Chapter XVII (2)

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I profit by the departure of Andrews to write to you a few lines, and to wish you joy of the continued satisfactory behaviour of my friends, the good Belgians; fervently do I hope and really trust all will go on well; but what an extraordinary state of things everywhere! _"Je ne sais plus ou je suis,"_ and I fancy really that we have gone back into the _old_ century. But I also feel one must not be nervous or alarmed at these moments, but be of good cheer, and muster up courage to meet all the difficulties.

Our little riots are mere nothing, and the feeling here is good.... _What_ is _your_ opinion as to the late events at Paris? Do you not think the King ought to have retired to Vincenness or somewhere else a day or two before, and put himself at the head of the army? Ought not Montpensier at least to have gone to Vincennes? I know Clem even thinks this--as also that _one_ ought to have foreseen, and ought to have managed things better. Certainly at the _very last_, if they had not gone, they would all have been massacred; and _I_ think they were quite right, and in short could not avoid going as quickly as they could; but there is an impression they _fled_ too quickly. Still the recollection of Louis XVI.... is enough to justify all, and everybody will admit that; but the Princes, they think, ought to have remained. _What_ do _you_ think of all this? I think the blunders were _all_ on the last three or four days--and on the last day, but were no longer to be avoided at last; there seemed a _fatality_, and _all_ was lost. Poor Nemours did his best till he could _no longer_ get to the troops. People here also abuse him for letting Victoire go alone--but he _remained_ to do his _duty_; a little more _empressement_ on her arrival here I would have wished. Albert told you all about the Montpensiers' journey. It would do the King irreparable mischief if they went now to Spain; the feeling of anger would all return. Poor people! they are all in a sad state of _want_ at present.

I must conclude. Hoping to hear from you, and to have your opinion.

Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S SYMPATHY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th March 1848._

The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering Lord Melbourne hers and the Prince's best wishes for many happy returns of it in health and strength.

Lord Melbourne will agree with the Queen that the last three weeks have brought back the times of the last century, and we are in the midst of troubles abroad. The Revolution in France is a sad and alarming thing.... The poor King and his Government made many mistakes within the last two years, and were obstinate and totally blind at the last till flight was inevitable. But for _sixteen_ years he did a great deal to maintain peace, and made France prosperous, which should _not_ be forgotten.... Lord Melbourne's kind heart will grieve to think of the _real want_ the poor King and Queen are in, their dinner-table containing barely enough to eat. And the poor Nemours hardly know which way to turn. If the private property be not restored God only knows what is to become of these distinguished young Princes and their little children. What will be their _avenir_? It breaks one's heart to think of it, and the Queen, being so nearly related to them and knowing them all, feels it very much. Surely the poor old King is sufficiently punished for his faults. Lord Beauvale will surely be shocked at the complete ruin of the family. Has he seen or heard from his old friend Madame de Montjoye, who is here with the Queen of the French? The poor dear Queen of the Belgians is quite broken-hearted, but, thank God, Belgium goes on admirably. In Germany also there are everywhere disturbances, but the good Germans are at bottom very loyal....

The state of Paris is very gloomy; the rabble armed--keeping the Government in awe--failures in all directions, and nothing but ruin and misery. This is too gloomy a letter for a birthday, and the Queen must apologise for it. The Prince wishes to be kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.

[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S VIEW]

_The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria._

22 Mars
ST. PETERSBURG, _le ------- 1848._
3 Avril

MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Veuillez me permettre, Madame, d'offrir a votre Majeste mes sinceres felicitations de son heureuse delivrance.[10] Puisse le bon Dieu conserver votre Majeste et toute son auguste famille, c'est mon v[oe]u de tous les jours. Plus que jamais, Madame, au milieu des desastres qui renversent l'ordre social, l'on eprouve le besoin de relier les liens d'amitie que l'on a ete heureux de former dans de meilleurs temps; ceux-la au moins nous restent, car ils sont hors de la portee des hommes, et je suis fier et heureux de ce que votre noble c[oe]ur me comprendra. En jettant les yeux sur ce qui se passe, peut-etre votre Majeste accordera-t-elle un souvenir a ce que j'eus l'honneur de lui predire, assis a table pres d'elle: depuis, 4 annees a peine se sont ecoulees, et que reste-t-il encore debout en Europe? La Grande-Bretagne et la Russie!

Ne serait-il pas naturel d'en conclure que notre union intime est appelee peut-etre a sauver le monde? Excusez, Madame, cet epanchement d'un c[oe]ur qui vous est devoue et qui a pris l'habitude de souvenir a vous.

J'ose avec une entiere confiance compter sur l'amitie de votre Majeste, et la prie de recevoir l'assurance de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majeste, le tout devoue et fidele bon Frere et Ami,

NICOLAS.

Veuillez, Madame, me rappeler au souvenir de son Altesse Royale Monsieur le Prince Albert.

