Chapter IV: Front Matter (4)

[Internal structure.] 4. The Mirzapur Bhuiyas have not the intricate and confusing internal structure characteristic of the Bengal tribe. They describe themselves as divided into eight septs—Tirvâh, Magahiya, Dandwâr, Mahatwâr, Mahthek, Musahar, and Bhuînhâr or Bhuiyâr. Of these the Dandwâr, Magahiya, Mahatwâr, Tirvâh, appear in the Bengal lists from Lohardaga and the Musahar in Manbhûm. [82] Some of these sub-divisions are totemistic, some local, and some occupational. Thus the Tirvâh say they take their name from the fact that their original ancestor was thrown when a baby into a river. One of the Dandwâr sept rescued and brought him to the bank (tîr). Another version of the story is that the ancestor of the sept was born on the river bank, fell in accidentally, and was rescued by a Dandwâr. The Magahiya is a local sept derived from Magadha or Bihâr, their place of origin. The Dandwâr, again, is apparently an occupational sept. They take their name from dand, athletic exercises, in which like Nats they are said to be proficient. The Mahatwâr derive their name from the fact that they were formerly leaders (mahto) of the tribe. The Musahar are so called because they eat mice and rats (mûs). They say that they were originally natives of Magadha or Bihâr, and emigrated into Mirzapur only some three or four generations ago. They have now no connection with their original seat in the way of marriages, pilgrimages, or deriving their priests, barbers, or tribal officers from there. The septs of the Tirvâh, Dandwâr, and Mahatwâr intermarry, and the Magahiya, Mahthek, Bhuiyâr or Bhuînhâr, and Musahar intermarry. But these rules appear to be in a very uncertain state, because there seems no doubt that they also marry within their own sept, but not with a family with whom an alliance has been contracted within two or three generations, which is as far as memory runs. The internal structure of the tribe is, in fact, in a state of transition. The Musahar and Bhuînhâr or Bhuiyâr septs have practically completely separated, and this process will doubtless continue until still more endogamous groups are formed.

[Tribal council.] 5. They have a tribal council which is known as Bhayyâri, or “the assemblage of the brethren.” The meetings for tribal business take place when the members collect for marriages or funerals. They have a permanent hereditary president called Mahto. The principal cases which come before the council are charges of not feeding the brotherhood at marriages and deaths, eating or drinking with outsiders, and fornication or adultery. The usual punishment when an offence is proved is that the offender is condemned to feed the brotherhood for one or two days on goat’s flesh, rice, and liquor. If the hereditary president happens to be a minor, his duties are undertaken, till he grows up, by some other person appointed by the council.

[Marriage.] 6. Marriages are strictly local, and, as a rule, a Bhuiya never goes to a distance to find a wife for his son. Difference of occupation, provided other conditions are fulfilled, is not a bar to marriage. All the sub-divisions are equal as far as marriage is concerned, and the custom of hypergamy is unknown. They may have as many wives as they can buy and support. There is no rule of precedence among the wives, and all, if possible, live in different rooms in the same house. Concubinage is not permitted. Women are allowed considerable freedom both before and after marriage. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue with a man of her own caste her father has to give a feast to the brethren, and the girl is married to her lover. But apparently nothing short of actual detection in the act or the pregnancy of the girl is sufficient to compel the council to take action against her. If she is detected in an intrigue with a person not of her own caste she is permanently expelled. The usual marriage age for both boys and girls is twelve. The consent of the parents is essential, except in the case of prenuptial immorality, and by this means couples very often make up their own matches. The permanent bride-price prescribed for the whole tribe, whether rich or poor, is five rupees in cash, a cloth for the bride, four sers of rice, two sers of sugar, and one ser of turmeric. If after marriage either bride or bridegroom becomes idiotical, mad, leprous, impotent, or mutilated, the marriage is annulled. But this is conditional on the other party being ignorant before the marriage was carried out of such a defect.

