Chapter XXI (1)

1852

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND DENMARK]

_Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th January 1852._

SIR, MY BROTHER,--I received the letter which your Majesty addressed to me on the 24th of August last, and in which, after referring to the necessity for establishing some definite arrangement with regard to the eventual succession to the Crown of Denmark, your Majesty is pleased to acquaint me that, in your opinion, such an arrangement might advantageously be made in favour of your Majesty's cousin, His Highness the Prince Christian of Gluecksburg,[1] and the issue of his marriage with the Princess Louisa of Hesse, in favour of whom the nearer claimants have renounced their rights and titles.

I trust I need not assure your Majesty of the sincere friendship which I entertain for you, and of the deep interest which I feel in the welfare of the Danish Monarchy. It was in accordance with those sentiments that I accepted the office of mediator between your Majesty and the States of the German Confederation, and it afforded me the sincerest pleasure to have been thus instrumental in re-establishing the relations of peace between your Majesty and those States.

With regard to the question of the eventual succession to both the Danish and Ducal Crowns, I have to state to your Majesty that although I declined to take any part in the settlement of that combination, it will be a source of great satisfaction to me to learn that an arrangement has been definitely determined upon equally satisfactory to your Majesty and to the Germanic Confederation; and whenever it shall have been notified to me that such an arrangement has been arrived at, I shall then be ready, in accordance with what was stated in the Protocol of the 2nd of August 1850, to consider, in concert with my Allies, the expediency of giving the sanction of an European acknowledgment to the arrangement which may thus have been made.

I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity to renew to your Majesty the expression of the invariable attachment and high esteem with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Majesty's good Sister,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 1: Prince Christian of
Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Gluecksburg was named successor
to Frederick VII., King of Denmark by a Treaty signed in
London on the 8th of May 1852; and by the Danish law of
succession (of the 31st of July 1853), he ascended the throne
under the style of Christian IX., on the 15th of November,
1863. He was the father of His Majesty Frederick VIII., the
present King of Denmark, and of Her Majesty Queen Alexandra
of England; King Christian died in 1906, Queen Louise having
predeceased him in 1898.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _15th January 1852._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter last night, and wishes now shortly to repeat what she desired through the Prince, Sir Charles Wood to explain to Lord John.[2]

The Queen hopes that the Cabinet will fully consider what their object is before the proposed negotiation with Sir James Graham be opened.

Is it to strengthen their _case_ in Parliament by proving that no means have been left untried to strengthen the Government? or really to effect a junction with the Peelites?

If the first is aimed at, the Cabinet will hardly reap any of the desired advantages from the negotiation, for, shrewd as Sir James Graham is, he will immediately see that the negotiation has been begun without a desire that it should succeed, and this will soon become generally known.

If the latter, the Queen must observe that there are two kinds of junctions--one, _a fusion_ of Parties; the other, _the absorption_ of one Party by the other. For a _fusion_, the Queen thinks the Peelites to be quite ready; then, however, they must be treated as a political Party, and no _exclusion_ should be pronounced against particular members of it, nor should it be insisted upon that the new Government and Party is still emphatically the _Whig_ party.

An _absorption_ of the most liberal talents amongst the Peelites into the Whig Government, the Queen considers unlikely to succeed, and she can fully understand that reasons of honour and public and private engagement must make it difficult to members of a political Party to go over to another in order to receive office.

Having stated thus much, the Queen gives Lord John full permission to negotiate with Sir James Graham.

[Footnote 2: Lord John Russell having vainly attempted to
secure the co-operation of the Duke of Newcastle, announced
the wish of the Cabinet to make overtures to Sir J. Graham.]

[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th January 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your kind letter of the 16th I received on the 17th, with the newspaper, for which I return my best thanks. The papers which Stockmar communicated to us are most interesting, and do the writer the greatest credit. Watchful we certainly shall and must be. We shall try and keep on the best of terms with the President, who is extremely sensitive and susceptible, but for whom, I must say, I have never had any _personal_ hostility; on the contrary, I thought that during 1849 and 1850 we owed him all a good deal, as he certainly raised the French Government _de la boue_. But I grieve over the tyranny and oppression practised since the _coup d'etat_, and it makes everything very uncertain, for though I believe it in every way his wish and his policy not to go to war, still, _il peut y etre entraine_.

Your position is a peculiarly delicate one, but still, as I again repeat, I think there is no reason to be alarmed; particularly, I would _never_ show it.

The poor Nemours were here from Saturday till yesterday evening with their dear nice boys, and I think it always does them good. They feel again as if they were in their own position, and they are diverted from the melancholy reality and the great sameness of their existence at Claremont. I found him very quiet and really _not_ bitter, and disposed to be very prudent,--but seriously alarmed at the possibility of losing their property, which would be _too_ dreadful and monstrous. I fear that the candidature and poor Helene's imprudence in talking are the cause of this cruel persecution. The poor Orleans have really (and you should write them that) no _truer_ and more faithful friends than we are--and it is for this reason that I urge and entreat them to be entirely passive; for _their day_ will come, I feel convinced!