[Footnote 10: The Princess Louise was born on 18th March.]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _25th March 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... England seems quiet, and even the attempt in Ireland seems to have passed over. But Germany is in an awful state, beyond what I ever should have thought possible in that country, and with such a good nation. For years, however, all sorts of people had been stirring them up, and half measures, seeming dishonest, of the Sovereigns have done harm. Curious enough that I, who in fact was desirous of retiring from politics, should be on the Continent the only Sovereign who stood the storm, though I am at ten hours' distance from Paris. I trust we shall be able to go on with our money matters to enable us to keep up; our working classes are at this moment what occupies us most, and much has been done, and our Banks, which were much threatened, are now safe.

We work hard, and with these few days I suffered a little, but I am better to-day. Louise is tolerably well; the poor children are attentive and amiable. Poor things! _their existence_ is a good deal on the cards, and fortunes, private and public, are in equal danger.

Now I will leave you that you should not be tired. Ever, my beloved child, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: THE CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th April 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for three most kind letters, of the 18th and 25th March, and of the 1st. Thank God, I am _particularly strong_ and _well_ in _every possible respect_, which is a blessing in these _awful, sad, heart-breaking_ times. From the first I heard all that passed, and my only thoughts and talk were--Politics; but I never was calmer and quieter or less nervous. _Great_ events make me quiet and calm, and little trifles fidget me and irritate my nerves. But _I feel_ grown old and serious, and the future is very dark. God, however, will come to help and protect us, and we must keep up our spirits. _Germany_ makes me so sad; on the other hand, Belgium is a real pride and happiness.

We saw your poor father and mother-in-law with the Nemours, Joinville, and Aumale yesterday. Still a dream to see them _thus, here!_They are well in health, and the young people's conduct most praiseworthy; really the three Princesses are astonishing, and a beautiful lesson to every one. They are so much admired and respected for it. My beloved Vic, with her lovely face, is perfection, and so cheerful. She often comes to see me, and this is a great pleasure to me, if only it was not caused by such misfortunes!

Now good-bye. With fervent prayers for the continuation of your present most flourishing position, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _9th April 1848._

SIR,--The Cabinet have had the assistance of the Duke of Wellington in framing their plans for to-morrow.

Colonel Rowan[11] advised that the procession should be formed, and allowed to come as far as the bridge they may choose to pass, and should there be stopped. He thinks this is the only way to avoid a fight. If, however, the Chartists fire and draw their swords and use their daggers, the Military are to be called out.

I have no doubt of their easy triumph over a London mob.

But any loss of life will cause a deep and rankling resentment. I trust, for this and every reason, that all may pass off quietly. I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

[Footnote 11: Chief Commissioner of Police, afterwards Sir
C. Rowan, K.C.B. The Chartist meeting had been fixed for the
10th.]

[Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED]

_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _10th April 1848._

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--To-day the strength of the Chartists and all evil-disposed people in the country will be brought to the test against the force of the law, the Government, and the good sense of the country. I don't feel doubtful for a moment who will be found the stronger, but should be exceedingly mortified if anything like a commotion was to take place, as it would shake _that_ confidence which the whole of Europe reposes in our stability at this moment, and upon which will depend the prosperity of the country. I have enquired a good deal into the state of employment about London, and I find, to my great regret, that the number of workmen of all trades out of employment is _very_ large, and that it has been increased by the reduction of all the works under Government, owing to the clamour for economy in the House of Commons. Several hundred workmen have been discharged at Westminster Palace; at Buckingham Palace much fewer hands are employed than are really wanted; the formation of Battersea Park has been suspended, etc., etc. Surely this is not the moment for the tax-payers to economise upon the working classes! And though I don't wish our Government to follow Louis Blanc in his system of _organisation du travail_,[12] I think the Government is bound to do what it can to help the working classes over the present moment of distress. It may do this consistently with real economy in its own works, whilst the reductions on the part of the Government are followed by all private individuals as a sign of the times. I have before this spoken to Lord Morpeth[13] upon this subject, but I wish to bring it specially under your consideration at the present moment. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.

[Footnote 12: Alluding to the _Ateliers Nationaux_, to
be established under the guidance of a Council of
Administration.]

[Footnote 13: Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests.]

[Pageheading: FEARGUS O'CONNOR]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _10th April 1848._ (2 P.M.)

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the Kennington Common Meeting has proved a complete failure.

About 12,000 or 15,000 persons met in good order. Feargus O'Connor, upon arriving upon the ground in a car, was ordered by Mr Mayne[14] to come and speak to him. He immediately left the car and came, looking pale and frightened, to Mr Mayne. Upon being told that the meeting would not be prevented, but that no procession would be allowed to pass the bridges, he expressed the utmost thanks, and begged to shake Mr Mayne by the hand. He then addressed the crowd, advising them to disperse, and after rebuking them for their folly he went off in a cab to the Home Office, where he repeated to Sir George Grey his thanks, his fears, and his assurances that the crowd should disperse quietly. Sir George Grey said he had done very rightly, but that the force at the bridges should not be diminished.