[Divorce.] 7. Habitual infidelity on the part of either husband or wife is a ground for divorce, but the fact must be proved to the satisfaction of the tribal council, which scrutinizes the evidence very closely. Divorced women can remarry, but the feeling is against it, and only widowers or men who cannot afford the recognised bride-price for a virgin will take such women.

[Widow marriage and the levirate.] 8. Widows are remarried in the sagâi form. When a man marries a widow he has to repay the bride-price to the relations of her late husband. There is no ceremony. All the man does is to give the woman a sheet (sâri), and then takes her home, where he has to give a feast to the brethren. The levirate is strictly enforced. It is only when the younger brother of her late husband abandons his claim on the widow that she can marry an outsider. The elder brother can, under no circumstances, marry the widow of his younger brother. If she marries an outsider her brother-in-law has a right to the custody of all her children by the first marriage. If she marries an outsider she loses all right to the goods of her first husband. Her sons by her first husband are his heirs. In the case of the levirate the levir takes over the goods and children of his late brother: if, when they come of age, they wish to separate, they are considered entitled to an equal share in the joint property with their step brothers. There is no fiction that the children of the levir are affiliated to his late brother.

[Adoption.] 9. They assert that a sonless man can adopt and pretend to have some elaborate rules on the subject which are in imitation of their Hindu neighbours. At any rate it is clear that there is no religious motive for adoption, and if a man does adopt an heir it is one of his brother’s sons. A man may not adopt his sister’s son, but he may adopt his daughter’s son. A bachelor, a blind, impotent, or lame man may adopt, but not an ascetic. The rule that the person adopted should be unmarried is not enforced. Girls are never adopted.

[Succession.] 10. The rules of succession do not differ from those of the cognate Dravidian tribes. Genealogies are not carefully kept. They remember generally the names of four or five ancestors both in the male and female line.

[Birth ceremonies.] 11. There is no ceremony at pregnancy. The Chamâin midwife officiates. She cuts the cord (nâr) and buries it in the exact place where the child was born, and lights a fire there. On the day of her confinement the mother gets a decoction of flour, ginger, coarse sugar, and turmeric, mixed up and boiled in water. She then gets nothing to eat for three days, when she is fed on rice and pulse. She remains secluded in the delivery room (saur) for six days, during which time the Chamâin attends. On the sixth day is the chhathi ceremony. All the men and women of the family have their dirty clothes washed by the Dhobi. The men have their heads shaved, the women get the barber’s wife to cut their finger and toe nails, and dye their feet with lac dye (mahâwar). The house is replastered, and the old earthen vessels replaced. The Chamâin bathes mother and infant. The delivery room is first plastered by the Chamâin and then by the sister of the child’s father (nanad), for which she gets a present in money, clothes or cattle. If a son is born the Chamâin receive four annas and her food, and two annas for a daughter. The washerman and the barber’s wife get the same. The husband does not cohabit with his wife for two and-a-half months after her delivery.

[Adoption ceremony.] 12. Adoption is made in presence of the brethren, who are entertained. He acknowledges the boy as his son, and the boy acknowledges him as his father. If this is not done the adoption is not recognised.

[Puberty ceremony.] 13. There is no special ceremony when boys or girls attain puberty, but at the age of five or six their ears are bored (kanchhedana). The boring is done by a goldsmith, who gets one pice and a ration of uncooked grain (sîdha). No tribal feast is given, but the members of the household wear their best clothes and eat specially good food that day. Up to that time it does not matter what the child eats, but after the ear-boring he must conform to the rules of the caste.

