration which Lord John said he had also pressed upon the Cabinet. Upon a remark from Lord John as to Lord Granville's youth, the Queen replied: "Lord Canning, whom Lord Stanley had intended to make his Foreign Secretary, was not older...."

The conference ended by Lord John's promise to write to Lord Clarendon as the Queen had desired ... but that he did not wish to make the offer to Lord Granville till he had Lord Clarendon's answer. Lord Granville had been told not to attend the last Cabinet; Lord Palmerston had naturally stayed away.

I went up to Town at half-past seven to the Westminster Play, and took Lord John in my train to Richmond. We had some further conversation in the carriage, in which I asked Lord John whether it was true that Lord Palmerston had got us likewise into a quarrel with America by our ships firing at Panama upon an American merchantman; he said neither he nor Sir Francis Baring had received any news, but Sir Francis had been quite relieved by Lord Palmerston's quitting, as he could not be sure a moment that his Fleets were not brought into some scrape!