Mr F. O'Connor--"Not a man should be taken away. The Government have been quite right. I told the Convention that if they had been the Government they never would have allowed such a meeting."

The last account gave the numbers as about 5,000 rapidly dispersing.

The mob was in good humour, and any mischief that now takes place will be the act of individuals; but it is to be hoped the preparations made will daunt those wicked but not brave men.

The accounts from the country are good. Scotland is quiet. At Manchester, however, the Chartists are armed, and have bad designs.

A quiet termination of the present ferment will greatly raise us in foreign countries.

Lord John Russell trusts your Majesty has profited by the sea air.

[Footnote 14: Mr Richard Mayne, Commissioner of Police,
created a K.C.B. in 1851.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _15th April 1848._

Lord John Russell has a letter from Lord Clarendon to-day in better spirits, but somewhat fearing an outbreak in Dublin to-night. He speaks confidently of the disposition of the troops.

Lord John Russell cannot wonder that your Majesty has felt deeply the events of the last six weeks. The King of the French has brought upon his own family, upon France, and upon Europe a great calamity. A moderate and constitutional Government at home, coupled with an abstinence from ambitious projects for his family abroad, might have laid the foundation of permanent peace, order, and freedom in Europe. Selfishness and cunning have destroyed that which honesty and wisdom might have maintained. It is impossible not to pity the innocent victims of the misconduct of Louis Philippe. Still less can one refrain from regarding with dread the fearful state of Germany, of her princes, her nobles, and her tempest-tossed people.

The example of Great Britain, may, however, secure an interval of reflection for Europe. The next six months will be very trying, but they may end with better prospects than we can now behold. It was impossible that the exclusion of free speaking and writing which formed the essence of Prince Metternich's system could continue. It might have been reformed quietly; it has fallen with a crash which spreads ruin and death around.

Lady John is deeply grateful for the congratulations of your Majesty and the Prince.[15] She is going on well to-day.

[Footnote 15: On the birth of a second son.]

[Pageheading: ALARMING STATE OF IRELAND]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _16th April 1848._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. The state of Ireland is most alarming and most anxious; altogether, there is so much inflammable matter all around us that it makes one tremble. Still, the events of Monday must have a calming and salutary effect. Lord John Russell's remarks about Europe, and the unfortunate and calamitous policy of the Government of the poor King of the French are most true. But is he not even most to be pitied for being the cause of such misery? (Though perhaps he does not attribute it to himself), for, to see all his hopes thus destroyed, his pride humbled, his children--whom he loves dearly--ruined--is not this enough to make a man wretched? and indeed much to be pitied; for _he_ cannot feel _he_ could _not_ have prevented all this. Still Guizot is more to blame; _he_ was the responsible adviser of all this policy: he is _no_ Bourbon, and he ought to have behaved differently. Had the poor King died in 1844 after he came here, and before that most unfortunate Spanish marriages question was started, he would have deservedly gone down to posterity as a great monarch. _Now_, what will be his name in history? His fate is a great _moral!_

With regard to Germany, Prince Metternich is the cause of half the misfortune. His advice was taken by almost all the sovereigns of that country, and it has kept them from doing in time what has now been torn from them with the loss of many rights which they need not have sacrificed. We heard yesterday that the Archduke John[16] had arrived at Frankfort. This is a wise measure, and may do much good and prevent much evil, as he is a popular and most distinguished prince....

[Footnote 16: Uncle of the Emperor (Ferdinand I.) of Austria,
born 1782.]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _17th April 1848._

The Queen not having heard anything from Lord Palmerston respecting foreign affairs for so long a time, and as he must be in constant communication with the Foreign Ministers in these most eventful and anxious times, writes to urge Lord Palmerston to keep her informed of what he hears, and of the views of the Government on the important questions before us.

She now only gets the Drafts when they are gone.

The acceptance of the mediation between Denmark and Holstein is too important an event not to have been first submitted to the Queen.

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _18th April 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and regrets much that he has not lately had an opportunity of giving your Majesty verbally such explanations as your Majesty might wish to receive with respect to the progress of foreign affairs, but Viscount Palmerston hopes to be able to get down to Broadlands for a few days on Saturday next, and he could easily from thence wait upon your Majesty on any morning and at any hour your Majesty might be pleased to appoint.

Although events of the greatest importance have been passing in rapid succession in almost every part of Europe, the position of your Majesty's Government has been one rather of observation than of action, it being desirable that England should keep herself as free as possible from unnecessary engagements and entanglements, in order that your Majesty may be at liberty to take such decisions as the state of things may from time to time appear to render most advisable.

[Pageheading: LOYALTY OF BELGIUM]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BARTON, _18th April 1848._

DEAREST UNCLE,--Detained here by a heavy shower of rain, I begin my letter to you and thank you warmly for your dear and kind letter of the 15th, which I received yesterday.