[Marriage ceremonies. The betrothal.] 14. The selection of the bride is the business of the boy’s father. When he has made his choice he comes home and sends his brother-in-law, the tribal president (Mahto), and four or five other male friends to the father of the girl. If the proposal is accepted, the envoys are entertained for the night. Next morning the bride’s father summons his clansmen. A square is made with flour in the court-yard. Her father brings out the bride, who is made to stand in the square, and her father then calls on the friends of the bridegroom and the Mahto to examine her carefully and satisfy themselves that she has no physical defect. When they are satisfied the Mahto or brother-in-law of the bridegroom’s father fills the bride’s hand with dry rice and sprinkles some grains (achhat) over her for good luck. The bride then retires. Next the boy’s father sends for four annas worth of liquor, and the girl’s father for two annas worth. This is mixed, and the two fathers sit down with leaf platters (dauna) in their hands. These they exchange five times and drink the liquor. [83] The bride-price is then paid over to the girl’s father, and the betrothal is considered complete.

[The preliminary marriage ceremonies.] 15. After the betrothal the wedding day is fixed by the father of the bridegroom. Notice is sent through his brother-in-law to the bride’s father. Three days before the wedding the matmangara or “lucky earth” ceremony is performed in both families. The women of the village go in procession to the village clay-pit. At the head of them goes a Chamâr playing on his drum. This drum is first worshipped by the women, and a mark (tîka) made on it with red lead. The village Baiga then digs three spadesful of earth, which the mother of the bride or bridegroom, as the case may be, takes in her loin cloth, she standing behind him with her face veiled in her sheet, while he passes the earth to her over his left shoulder. This earth is placed in the marriage shed (mânro) which is erected in the courtyard of the house, and on it is placed an earthen jar (kalsa) full of water, into which some mango leaves and rice stalks are thrown. Next comes the anointing (tel hardi) of the pair, which is done at their respective houses by five women of the family (the number five is selected as it is lucky) who rub them with oil and turmeric. A day before the wedding day the brethren are entertained at a feast (Bhatwân). They are also fed on the morning when the procession starts. Before the procession starts the mother of the bridegroom seats herself on the rice mortar (okhari). The bridegroom walks towards her and turns back four times. The fifth time he comes close to her, when she seizes him by the handkerchief which he wears over his shoulders, and will not let him go until he promises a present. Next comes the imlighotna or “mixing of the tamarind.” The bridegroom’s mother sits on the ground with him in her lap. Her brother gives him a sip of tamarind mixed with sugar and water. He spits it out on the palm of his mother, who licks it up, and receives a present for doing so from her brother. Then comes the parachhan ceremony as described among Majhwârs (para. 16). The bridegroom then starts in procession for the bride’s house accompanied by his relatives and clansmen.

[Ceremonies at the house of the bride.] 16. At the bride’s house a marriage shed (mânro) has been erected. The posts, nine in number, are formed of the wood of the siddh tree (Hardwickia binata), and roofed with bamboos. The first post is erected by the village Baiga, and the work finished by the male relations of the bride. Mango leaves are hung on the pillars. At the same time a post of siddh wood is planted in the ground at the door of the cook-house and covered with a cloth. This post is decorated with red lead and turmeric, and is known as “the auspicious one” (Kalyâni). When the procession approaches the bride’s house, her relatives and friends go in a body (paghar) to receive the bridegroom. The bridegroom is led in and seated in the square (chauk) in the court-yards opposite his father-in-law, who makes a mark (tîka) of rice and curd on his forehead. The bridegroom then with his friends retires to the place arranged for them under a shady tree near the village. This is the janwânsa. The relatives of the bride follow them there and wash their feet. After this the bridegroom’s father sends the bride a piece of stamped cloth (chunari), which she wears at the wedding. Her father then invites the bridegroom to his house, where he enters, and, seizing the bride roughly by the hand (an obvious survival of marriage by capture [84]) brings her out into the marriage shed, and seats her on his left near a branch of the siddh tree, which is fixed in the ground in the centre of the shed. He then goes through the form of marrying himself to the tree by marking it with red lead, and after this rubs red lead on the parting of the bride’s hair. This done, the bride’s father, or in some instances a Brâhman, who gets a fee of one rupee, ties the garments of the pair in a knot and they walk round the siddh branch five times. Each time as they go round when they approach the water jar (kalsa [85]) the bride’s brother pours a little rice into the bride’s bosom. The bridegroom then with his party retires. Next morning is the ceremony of eating khichari or boiled rice and pulse. The bridegroom goes to the bride’s house accompanied by five unmarried boys of the same sept as himself. It is the etiquette that he refuses to eat until he gets a present. After this the clansmen on both sides are entertained.