Now good-bye, my dearest, kindest Uncle. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _27th January 1852._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday with the draft of Bills, and likewise that of to-day enclosing a Memorandum on the probable effects of the proposed Measure.[3] She has perused these papers with great attention, but feels that any opinion upon the future results of the Measure must rest on surmises; she has that confidence, however, in Lord John's experience and judgment in these matters, and so strong a conviction that he will have spared no pains in forming as correct an opinion as may be formed on so problematical a matter, that she is prepared to come to the decision of approving the Measure on the strength of Lord John's opinion. She only hopes that the future may bear it out, and that the character of the House of Commons may not be impaired. Should this prove the case, the extension of the privilege of voting for Members will strengthen our Institutions. The Queen is glad that the clause abolishing the necessity for every Member of the Government to vacate his seat upon his appointment[4] should have been maintained. She hopes that the schedules showing which towns are to be added to existing boroughs will be drawn up with the greatest care and impartiality, and will soon be submitted to her. The Queen would be glad if the plan once proposed of giving to the Queen's University in Ireland the vacant seat for Sudbury were still carried out, as she feels sure that not only would it be a great thing for the University and the Colleges, but a most useful and influential Irish Member would be gained for the House.

The Queen takes it for granted that the Bill as approved by her will be stood by in Parliament, and that Lord John will not allow himself to be drawn on to further concessions to Democracy in the course of the debate, and that the introduction of the ballot will be vigorously opposed by the Government.

[Footnote 3: The Ministerial Reform Bill.]

[Footnote 4: The Act of Settlement excluded (as from the
accession of the House of Hanover) the Ministers of State from
the House of Commons; but the 6 Anne, c. 7, modified this, and
made them re-eligible on appointment.]

[Pageheading: DRAFT OF THE SPEECH]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st February 1852._

The Queen has received the draft of the Speech. The passage referring to the proposed Reform Measure varies so materially from the one which was first submitted to her that she feels that she ought not to sanction it without having received some explanation of the grounds which have led the Cabinet to recommend it in its altered shape. The Queen will not object to the mode of filling the Offices still vacant which Lord John Russell proposes.

[Pageheading: WOMEN AND POLITICS]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd February 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--My warmest thanks for your kind little letter of the 30th. Matters are very critical and all Van de Weyer has told us _n'est pas rassurant_. With such an extraordinary man as Louis Napoleon, one can never be for one instant safe. It makes me very melancholy; I love peace and quiet--in fact, I _hate_ politics and turmoil, and I grieve to think that a spark may plunge us into the midst of war. Still I think _that_ may be avoided. Any attempt on Belgium would be _casus belli for us_; _that_ you may rely upon. Invasion I am not afraid of, but the spirit of the people here is very great--they are full of defending themselves--and the spirit of the olden times is in no way quenched.

In two hours' time Parliament will be opened, and to-night the explanations between Lord John and Lord Palmerston will take place. I am _very_ curious _how_ they will go off. The curiosity and anxiety to hear it is very great.

I never saw Stockmar better, or more active and more sagacious, or more kind. To me he is really like a father--only too partial, I always think.

Albert grows daily fonder and fonder of politics and business, and is so wonderfully _fit_ for both--such perspicacity and such _courage_--and I grow daily to dislike them both more and more. We women are not _made_ for governing--and if we are good women, we must _dislike_ these masculine occupations; but there are times which force one to take _interest_ in them _mal gre bon gre_, and _I_ do, of course, _intensely_.

I must now conclude, to dress for the opening of Parliament ... Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _4th February 1852._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that the Address was agreed to last night without a division.

The explanations between Lord Palmerston and himself were made. Lord Palmerston made no case, and was not supported by any considerable party in the House. His approbation of the President's conduct seemed to confound the Liberal Party, and he did not attempt to excuse his delay in answering Lord John Russell's letter of the 14th.[5]

The rest of the debate was desultory and heavy. Mr Disraeli made a long speech for the sake of making a speech. Mr Roebuck was bitter without much effect.

Generally speaking, the appearance of the House was favourable. Sir James Graham says the next fortnight will clear up matters very much.

The tone of the House was decidedly pacific.

[Footnote 5: See _ante_, p. 341.]

[Pageheading: THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th February 1852._

We have learned with much satisfaction that everything went off so well in the House of Commons last night. Lord John Russell's speech is a most useful one, and he has given a most lucid definition of the constitutional position of the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary opposite to the Crown. Lord Palmerston's speech is a very weak one, and he in no way makes out a case for himself. This seems to [be] the general impression.