_Truly_ proud and delighted are we at the conduct of the Belgians,[17] and at their loyalty and affection for you and yours, which I am sure must be a reward for all that you have done these seventeen years. I must beg to say that you are wrong in supposing that no mention is made of what took place on the 9th in our papers; on the contrary, it has been _most gratifyingly_ mentioned in the _Times_, _Chronicle_, _John Bull_, _etc._ _You_ are held up as a pattern to the German Sovereigns, and the Belgians as a pattern to the German people.

In France, really things go on _dreadfully_.... One does not like to attack those who are fallen, but the poor King, Louis Philippe, _has_ brought much of this on by that ill-fated return to a _Bourbon Policy_. I always think he _ought not_ to have abdicated; every one seems to think he _might_ have stemmed the torrent _then_ still. On the other hand, Joinville says it was sure to happen, for that the French want constant change, and were quite tired of the present Government. _Qu'en dites-vous?_ How is poor, dear Louise? I hope her spirits are better.

Our weather is terribly rainy, though very fine between. We have got nightingales in the pleasure ground, and in the wood down near the sea. We are all extremely well, and expect the Prince of Prussia here to-day for two nights. Ever your devoted and attached Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 17: A party of French Republicans entered Belgium
with the intention of exciting an insurrection; the attempt
signally failed.]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _1st May 1848._

The Queen has this morning received Lord Palmerston's letter.[18] She cannot see any reason for deviating from the established rules, and inviting to Court Frenchmen who are not recognised in their official capacity, and have no natural representatives to present them as private individuals. As an invitation cannot be claimed by them, the omission of it ought not to lead to any misrepresentation; whilst the contrary, under the fiction of their being private individuals, might lead to misconstruction and to most inconvenient precedents.

[Footnote 18: M. de Tallenay had arrived in London with a
letter from M. Lamartine, accrediting him as provisional
_charge d'affaires_ of the French Government, and Lord
Palmerston had suggested to the Queen that etiquette would not
be violated by inviting him to a Court Ball.]

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th May 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your very kind letter of the 6th. How delightful it is to hear such good accounts of Belgium! If only dear Germany gets right and if all our interests (those of the smaller Sovereigns) are not sacrified! I cannot say _how_ it distresses and vexes me, and _comme je l'ai a c[oe]ur_. My good and dear Albert is much worried and works _very_ hard....

I had a curious account of the opening of the _Assemblee_ from Lady Normanby.[19] No _real_ enthusiasm, dreadful confusion, and the Blouses taking part in everything, and stopping the Speakers if they did not please them. The opinion is that it cannot last.

I enclose another letter from Lady Normanby, with an account of the poor Tuileries, which is very curious and sad; but the respect shown for poor Chartres is very touching, and might interest poor dear Louise, if you think fit to show it her. But why show such hatred to poor Nemours and to the Queen? Montpensier's marriage may cause _his_ unpopularity, possibly. I shall beg to have the letter back.

I must conclude, as we are going to pay a visit at Claremont this afternoon. Ever your truly devoted Child and Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 19: The National Assembly commenced its sittings on
4th May, when the Oath of Allegiance was abolished, and the
Republic proclaimed in the presence of 200,000 citizens.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th May 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have just heard the news of the extraordinary confusion at Paris, which must end in a _Blutbad_. Lamartine has quite lost all influence by yielding to and supporting Ledru Rollin![20] It seems inexplicable! In Germany, too, everything looks most anxious, and I _tremble_ for the result of the Parliament at Frankfort.[21] I am _so_ anxious for the fate of the poor smaller Sovereigns, which it would be infamous to sacrifice. I feel it _much_ more than Albert, as it would break my heart to see Coburg _reduced_.

Many thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 13th. Thank God! that with you everything goes on so well. I will take care and let Lord Normanby know your kind expressions. The visit to old Claremont was a touching one, and it seemed an incomprehensible dream to see them all there. They bear up wonderfully. Nothing can be kinder than the Queen-Dowager's behaviour towards them all. The poor Duchess of Gloster is again in one of her nervous states, and gave us a dreadful fright at the Christening by quite forgetting where she was, and coming and kneeling at my feet in the midst of the service. Imagine our horror!

I must now conclude. The weather is beautiful, but too hot for me. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 20: Lamartine and Ledru Rollin were members of the
Provisional Government, and subsequently of the Executive
Committee. The mob, holding that the promises of general
employment had been broken, invaded the Assembly _en masse_,
and attempted a counter-revolution.]

[Footnote 21: Out of the revolutionary movement in Germany
had grown their National Assembly, which after a preliminary
session as a _Vor-Parlament_, was to reassemble on 18th May.]

[Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

(_No date._)

The Queen has carefully perused the enclosed papers, and wishes to have a copy of Baron Hummelauer's[22] note sent to her to keep.