[Ceremonies on the return of the bride.] 17. That same day the bridegroom brings his bride home in procession. When they reach his house two baskets are placed on the ground near the door, and they both step in these as they enter. That day the relatives and clansmen are entertained; and next morning disperse. A week after, the water jars (kalsa) which have been brought in the return procession are taken by the bride and bridegroom to an adjoining stream. The bridegroom first, not letting the bride see him, plunges his jar into the stream. She searches for it and fishes it out, and the bride plunges her jar in, which the bridegroom recovers. Both bathe and return to the house bearing the jars full of water, doing worship as they pass it to the shrine of the village gods (deohâr). When the bride brings her jar into the house she pours the contents of her jar over her mother-in-law and asks if she is satisfied with the match. The old woman gives her some trifling present.

[Binding portion of marriage ceremony.] 18. The binding portion of the ceremony is the rubbing of red lead on the parting of the bride’s hair by the bridegroom. If a betrothal is annulled the bride-price is returned: but after the marking with red lead the marriage is final until the parties are regularly divorced.

[Varieties of marriage.] 19. The forms thus described are known as the charhauwa or “offering” for virgin brides and sagâi for widows. Another recognised form is known as gurâwat, in which two men exchange their sisters in marriage. [86]

[Disposal of the dead.] 20. No one is allowed to die in the house. The bodies of the dead are carried on a bier to a neighbouring stream, where they are placed on a pyre, the head north and the feet south. The nearest relative of the dead person walks five times round the pyre, and first scorching the mouth of the corpse with a grass torch sets light to the pyre. Leaving it burning, the man who fired the pyre with his friends goes and bathes. When they return to the house they sit in the courtyard, and one man with a wisp of grass sprinkles water on their feet out of an earthen pot. Then they sit in silence for an hour round the chief mourner, and as they go away wash their hands in a mixture of sugar and water. The next morning the chief mourner collects the bones and ashes and consigns them to a neighbouring stream. From that time until the tenth day he keeps aloof from every one, cooks for himself, and does not sleep on a bed. He eats only once a day. Each time before he eats he lays out food for the spirit of the dead along the road by which the corpse was carried to cremation. [87] On the tenth day the clansmen assemble at a tank and shave their heads. Thence they go to the house of the deceased, where a goat is sacrificed in the name of the deceased, some liquor is poured on the ground, and the meat is boiled with rice and eaten. They have no srâddha ceremony, and no Brâhman or Mahâbrâhman officiates at the funeral ceremony, nor are any spells (mantra) or verses recited.

[Religion.] 21. The Bhuiyas call themselves Hindus, and, indeed, have advanced considerably in the direction of Hinduism, as compared with their brethren in Bengal, whose beliefs are almost altogether of the animistic or fetishistic type. [88] Their chief deity is the Hindu Kâli, who has doubtless succeeded some aboriginal goddess, such as the Pauri or Pahâri Devi of the Bhuiyas in Singhbhûm. [89] Kâli and Paramesar are worshipped in Aghan with an offering of sweet cakes and a burnt sacrifice (hom). Kâli’s shrine consists of a rude thatched hut, outside the village, with a flag in each of the four corners. A round mound of earth on a raised platform in the centre of the shrine represents the divinity. They worship through the Baiga the village gods (dih) and the earth goddess Dharti Mâta in association in the month of Chait. In fact a Bhuiya usually describes his faith, as the worship of Dih Dharti. [90] Goats, young pigs, and fowls, are offered to these deities. The Baiga receives as his perquisite the head of the victim, and the worshippers consume the rest of the flesh. Women do not join in this worship.