The Houses of Lords and Commons being now almost completed, and the Queen having entered the House of Lords by the Grand Entrance (which is magnificent), the Queen thinks this will be the right moment for bestowing on Mr Barry the knighthood, as a mark of the Queen's approbation of his great work.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S DISCOMFITURE]

_The Marquis of Normanby to Colonel Phipps._[6]

ST GEORGE'S HOTEL, _5th February 1852._

MY DEAR CHARLES,--Yesterday morning I got a note from John Russell, saying that all had gone off so well the night before, and Palmerston had been so flat that he thought it better I should not revive the subject in the other House, as he had said nothing about me which in the least required that I should do so. I yielded, of course, to such an appeal, though there are several points in his speech on which I could have exposed inaccuracies. The fact is, John has never shown any consideration for me in the whole of these affairs; but I do not mean in any way to complain, and am very grateful to him for the very successful way in which he executed his task on Tuesday. Nothing can be more universal than the feeling of the utter discomfiture of Palmerston.[7] I am convinced that what floored him at starting was that letter of the Queen's,[8] because every one felt that such a letter would never have been written unless every point in it could have been proved like a bill of indictment; and then came the question, how could any man, even feeling he deserved it, go on under such a marked want of confidence?...[9]

Aberdeen, whom I saw at Granville's last night, told me that Cardwell had said to him, that often as he had felt indignant at the arrogance of "that man," he really pitied him, so complete was his overthrow. Disraeli said that he had watched him during Johnny's speech, and doubted whether the hanging of the head, etc., was merely acting; but before he had spoken two sentences he saw he was a beaten fox. Many said that the extreme flippancy and insolence of his manner was more remarkable than ever, from their being evidently assumed with difficulty. I have always thought Palmerston very much overrated as a speaker; his great power arose from his not only knowing his subject better than any one else, but being the only man who knew anything about it, and using that exclusive knowledge unscrupulously for the purposes of misrepresentation.

Thiers was at Lady Granville's last night, and was enchanted with the spectacle of the Opening. He said that he had been endeavouring for thirty years to support the cause of Constitutional Monarchy, as the best Government in the world, and there he saw it in perfection, not only in its intrinsic attributes, but in the universal respect and adhesion with which it was received. He said, though he did not understand a word of English, he could have cried at the Queen's voice in reading the Speech. He is very "impressionable," and I am convinced at the time he was quite sincere in his appreciation.

I am vexed at not having been able to say anything publicly about all this, as I believe I could have dispelled many misrepresentations; but it cannot be helped. I have endeavoured throughout not to be selfish, and I may as well keep up that feeling to the last. Ever, etc.

NORMANBY.

I told John Russell last night I regretted that he had vouched for the intentions of Louis Napoleon. He said he had not done that, but owned that he had said more than he ought. "The fact is, I did not know what to say next. I stopped as one sometimes does, so I said that; I had better have said something else!" Candid and characteristic!

[Footnote 6: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.]

[Footnote 7: It appears from a Memorandum made about this time
by Prince Albert that when Lord Palmerston's retirement
became known, the Radical constituency of Marylebone wished to
present him with an Address of sympathy, and to invite him to
stand at the next Election, promising him to bring him in.
Sir Benjamin Hall (one of the Members) told them that they
had better wait till the explanation in Parliament had taken
place, for at present they knew nothing about the merits
of the case. This the Committee which had been organised
consented to do. After the Debate on the 4th of February, Sir
Benjamin called upon the Chairman of the Committee to ask him
whether they would still carry out their intention. "No," said
the Chairman; "we have considered the matter: a man who does
not answer the Queen's letters can receive no Address from
us."]

[Footnote 8: See _ante_, p. 264.]

[Footnote 9: _Cf._ Greville's account in his Journal, 5th
February 1852. _See_ also p. 368.]

_Queen Victoria to Earl Granville._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th February 1852._

The Queen returns the enclosed papers. She will not object to the proposed step[10] should Lord Granville and Lord John Russell have reason to expect that the Pope will receive Sir H. Bulwer; should he refuse, it will be doubly awkward. The Queen finds it difficult to give a decided opinion on the subject, as, first, she does not know how far the reception of Sir Henry at Rome will overcome the objections raised to his reception as Resident at Florence. Secondly, as she has never been able to understand what is to be obtained by a mission to Rome, a step liable to much misrepresentation here....

[Footnote 10: The Tuscan Government declined to receive Sir H.
Bulwer, and it was then proposed to send him to Rome instead.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE AND THE ARMY]

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

CHESHAM PLACE, _16th February 1852._

SIR,--I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, and have given him the Depot plan.

It may be useful if your Royal Highness will see him from time to time in relation to the Army. On the one hand, your Royal Highness's authority may overcome the indisposition to change which he naturally entertains; and on the other, his vast experience may be of great use to your Royal Highness in regard to the future. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,

JOHN RUSSELL.

[Pageheading: THE SLAVE TRADE]

_Sir Francis Baring to Queen Victoria._

ADMIRALTY, _15th February 1852._

Sir Francis Baring presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state to your Majesty that despatches have this evening arrived from Commander Bruce in command of the African Squadron. Commander Bruce gives an account of an attack on Lagos[11] which was completely successful. The town of Lagos was captured and in great part burnt. The resistance appears to have been obstinate and directed with much skill. Your Majesty's naval Service behaved with their accustomed gallantry and coolness, but the loss amounted to fourteen killed and sixty-four wounded. Sir Francis Baring will forward to your Majesty copies of the despatches to-morrow, with his humble duty.