The basis laid down in it is quite inadmissible, and the Queen was struck by the light way in which the claims of the Dukes of Parma and Modena are spoken of (as disposed of by the events), whilst their position and that of Austria are in every respect identical.[23] The Queen thinks Lord Palmerston's proposition the one which is the most equitable, still likely to be attained, but it does not go far enough; the position which Austria means to take _in Italy_ with her Italian province ought to be explained, and a declaration be made that Austria will, with this province, join any Italian league which the other states of Italy may wish to establish. This will be useful to Italy, and much facilitate the acceptance of the Austrian proposal, as the Queen feels convinced that as soon as the war shall be terminated, the question of the political constitution of Italy (as a whole) will have to be decided. Why Charles Albert ought to get any additional territory the Queen cannot in the least see. She thinks it will be better to proceed at once upon the revised Austrian proposal, than to wait for Italian propositions, which are sure to be ridiculously extravagant.

[Footnote 22: The Austrian Government, in its efforts to
maintain its ascendency in Lombardy, had sent Baron Hummelauer
to negotiate with Lord Palmerston.]

[Footnote 23: The Dukes had both been driven from their
dominions, while the King (Charles Albert) of Sardinia threw
in his lot with the cause of United Italy as against Austria,
which then ruled Lombardy.]

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND SPAIN]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _23rd May 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting Spain and Italy this morning. The sending away of Sir H. Bulwer[24] is a serious affair, which will add to our many embarrassments; the Queen is, however, not surprised at it, from the tenor of the last accounts from Madrid, and from the fact that Sir H. Bulwer has for the last three years almost been sporting with political intrigues. He invariably boasted of at least being in the confidence of every conspiracy, "though he was taking care not to be personally mixed up in them," and, after their various failures, generally harboured the chief actors in his house under the plea of humanity. At every crisis he gave us to understand that he had to choose between a "revolution and a palace intrigue," and not long ago only he wrote to Lord Palmerston, that if the Monarchy with the Montpensier succession was inconvenient to us, he could get up a Republic. Such principles are sure to be known in Spain, the more so when one considers the extreme vanity of Sir H. Bulwer, and his probable imprudence in the not very creditable company which he is said to keep. Lord Palmerston will remember that the Queen has often addressed herself to him and Lord John, in fear of Sir H. getting us into some scrape; and if our diplomatists are not kept in better order, the Queen may at any moment be exposed to similar insults as she has received now in the person of Sir H. Bulwer; for in whatever way one may wish to look at it, Sir Henry still is _her_ Minister.

The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to Lord John Russell, and to let her know what the Government mean to propose with respect to this unfortunate affair.

[Footnote 24: Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Bulwer
(which the latter showed to the Spanish Premier), lecturing
the Spanish Queen on her choice of Minister. This "assumption
of superiority," as Sir R. Peel called it, led to a peremptory
order to Bulwer to leave Spain in twenty-four hours. His own
account of the affair appears in his _Life of Palmerston_,
vol. iii. chap. vii.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA]

_The Prince of Prussia to Queen Victoria._

[_Translation._]

BRUSSELS _30th May 1848._

MOST GRACIOUS COUSIN,--I obey the impulse of my heart in seizing my pen, without any delay, in order to express to you my warmest and most heartfelt thanks for the infinitely gracious and affectionate way with which you and the Prince have treated me during my stay in London.[25] It was a melancholy time, that of my arrival. By the sympathetic view which you took of my situation, most gracious Cousin, it became not only bearable, but even transformed into one that became proportionately honourable and dignified. This graciousness of yours has undoubtedly contributed towards the change of opinion which has resulted in my favour, and so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to your Government, a fortunate issue out of my calamities. So it is with a heavy heart that I have now left England, not knowing what future lies before me to meet--and only knowing that I shall need the strengthening rest and tranquillity which my stay in England and an insight into her institutions have afforded me in full measure.

Offering my most cordial remembrances to the Prince, to whom I shall write as soon as possible, I remain, most gracious Cousin, your faithful and most gratefully devoted Cousin,

PRINCE OF PRUSSIA.

[Footnote 25: The Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor
William I., having become intensely unpopular at Berlin, had
been obliged in March to fly for his life, in disguise, _via_
Hamburg, to England.]

[Pageheading: THE ROYAL EXILES]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st June 1848._

The Queen had not time the other day to talk to Lord John Russell on the subject of the French Royal Family, and therefore writes to him now. As it seems now most probable that they, or at least some of them, will take up their residence for a lengthened period in this country, and as their position is now a defined one, viz. that of _exiles_, their treatment should be defined and established.