[Nâdu Bîr.] 22. They have a special tribal hero named Nâdu Bîr, of whom the following legend is told:—“Once upon a time there lived in Magadha or Vihâra a Bhuiya woman of exquisite loveliness. She had a son named Nâdu, who surpassed his mother in beauty. He was accustomed to roam in the forest and hunt any animal that fell in his way. One day he went out a-hunting equipped with a bow and arrows. When he got into the forest he happened to see a deer, which he pursued. He chased it till nightfall with no success. As he had gone far into the forest he lost his way, and was quite at a loss to know what to do and where to go. Thirsty and tired, he wandered about till he reached fortunately the Kuti or hermitage of an inspired ascetic, Koela Rishi by name. Seeing the ascetic he bowed down to the earth before him and begged for water, of which he stood badly in want. Koela Rishi took pity on him, and calling his wife and daughter told them to give him what he wanted. The daughter, in obedience to her father’s bidding, brought out a gourd full of water, and her mother gave him fruits and roots, the only food of the ascetic. The Bhuiya fed on the fruits and roots, and quenched his thirst with water. He passed the night there. But since he saw the daughter of the ascetic he was so much enamoured of her beauty that he became beside himself. In the morning he got up and went to take leave of the ascetic to go home. The ascetic saw through his mental eyes that the Bhuiya was enamoured of his daughter’s beauty, and also that his daughter was in love with him. He consulted his wife on the subject, and with her permission he married his daughter to the Bhuiya. Nâdu with his sweetheart returned to his mother, who was named Kamala. Kamala was exceedingly glad to see the wife of her son so beautiful and good. Nâdu loved his wife so much that he could never bear to leave her. For a long time they lived together, but the union was unhappily not blessed with a child. Discouraged and disheartened, Nâdu ran away from home without giving any notice to his wife or mother. After many days’ journey he reached Kamaru Kamachcha. One day as he was taking a walk in the streets of the city the eyes of the daughter of the King of that city fell on him. She invited Nâdu to dinner, and made love to him. Her name was Naina Jogini. After some time she began to dread that some other King’s daughter would appropriate her lover. To avoid this she turned Nâdu during the day into an ox through her magical powers, and at night changed him into a man, and lived with him. In this way some days were passed. After some time Nâdu remembered his wife and home, and begged Naina to allow him to visit his native land. Naina at first refused permission, but at last finding that Nâdu could not live long unless he was given leave, she granted him leave for a fortnight, and caused him through her magical powers to reach home within a couple of hours. He met his wife, stayed with her, and she became in child. Nâdu, true to his promise, left home and reached Kamaru Kamachcha on the fixed day. But when he left home he wrote his address on the gate of the door. He also told his wife that the child, when born, would search him out. In nine months Kausalya was delivered of a child most beautiful, and he was named Tulasi Bîr. Tulasi Bîr was so powerful, even on the day of his birth, that when he saw the light he at once proceeded to the fields and brought to the house a very heavy log that was lying there to be burnt in the saur, or room in which his mother was secluded. At the age of five he made a gulli of lead, 25 maunds in weight, and a danda, 52 maunds in weight, of iron. With these he used to play tipcat. When he attained his seventh year he read the writing on the gate, and having come to know that his father was a prisoner in Kamaru Kamachcha, in the hands of Naina Jogini, he flew into a passion, and started immediately for Kamaru Kamachcha. Reaching there, he commenced fighting with the forces of Naina Jogini. He set fire to the fort, and it was in a moment turned into a heap of ashes. The whole army was killed, driven back, or burnt by Tulasi Bîr. Naina used all her magical powers to defeat Tulasi, but in vain. Tulasi rescued his father and brought him home.”