F. BARING.

[Footnote 11: Notorious as a centre of the Slave Trade. The
native king was deposed.]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Francis Baring._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th February 1852._

The Queen has received both Sir Francis Baring's letters of the 15th. The news of the capture and destruction of the town of Lagos has given us the _greatest_ satisfaction, as it will give a most serious blow to the iniquitous traffic in slaves. The Rev. Mr Crowther, whom the Queen saw about two months ago (and whom she believes Sir Francis Baring has also seen), told us that the slave trade on that part of the African coast would be at an end if Lagos, the stronghold of its greatest supporters, was destroyed. The Queen must express to Sir Francis Baring her sense of the services rendered by Commodore Bruce and the Officers under him.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 13th reached me on Saturday here, where we are since Friday afternoon. I am glad that you are satisfied with Lord Granville's answer. The question shall certainly be borne in mind, and you may rely on our doing whatever can be effected to bring about the desired end. I think Louis Napoleon will find his decrees very difficult to carry out. I am very glad to hear that you quietly are preparing to strengthen yourself against the possibility of any attack from France. This will, I think, put Louis Napoleon on his good behaviour....

The extension of the Suffrage[12] was almost unavoidable, and it was better to do it quietly, and not to wait till there was a cry for it--to which one would have to yield. The deal there is to do, and the importance of everything going on at home and abroad, is unexampled in _my_ recollection and _very_ trying; Albert becomes really a _terrible_ man of business; I think it takes a little off from the gentleness of his character, and makes him so preoccupied. I grieve over all this, as I _cannot_ enjoy these things, _much_ as I interest myself in _general_ European politics; but I am every day more convinced that _we women_, _if_ we _are_ to be _good_ women, _feminine_ and _amiable_ and _domestic_, are _not fitted to reign_; at least it is _contre gre_ that they drive themselves to the _work_ which it entails.

However, this cannot now be helped, and it is the duty of every one to fulfil all that they are called upon to do, in whatever situation they may be!

Mme. van de Weyer thinks your children so grown and improved, and Charlotte as lovely as ever. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 12: See _ante_, pp. 294, 324.]

[Pageheading: THE MILITIA BILL]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _20th February 1852._ (9.15 P.M.)

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Lord Palmerston has just carried his Motion for leaving out the word "Local" in the title of the Bill for the Militia.[13]

Lord John Russell then declared that he could no longer take charge of the Bill. Lord Palmerston said he was astonished at the Government for giving up the Bill for so slight a cause.

Lord John Russell then said that he considered the vote as tantamount to a resolution of want of confidence, which remark was loudly cheered on the other side.

Sir Benjamin Hall said he wondered the Government did not resign, on which Lord John again explained that when confidence was withdrawn, the consequence was obvious.

[Footnote 13: Events in France had revived anxiety as to the
national defences, and the Government brought in a Bill for
raising a local Militia. To this scheme the Duke of Wellington
had been unfavourable, and Lord Palmerston, by a majority of
eleven, carried an Amendment in favour of re-organising the
"regular" instead of raising a "local" Militia.]

[Pageheading: THE MINISTRY DEFEATED]

[Pageheading: RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1852._

Lord John Russell came this morning at twelve o'clock to explain that after the vote of yesterday[14] it was impossible for him to go on any longer with the Government. He considered it a vote of censure, and an entirely unprecedented case not to allow a Minister of the Crown even to lay his measure on the Table of the House; that he had expected to the last that the respectable part of the House would see all this, but there seemed to have been a pre-arranged determination between Lord Palmerston and the Protectionists to defeat the Government; that the Peelites also had agreed to vote against them. Sir James Graham and Mr Cardwell had stayed away, but Mr Gladstone and Mr S. Herbert had voted against them, the latter even misrepresenting what Lord John had said. No Government could stand against incessant motions of censure upon every imaginable department of the Executive Government. The Prime Minister would either have to take the management of all the departments into his own hands, and to be prepared to defend every item, for which he (Lord John) did not feel the moral and physical power, or he must succumb on those different points which the Opposition with divided labour could single out. Lord Palmerston's conduct was the more reprehensible as he had asked him the day before about his objections to the Bill, and had (he thought) satisfied him that the four points upon which he had insisted were provided for in the Bill.

[Footnote 14: On the Militia Bill.]

He thought he could not (in answer to the Queen's enquiry) dissolve Parliament, and that Lord Palmerston had no Party. But he supposed Lord Derby was prepared to form a Protection Government. This Government would pass the estimates and the Mutiny Bill, and would then have to proceed to a Dissolution. Lord John had merely seen Lord Lansdowne, who had approved of the course he meant to pursue, though afraid of the imputation that the Government had run away from the Caffre debate. He had summoned the Cabinet, and would report their resolution. Speaking of Lord Palmerston, Lord John said he had heard that Lord Palmerston had said that there was one thing between them which he could not forgive, and that was his reading the Queen's Minute to the House of Commons.

At a quarter past four Lord John came back from the Cabinet, and formally tendered the resignations of himself and colleagues. The Cabinet had been unanimous that there was no other course to pursue, and that it would not be advisable to make use of the Queen's permission to advise a Dissolution. Lord Granville had ascertained through Dr Quin from Lord Lyndhurst that Lord Derby was prepared with an Administration, having obtained Mr Thomas Baring's consent to act as Leader of the House of Commons.