At first everything seemed temporary, and the public were much occupied with them, inclined to criticise all that was done or was omitted by the Court; all their movements were recorded in the papers, etc. The lapse of three months has a good deal altered this. They have lived in complete retirement, and are comparatively forgotten; and their poverty and their resignation to their misfortunes have met with much sympathy! The Queen is consequently anxious to take the right line; particularly desirous to do nothing which could hurt the interests of the country, and equally so to do everything kind towards a distinguished Royal Family in severe affliction, with whom she has long been on terms of intimacy, and to whom she is very nearly related. She accordingly wishes to know if Lord John sees any objection to the following: She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her at Osborne when she goes there, _quite_ privately; the Duchess of Kent would bring her with her. The Duke will not come with the Duchess, as he says he feels (very properly) it would be unbecoming in him till their fate (as to _fortune_, for _banished_ they already are) is decided, to be even for a day at Osborne. The Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the evening, but to remain alone with the Queen and the Prince.

The Queen considers that when she is _staying_ in the country during the summer and autumn, and any of the branches of the French Royal Family should wish to visit her and the Prince, as they occasionally do here, she might lodge them for one or two nights, as the distance might be too great for their returning the same day. They are exiles, and _not Pretenders_, as the Duc de Bordeaux and Count de Montemolin are (and who are _for that reason only not received at Court_). In all countries where illustrious exiles related to the Sovereign have been they have always been received at Court, as the Duc de Bordeaux, the Duchesse d'Angouleme, etc., etc., invariably have been at Vienna (even on public occasions), there being a French Ambassador there, and the best understanding existing between France and Austria. The Duke of Orleans (King Louis Philippe) in former times was constantly received by the Royal Family, and was the intimate friend of the Duke of Kent. Probably, if their fortunes are restored to them, the French Royal Family will go out into society in the course of time, and if the state of France becomes consolidated there may no longer exist that wish and that necessity for _extreme_ privacy, which is so obvious now. What the Queen has just mentioned, Lord John must well understand, is not what is _likely_ to take place (except in the case of her cousin, the Duchess of Nemours) immediately, but only what might occasionally occur when we are permanently settled in the country. Of course events _might_ arise which would change this, and which would render it inadvisable, and then the Queen would communicate with Lord John, and ask his advice again upon the subject. All she has suggested refers to the present state of affairs, and, of course, merely to _strictly_ private visits, and on _no state occasion_. This is a long letter about such a subject, but the Queen wishes to be quite safe in what she does, and therefore could not have stated the case and her opinion in a smaller space.

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN LOMBARDY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th June 1848._

The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has written upon it, in pencil, a passage which she thinks ought to be added, if the draft--though civil--is not to be a mere refusal to do anything for Austria, and a recommendation that whatever the Italians ask for ought to be given, for which a mediation is hardly necessary.[26] The Queen thinks it most important that we should try to mediate and put a stop to the war, and equally important that the boundary which is to be settled should be such a one as to make a recurrence of hostilities unlikely. The Queen has only further to remark that Lord Palmerston speaks in the beginning of the letter only of the Cabinet, and adverts nowhere to the proposition having been submitted to her.

[Footnote 26: War was now raging in Lombardy between the
Austrians under Marshal Radetzky and the Piedmontese under the
King of Sardinia.]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _14th June 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and thanks your Majesty for the perusal of this interesting letter.

An Emperor with a rational Constitution might be a fair termination of the French follies; but Louis Napoleon, with the Communists, will probably destroy the last chance of order and tranquillity. A despotism must be the end.

May Heaven preserve us in peace!

[Pageheading: SIR HENRY BULWER]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th June 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter explaining his views as to the reparation we may be entitled to receive from the Spanish Government. She considers them as quite fair, but does not wish to have Sir H. Bulwer again as her Minister at Madrid, even if it should be necessary that he should repair there in order to be received by the Queen of Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent interests of this country to entrust that mission again to Sir H. Bulwer, after all that has passed. When the Queen considers the position we had in Spain, and what it ought to have been after the constitution of the French Republic when we had no rival to fight and ought to have enjoyed the entire confidence and friendship of Spain, and compares this to the state into which our relations with that country have been brought, she cannot help being struck how much matters must have been mismanaged.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th June 1848._

The Queen sends the enclosed draft,[27] and asks whether this note is what Lord John directed Lord Palmerston to send to Lisbon as a caution to Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up with party intrigues to upset a particular Ministry?[28] ...

[Footnote 27: The draft ran:--"As it is evident that the Queen
and the Government of Portugal will listen to no advice except
such that agrees with their own wishes, I have to instruct you
to abstain in future from giving any longer any advice to them
on political matters, taking care to explain both to the
Queen and the Government your reasons for doing so. You will,
however, at the same time positively declare to the Portuguese
Government that if by the course of policy they are pursuing
they should run into any difficulty, they must clearly
understand that they will not have to expect any assistance
from England."]

[Footnote 28: Lord John Russell replied that he would write
immediately to Lord Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs.
He added that he did not approve of the proposed draft.]

_Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell._

CARLTON GARDENS, _17th June 1848._

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--The draft to Seymour was written in consequence of what you said to me, and what the Queen wrote to you; but my own opinion certainly is that it would be best to leave the things with him as they are. It must, however, be remembered that the Portuguese Government have not in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the Queen in the Protocol of last year....