Sir Stratford Canning at Constantinople was supposed to be intended for the Foreign Office. Lord Lyndhurst said, though the materials were there, they were very bad ones, and it was a question whether they would stand long. He himself would keep out of place.

We advised Lord John to keep his Party well under discipline in Opposition, so that whilst there it did not commit errors which would become new difficulties for the future Government. He seemed disinclined for great exertions after the fatigues he had undergone these last years. He said he thought he would not go on with the Reform Bill out of office, as that was a measure which ought to be carried by a Government. If he had again to propose it, he would very likely alter it a little, reverting to his original plan of taking away one Member of the two returned by small boroughs, and giving their seats to some large towns, counties, and corporations like the Universities, etc.

Lord John defers taking his formal leave till a new Administration is formed.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY SUMMONED]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1852._

The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at half-past two to-morrow should he be in Town; if not, on Monday at twelve o'clock.

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd February 1852._

... Lord Derby said that he could not command a majority in the House of Lords, that he was in a decided minority in the House of Commons, and thought that in the critical circumstances in which the country was placed both at home and abroad, he ought not to ask for a Dissolution. He must then try to strengthen himself particularly in the House of Commons by any means he could. There was one person whom he could not venture to propose for the Foreign Office on account of what had lately passed, and what he might be allowed to call the "well-known personal feelings of the Queen"; but Lord Palmerston was one of the ablest debaters, and might well be offered the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer.

The Queen ... would not, by refusing her consent, throw additional difficulties in Lord Derby's way; she warned him, however, of the dangerous qualities of [Lord Palmerston].

Lord Derby rejoined that he knew them, and thought them pernicious for the conduct of the Foreign Affairs, but at the Exchequer they would have less play; he himself would undertake to control him. His greatest indiscretion--that in the Kossuth affair--must have been with a view to form a Party; that if left excluded from office, he would become more dangerous, and might in fact force himself back at the head of a Party with a claim to the Foreign Office, whilst if he had ever accepted another Office, his pretensions might be considered as waived; he (Lord Derby) did not know in the least whether Lord Palmerston would accept, but in case he did not, the offer would propitiate him, and render the Government in the House of Commons more possible, as it would have anyhow all the talent of the late Government, Peelites and Radicals, to withstand.

To my question whether Lord Derby fancied he would remain Prime Minister any length of time, when once Lord Palmerston had got the lead of the House of Commons, he replied he was not afraid of him; he felt sure he could control him, although he would not have been able to admit him to the Foreign Office on account of the very strong strictures he had passed upon his Foreign Policy at different times--even if the Queen had allowed it.

_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _22nd February 1852._ (_Half-past eight._)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, deems it incumbent upon him to submit to your Majesty without delay that having had an interview this evening with Lord Palmerston, the latter has, although in the most friendly terms, declined accepting the Office, upon the ground of difference of opinion, not on the principle, but on the expediency of the imposition of any duty, under any circumstances, upon foreign corn. This was a point which Lord Derby was willing to have left undecided until the result of a General Election should be known.

Although this refusal may add materially to Lord Derby's difficulties, he cannot regret that the offer has been made, as the proposal must have tended to diminish any feelings of hostility which might have been productive of future embarrassment to your Majesty's service, to whatever hands it may be entrusted....

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,

DERBY.

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S CABINET]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1852._

Lord Derby reported progress at half-past two, and submitted a list of the principal Officers of the Government which follows, and which the Queen approved.

The Queen allowed Lord Lyndhurst (who has declined office--has been Lord Chancellor three times, and now entered upon his eightieth year) to be offered an Earldom--which he very much desired for the position of his daughters, having no son.

After he had kissed hands upon his entering upon his office, Lord Derby had a further conversation with me on Household appointments. I told him he must now, as Prime Minister, consider himself to a certain degree in the position of the Confessor; that formerly the Lord Chancellor was Keeper of the King's Conscience, the office might be considered to have descended on the Prime Minister. The Queen must then be able to confer with him on personal matters, or I, on her behalf, with the most entire confidence, and that she must be sure that nothing was divulged which passed between them on these matters, and he might repose the same confidence in us. As to the formation of the Household, the Queen made two conditions, viz. that the persons to compose her Court should not be on the verge of bankruptcy, and that their moral character should bear investigation. On the Queen's accession Lord Melbourne had been very careless in his appointments, and great harm had resulted to the Court therefrom. Since her marriage I had insisted upon a closer line being drawn, and though Lord Melbourne had declared "that that damned morality would undo us all," we had found great advantage in it and were determined to adhere to it....

ALBERT.

_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Sutherland._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1852._

MY DEAREST DUCHESS,--I cannot say _how deeply_ grieved I am to think that the event which has just occurred, and which Lord Derby's acceptance of office has to-day confirmed, will entail your leaving, for a time, my service. It has been _ever_ a real pleasure to me to have you with me; my affection and esteem for you, my dearest Duchess, are great, and we _both_ know what a kind and true friend we have in you.

I think that I may rely on your returning to me on a future occasion whenever that may be, and that I shall frequently have the pleasure of seeing you, even when you are no longer attached to my person.

I shall hope to see you soon. The Levee remains fixed for Thursday, and the transfer of the Officers of the new Government does not take place till Friday.

With the Prince's kindest remembrance, and ours to the Duke and Constance. Believe me always, yours affectionately,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1852._

DEAREST UNCLE,--Great and not _very_ pleasant events have happened since I wrote last to you. I know that Van de Weyer has informed you of everything, of the really (till the last day) unexpected defeat, and of Lord Derby's assumption of office, with a very sorry Cabinet. I believe, however, that it is quite necessary they should have a trial, and then have done with it. Provided the country remains quiet, and they are prudent in their Foreign Policy, I shall take the trial as patiently as I can....

Alas! your confidence in our excellent Lord Granville is no longer of any avail, though I hope ere long he will be at the Foreign Office again,[15] and I cannot say that his successor,[16] who has never been in office (as indeed is the case with almost all the new Ministers), inspires me with confidence. I see that Louis Napoleon has again seized one of the adherents, or rathermore one of the men of business, of the poor Orleans....

There are some terrible stories from Madrid of people having told the poor Queen that the King had arranged this attack on her person, and that she was anxious to abdicate.[17] If you should hear anything of this kind, be kind enough to tell me of it. With Albert's love (he is well fagged with business), ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 15: Lord Granville held the Foreign Secretaryship in
1870-1874, and again in 1880-1885.]

[Footnote 16: Lord Malmesbury.]

[Footnote 17: The Queen was stabbed by a priest when returning
from church.]

[Pageheading: LORD MALMESBURY]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1852._

The Queen thinks that it would be of the highest importance that not only Lord Malmesbury (as is always usual) should receive the necessary information from Lord Granville, but that Lord Derby should see him and hear from him the state of all the critical questions now pending on Foreign Affairs. Lord Granville has made himself master in a very short time of all the very intricate subjects with which his Office has to deal, and she must here bear testimony to the extreme discretion, good sense, and calmness with which he has conducted the very responsible and difficult post of Foreign Secretary.

[Pageheading: NEW APPOINTMENTS]

_The Earl of Derby to the Prince Albert._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _25th February 1852._ (_5_ P.M.)

SIR,--I have delayed longer than I could have wished acknowledging the letter which I had the honour to receive from your Royal Highness last night, in hopes that by this time I should have been enabled to solve the difficulties connected with the Household Appointments; but I regret to say they are rather increased than otherwise. I will not trouble your Royal Highness now with any details; but if I might be honoured with an audience at any hour after the Levee to-morrow, I shall perhaps be able to make a more satisfactory report, and at all events to explain the state of affairs more fully.

In the meantime, it may save Her Majesty some trouble if I request that your Royal Highness will have the goodness to lay before Her Majesty the enclosed list of Appointments which, subject to Her Majesty's approval, I have arranged in the course of this day. The Admiralty List found its way most improperly into some of the morning papers before I was even aware that the Duke of Northumberland had finally obtained the assent of the Officers whom he had selected.

As it is possible that the Queen may not be acquainted with the name of Colonel Dunne, I have the honour of enclosing a letter respecting him which I have received from Lord Fitzroy Somerset, since I had intimated to him my intention of submitting his name to Her Majesty, and which is highly satisfactory.

I must beg your Royal Highness to offer to the Queen my most humble and grateful acknowledgment of the kindness which Her Majesty has evinced in endeavouring to facilitate the progress of the Household arrangements.

I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,

DERBY.

[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]

_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._[18]

THURSDAY, _26th February 1852._

Lord Derby came to Albert at half-past three, and Albert called me in at a little after four....

Lord Derby told us he meant to proceed as speedily as possible with the defences of the country, and that his plan for the Militia entirely coincided with Albert's plan (viz. he (Albert) wrote on the subject to the Duke of Wellington, who _did not_ like it),[19] and meant to try and avoid all the objections. On his observing that no one had entirely understood the Government Bill, I said that the Government had not even been allowed to bring it in, which was a most unfair proceeding; upon which Lord Derby reiterated his professions of this being no preconcerted plan of his Party's, but that it was "symptomatic"; he, however, was obliged to own that it was rather hard and not quite fair on the late Government.

I then explained to him the arrangement respecting the drafts from the Foreign Office going first to him before they came to me, and wished this should be continued, which he promised should be done, as well as that all important Colonial despatches should be sent to me. Touched upon the various critical questions on the Continent.... Lord Derby said that all Louis Napoleon's views were contained in his book _Idees Napoleoniennes_ written in '39, for that he was more a man of "_Idees fixes_" than any one; and in this book he spoke of gaining territory by _diplomacy_ and not by war. Lord Derby gave us a note from Louis Napoleon to Lord Malmesbury, congratulating him on his appointment, professing the most friendly and pacific intentions, and hoping the Cowleys would (as they do) remain at Paris.

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 18: Extract from Her Majesty's _Journal_.]

[Footnote 19: This Memorandum is given in chap. xlv. of the
_Life of the Prince Consort_.]