PALMERSTON.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th June 1848._

The Queen returns Lord Palmerston's letter. The country is at this moment suffering, particularly with regard to Spain, under the evil consequence of that system of diplomacy, which makes the taking up of party politics in foreign countries its principal object. This system is condemned alike by the Queen, Lord John, the Cabinet, and, the Queen fully believes, public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord Palmerston's objection to caution our Minister in Portugal against falling into this fault brings it to an issue, whether that _erroneous_ policy is to be maintained to the detriment of the real interests of the country, or a wiser course to be followed in future. Does Lord John consider this so light a matter as to be surrendered merely because Lord Palmerston is not to add to such a caution a gratuitous attack upon the Queen and Government of Portugal? The Queen thinks it of the utmost importance that in these perilous times this question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy should be _settled_, and has no objection to Lord John showing this letter to Lord Palmerston.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th June 1848._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he begs to assure your Majesty that if he was disposed to rest on the known discretion and temper of Sir Hamilton Seymour without specific instruction, it was not from regarding the matter lightly, but from a sense of the inconvenience which might arise to your Majesty's service from raising a question with Lord Palmerston in the present critical state of Europe which might induce a belief that he had not conducted foreign affairs to the satisfaction of his colleagues or of his Sovereign.

Lord John Russell feeling, however, that on the particular point at issue your Majesty has just reason to expect that precautions should be taken against the chance of intrigue with foreign parties against a foreign government, with which this country is on terms of friendship, is ready to insist on an instruction to Sir Hamilton Seymour similar to that which was given to Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in the struggle of parties, and to refrain from any interference with respect to which he has not specific directions from your Majesty's Government.

But in this case he must take upon himself the whole responsibility of requiring such a note from Lord Palmerston. It would not be conducive to your Majesty's service, nor agreeable to the wholesome maxims of the Constitution to mix your Majesty's name with a proceeding which may lead to the most serious consequences.

It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general course of policy has met with the warm approval of the Cabinet, and that the cases of difference of judgment have been rare exceptions.

Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the letter he proposes to write before sending it to Lord Palmerston. He would wish to have it returned as soon as your Majesty can do so.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th June 1848._

The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter to Lord Palmerston,[29] which is excellent, and shows that the Queen's and Lord John's views upon the important question of our foreign policy _entirely coincide_. The Queen is sorry that the trouble of such an altercation should be added to the many anxieties which already press upon Lord John, but she feels sure that his insisting upon a _sound_ line of policy will save him and the country from _far greater_ troubles....

[Footnote 29: The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour
was to take no part in the struggle of parties in Portugal,
and to refrain from confidential communications with members
of the Opposition.]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON GARDENS, _26th June 1848._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is sorry he is not able to submit to your Majesty the proposed draft to Sir Hamilton Seymour to go by to-night's mail, as he has not succeeded in settling the wording of it with Lord John Russell, and is therefore obliged to defer it till the next mail.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1848._

The Queen sends this letter, which she has just received from Lord Palmerston. No remonstrance has any effect with Lord Palmerston. Lord John Russell should ask the Duke of Bedford to tell him of the conversation the Queen had with the Duke the other night about Lord Palmerston.

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ITALY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st July 1848._

The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th. She cannot conceal from him that she is ashamed of the policy which we are pursuing in this Italian controversy in abetting wrong, and this for the object of gaining _influence_ in Italy.[30] The Queen does not consider influence so gained as an advantage, and though this influence is to be acquired in order to do good, she is afraid that the fear of losing it again will always stand in the way of this. At least in the countries where the greatest stress has been laid on that influence, and the greatest exertions made for it, the _least good_ has been done--the Queen means in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither is there any kind of consistency in the line we take about Italy and that we follow with regard to Schleswig; both cases are perfectly alike (with the difference perhaps that there is a question of right mixed up in that of Schleswig); whilst we upbraid Prussia, caution her, etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles Albert except that if he did not wish to take _all_ the Emperor of Austria's Italian Dominions, we would not lay any _obstacles_ in the way of his moderation. The Queen finds in Lord Palmerston's last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen the following passage: "And it is manifest and indisputable that no territory or state, which is not now according to the Treaty of 1815 included in the German Confederation, can be added to that territory without the consent of the Sovereign of that territory or state." How does this agree with our position relative to the incorporation of Lombardy into the states of the King of Sardinia?

[Footnote 30: Lord Palmerston's sympathy had been with the
anti-Austrian movement in Northern Italy. For some time after
Radetzky's evacuation of Milan, the operations of the King of
Sardinia in support of the Lombards were successful, and he
had assistance from Tuscany, Naples, and Rome. The Austrians
suffered reverses at Peschiera and Goito, and the independence
of Northern Italy seemed to be accomplished. But the tide had
begun to turn.]

[Pageheading: LORD MINTO'S MISSION]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1848._

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's long Memorandum respecting our relations with Italy, the length of which, however, was fully justified by the importance of the subject.

The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen's approval at the time, and the policy pursued by him has never been called in question; but it certainly was prejudicial to the Austrians, and imposes upon us additional care not to appear now as the abettors of the anti-Austrian movement, and nothing in Lord Minto's mission can prevent our endeavouring to facilitate and forward a speedy settlement of the present Italian difference.[31] If, therefore, the Italians should be inclined to be moderate, there can be no dereliction of principle in encouraging them to be so. The danger of French interference increases with the delay and is equally great, whether the Austrians maintain themselves in the Venetian Territory or whether Charles Albert unite it to his proposed kingdom of Northern Italy; indeed, the French seem to be anxious for a cause of interference from the line they pursue even with regard to Naples.

Lord Palmerston seeks to establish a difference between the case of Schleswig and of Lombardy, on the fact that Schleswig is to be incorporated into a confederation of States; but this makes the case of Lombardy only the stronger, as this is to be incorporated into the dominions of another Sovereign. With regard to the "Revue Retrospective," the perusal of it has left a different impression upon the Queen from that which it seems to have made upon Lord Palmerston. It proved to her, that while the retiring attitude which the late Government took with regard to the Spanish marriages, left the French Government to try their different schemes and intrigues and to fail with every one of them, the attempt of Lord Palmerston to re-organise the Progressista Party and regain the so-called _English influence_, brought Queen Christina and King Louis Philippe (who had before seriously quarrelled) immediately together, and induced them to rush into this unfortunate combination, which cannot but be considered as the origin of all the present convulsions in Europe.

[Footnote 31: Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, and
father-in-law of the Prime Minister, had been sent to
encourage in the path of reform Pope Pius IX., who was halting
between progress and reaction: on the sanguinary risings
taking place in Lombardy and Venetia, his mission naturally
appeared hostile to Austria.]

[Pageheading: AN ANXIOUS PERIOD]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th July 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For another kind and dear letter of the 8th, I have much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little Belgium is a bright star in the stormy night all around. May God bless and prosper you all, for ever and ever!

Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything existing, which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) one never felt before. When one thinks of one's children, their education, their future--and prays for them--I always think and say to myself, "Let them grow up fit for _whatever station_ they may be placed in--_high or low_." This one never thought of before, but I _do_ always now. Altogether one's whole disposition is so changed--_bores_ and trifles which one would have complained of bitterly a few months ago, one looks upon as good things and quite a blessing--provided one can _keep one's position in quiet!_

I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,[32] as they fear his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a widow of a regicide, and as _stern_ and severe as can be imagined.

I saw the King and Queen on Saturday; he is wonderfully merry still and quite himself, but _she_ feels it deeply--and for _her_ there is here the greatest sympathy and admiration.

Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; _how_ I wish you and Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have, however, got dear Victoire to come and spend a night with me; it does her always good, and we are just like sisters, and feel as we did in 1839, when you know how very fond we were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and still _beautiful_ child.

I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's picture as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been
given _quasi_-dictatorial powers during the insurrection.
These powers, on the suppression of the revolt, he resigned,
and was thereupon almost unanimously made President of the
Council.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th July 1848._

The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the other night. She concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all say _when_ the Session is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that the measure relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and was it unavoidable? The Queen sends Lord John Col. Phipps's report of the Prince's reception at York, which she thinks will interest him. Does Lord J. Russell think, if we should not go to Ireland, that we could go to Balmoral for ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see _our own place_ makes a difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is, however, impossible to say if we _can_ get away even for so short a time.

The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objection to the Duc de Nemours bringing or fetching the Duchess to and from Osborne? He is the Queen's Cousin, and consequently in a different position to any of the others; moreover, he does _not_ wish _at present_ to spend one _night_ there even, but merely to pay a morning visit.

Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and the other Princes and Princesses _should themselves_ ask to come and pay the Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and return again the same day (as they do here), there would be any objection to it? The Queen merely wishes to know, in _case they_ should ask leave to do so, what she can answer.

[Pageheading: COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY]

_Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th July 1848._

The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of yesterday, and has considered the proposed alteration in the mode of preparing Commissions for Officers in the Army. The Queen does not at all object to the amount of trouble which the signature of so many Commissions has hitherto entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the Sovereign and the Army, and she very much doubts whether the Officers generally would not feel it as a slight if, instead of their Commissions bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they were in future only to receive a certificate from the Secretary at War that they have been commissioned.

She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing.

The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his responsibility to Parliament with respect to allowing Appointments to go on; the Queen apprehends that his responsibility does not extend beyond the appropriation of the money voted by Parliament for the use of her Army.

_The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _18th July 1848._

MY DEAREST COUSIN,--I have received the beautiful dolls' house you have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you very much for it. I am delighted with it; every morning I dress my doll and give her a good breakfast; and the day after her arrival she gave a great rout at which all my dolls were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her pretty little draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put her to bed.