[Pageheading: FAREWELL AUDIENCES]

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S PROGRAMME]

[Pageheading: LORD DERBY AND THE CHURCH]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1852._

To-day the formal change of Government took place. The old Ministers who had Seals to give up assembled at half-past eleven, and had their Audiences in the following order:

_Sir George Grey_ was very much overcome; promised at our request to do what he could to keep his friends moderate and united. Spoke well of his successor, Mr Walpole, and assured the Queen that he left the country in a most quiet and contented state.

_Lord Grey_ was sorry that the resignation had taken place before the Caffre Debate, in which he had hoped to make a triumphant defence; he was sure it must have come to this from the way in which Lord John had managed matters. He had never had his measures thoroughly considered when he brought them forward. He (Lord Grey) had had to remonstrate very strongly about this Militia Bill, which had not even been laid, printed, before the Cabinet, and had not been discussed at all; he himself had objected to the greater part of it, and had always expected to have an opportunity of making his opinion heard; instead of spending Christmas at Woburn he ought to have digested his measures; this was not fair to his colleagues, and he could never have the same confidence in Lord John as before. We urged him to forget what had passed and to do the best for the future; that it was important the Party should be kept together and should unite if possible with the Peelites, so that the Queen might hope to get a strong Government. Lord Grey thought there was little chance of this. The next Government could never be as moderate again as this had been; this he had always dreaded, and was the reason why he lamented that Lord John had failed in his negotiation with the Peelites this winter, upon Lord Palmerston's dismissal; but the fact was Lord John had never wished it to succeed, and it had been unfair that he had not stated to them (the Peelites) that all his colleagues were ready to give up their places.

_Lord Granville_ had seen Lord Malmesbury several times, who appeared to him to take pains about informing himself on the state of Foreign Affairs, but seemed inclined to be ambitious of acquiring the merit of being exclusively _English_ in his policy; this was quite right, but might be carried too far; however, Lord Malmesbury was cautious and moderate.

_The Chancellor of the Exchequer_ (_Sir Charles Wood_) was not surprised at the fate of the Government, although they had not expected to be defeated on the Militia Bill; in fact, a division had hardly been looked for, as Lord John had talked the day before with Lord Palmerston, and satisfied him that all his objections should be provided against in the Bill. He thought it was better, however, that the Caffre Debate had not been waited for, which must have been a personal and very acrimonious one. He thought Lord Grey had not been very discreet in his language to the Queen on Lord John. Sir J. Graham had been in a difficulty with his own Party, and therefore had not wished to encourage Lord John's negotiation with the Peelites. He promised that, for his part, he would do all he could to keep his Party from doing anything violent, but that he was afraid many others would be so, and that he and Lord Grey had in vain tried to persuade Mr Cobden to remain quiet.

Lord Derby had then an Audience to explain what should be done at the Council. He regretted the Duchess of Northumberland's declining to be Mistress of the Robes, on account of ill-health, which had been communicated to the Queen by her father, Lord Westminster. He proposed the Duchess of Argyll, whom the Queen allowed to be sounded (though feeling certain, that, considering the Liberal views of her husband, she will not accept it), and sanctioned his sounding also the Duchess of Athole, whom the Queen wished to make the offer to, in case the Duchess of Argyll declined. Lord Derby stated the difficulty he was in with Sir A. B., whose wife had never been received at Court or in society, although she had run away with him when he was still at school, and was nearly seventy years old. The Queen said it would not do to receive her now at Court, although society might do in that respect what it pleased; it was a principle at Court not to receive ladies whose characters are under a stigma.

We now proceeded to the Council, which was attended only by three Councillors, the other seventeen having all had to be sworn in as Privy Councillors first.[20]

[Footnote 20: _See_ Disraeli's _Endymion_ (chap. c.) for a
graphic description of this remarkable scene.]

After the Council Lord Hardinge was called to the Queen, and explained that he accepted the Ordnance only on the condition that he was not to be expected to give a vote which would reverse the policy of Sir R. Peel, to which he had hitherto adhered. He had thought it his duty, however, not to refuse his services to the Crown after the many marks of favour he had received from the Queen.

Lord Derby then had an Audience to explain what he intended to state in Parliament this evening as the programme of his Ministerial Policy. It was very fluent and very able, but so completely the same as the Speech which he has since delivered, that I must refer to its account in the reports. When he came to the passage regarding the Church, the Queen expressed to him her sense of the importance not to have _Puseyites_ or _Romanisers_ recommended for appointments in the Church as bishops or clergymen. Lord Derby declared himself as decidedly hostile to the Puseyite tendency, and ready to watch over the Protestant character of the Church. He said he did not pretend to give a decided opinion on so difficult and delicate a point, but it had struck him that although nobody could think in earnest of reviving the old Convocation, yet the disputes in the Church perhaps could be most readily settled by some Assembly representing the laity as well as the clergy. I expressed it as my opinion that some such plan would succeed, provided the Church Constitution was built up from the bottom, giving the Vestries a legislative character in the parishes leading up to Diocesan Assemblies, and finally to a general one.

On Education he spoke very liberally, but seemed inclined to support the views of the bishops against the so-called "management clauses" of the Privy Council, viz. not to allow grants to schools even if the parish should prefer the bishops' inspection to the Privy Council inspection.

ALBERT.

_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _27th February 1852._ (_Half-past seven_ P.M.)

Lord Derby, with his humble duty, hastens to acquaint your Majesty, having just returned from the House of Lords, that his statement, going over the topics the substance of which he had the honour of submitting to your Majesty was, as far as he could judge, favourably received. Earl Grey attempted to provoke a Corn Law discussion, but the feeling of the House was against the premature introduction of so complicated and exciting a topic. Lord Aberdeen, dissenting from any alteration of commercial policy, entirely concurred in Lord Derby's views of Foreign Affairs, and of the course to be adopted in dealing with Foreign Nations. Lord Derby did not omit to lay stress upon "the strict adherence, in letter and in spirit, to the obligations of Treaties," which was well received.

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _5th March 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to offer my affectionate thanks for a most gracious and long letter of the 2nd.

Within these days we have not had anything very important, but, generally speaking, there has been, at least in appearance, a quieter disposition in the ruling power at Paris. We are here in the awkward position of persons in hot climates, who find themselves in company, for instance in their beds, with a snake; they must _not move, because that irritates_ the creature, but they can hardly remain as they are, without a fair chance of being bitten.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: FOREIGN AFFAIRS]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _9th March 1852._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 5th reached me just after we arrived here, at our sweet, peaceful little abode.

It seems that Louis Napoleon's mind is chiefly engrossed with measures for the interior of France, and that the serious question of Switzerland is becoming less menacing. On the other hand, Austria behaves with a hostility, and I must say folly, which prevents all attempts at reconciliation. All the admirers of Austria consider Prince Schwartzenberg[21] a madman, and the Emperor Nicholas said that he was "Lord Palmerston in a white uniform." What a calamity this is at the present moment!

We have a most talented, capable, and courageous Prime Minister, but all his people have no experience--have never been in _any sort_ of office before!

On Friday the House of Commons meets again, and I doubt not great violence will be displayed.

With every kind love to my dear Cousins, ever your very devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 21: Prime Minister of Austria. He died in the April
following.]

_Colonel Phipps to Queen Victoria._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th March 1852._

Colonel Phipps' humble duty to your Majesty.

He has this day visited the Marionette Theatre, and feels quite certain not only that it would not be a suitable theatre for your Majesty to visit, but that your Majesty would derive no amusement from it.

The mechanism of the puppets is only passable, and the matter of the entertainment stupid and tiresome, consisting in a great part of worn-out old English songs, such as "The death of Nelson"! Colonel Phipps considers "Punch" a much more amusing performance. Lady Mount Edgecumbe, who was in a box there, would probably give your Majesty an account of it....

_The report in London is_, that Lord John Russell is to recommend moderation at the meeting at his house to-morrow. He has, very foolishly, subjected himself to another rebuff from Lord Palmerston by inviting him to attend that meeting, which Lord Palmerston has peremptorily refused. Since that, however, Lady Palmerston has called upon Lady John with a view to a _personal_--not political--reconciliation. Lady Palmerston, as Colonel Phipps hears, still persists in the unfounded accusation against Lord John of having quoted your Majesty's Minute in the House of Commons without giving Lord Palmerston notice of his intention.[22]

[Footnote 22: Palmerston, however, admitted the contrary
(_Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. ii. chap. xliv.).]

[Pageheading: DEMOCRACY]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _12th March 1852._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to thank you for a most kind letter from peaceful Osborne, which must doubly appear so to you now, after all the troubles of the recent Ministerial arrangements. I am glad that you are struck with the good qualities of your new Premier. I am sure his great wish will be to make the best possible Minister of the Crown. His task will be very difficult. "Bread, cheap bread," "the poor oppressed by the _aristocratie_," etc.--a whole vocabulary of exciting words of that kind will be put forward to inflame the popular mind; and of all the Sovereigns, the Sovereign "People" is certainly one of the most fanciful and fickle. Our neighbour in France shows this more than any other on the whole globe; the Nation there is _still_ the _Sovereign_, and this renders the President absolute, because he is the representative of the supreme will of the _supreme Nation_, sending us constantly some new exiles here, which is very unpleasant. We are going on very gently, merely putting those means of defence a little in order, which ought by rights always to be so, if it was not for the ultra-unwise economy of Parliaments and Chambers. Without, at least, comparative security by means of well-regulated measures of defence, no country, be it great or small, can be considered as possessing National Independence. I must say that in Austria, at least Schwartzenberg, they are very much intoxicated. I hope they will grow sober again soon. It was very kind of you to have visited the poor Orleans Family. Rarely one has seen a family so struck in their affections, fortunes, happiness; and it is a sad case. Those unfortunate Spanish marriages have much contributed to it; even angelic Louise had been caught by _l'honneur de la maison de Bourbon_.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: THE NEW MILITIA BILL]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._

OSBORNE, _12th March 1852._

The Queen must now answer Lord Derby on the questions which form the subjects of his three last communications.