23. Another bold adventure of a Bhuiya hero is thus described:—In the city of Marang there lived two brothers, Ganga Râm and Gajâdhar. They had a sister, Bârij Somati by name, who was very beautiful, and for whose love many men from distant quarters fought with her brothers, were defeated, and returned home heart-broken. When Tulasi was informed of it he fell in love with her without seeing her. He started for Marang, taking leave of his mother and father. He first sent word to Ganga Râm and Gajâdhar to give their sister to him in marriage. But they paid no attention to the message. Tulasi then fought a duel with the two brothers, defeated them, and took their sister by force, and brought her home and married her. Lahang Bîr was born of Bârij Somati. He was a very powerful man. Bhuiyas still speak of his boldness and bravery in very high terms, and worship him with prayers and sacrifices after every two years outside the village or in the family kitchen. They worship him in this way:—

24. They dig a hole in the ground five or six cubits deep and one or two cubits long. They burn fire in it, and walk on it bare foot. They say that the man who is possessed of the Bîr does not feel any sensation of burning by walking on fire. They also scatter thorny branches of ber and kankor on the ground, and roll on them. They say that the thorns become blunt when a man possessed of Lahang Bîr rolls on them. Those who are possessed of the Bîr pronounce blessings on the Bhuiyas, and they believe that these blessings turn out true. Bhuiyas offer him sacrifices of goats, fowls, and hogs.

[Festivals.] 25. The only Hindu festival which they observe is the Anant Chandas (14th light half of Bhâdon). They fast on that day and wear a thread on the right arm, over which some rude spells (mantra) are recited. Then they go into the forest and cut a branch of the karam tree (anthocephalus cadamba) which they fix up in the court-yard. The men bow to it, and the women decorate it with red lead. Then they get drunk, dance round it, and sing the karama songs. The festival is an occasion of rude license and debauchery. It is understood that if any girl takes a fancy to a man she has only to kick him on the ankle during the dance, and the parents get the pair married forthwith. They believe firmly that persons killed by tigers become dangerous ghosts. They are worshipped periodically by the Baiga with offerings of fowls and liquor at a mud shrine erected at the place the person was killed. [91] This is called the Baghaut. They also believe in the appearance of ghostly fires in the jungle at night. One of these blazes on the Juriya hill in Pargana Dudhi. It is said to be the fire of some holy faqîr, but when any one goes near the place it disappears. If any one goes into the forest wearing a red cloth the ghosts (bhût) which inhabit old mahua (bassia latifolia) and pîpal trees (ficus Indica) enter into him. A person in such a state has to go into the forest and bow down before every tree of these species until the ghost leaves him. The field deity is Hariyâri Devi (“the goddess of greenness”). She is worshipped in the field by the Baiga with a sacrifice of fowls and liquor when the harvest is completed.

[Ancestor worship.] 26. They dread the ghosts of the dead and offer sacrifices and lay out food for them through the head of the house. If they are not fed they remain hungry in the next world, appear in dreams, and show their displeasure by besetting their living friends in the form of the nightmare, which grips their throats, sits on their breasts, and vampire-like drinks their blood at night. They appear to have no knowledge of the remarkable mock human sacrifice described by Colonel Dalton. [92]

[Various superstitions, omens, oaths, exorcisms.] 27. Friday is their lucky day, and Saturday is unlucky. The numbers three and five are lucky. The note of the Suiya bird singing on the left is a favourable meeting omen. The East is the lucky direction. They swear on the head of their sons, and by holding the tail of a cow. These oaths are used for the decision of private disputes concerning tribal discipline. They believe in magic and witchcraft. Only special sorcerers (ojha) and witches (tonahi) have this power. They attack their victims by throwing dust on them, and making them eat some special food, which brings the victim under their influence. The Ojha prescribes in cases of witch or ghost possession. He names the particular bhût which is at the root of the mischief, and directs an offering of a fowl or a young pig, which he sacrifices and eats himself. Ojhas also pretend to be able to foretell the future. They do not believe much in dreams, except as an indication that the deceased ancestors are displeased with them. They believe in the Evil Eye, which is a power residing principally in persons born on Saturday. There are special spells (mantra) to obviate it. Any member of the tribe can learn and use these.

[Social observances.] 28. The women tattoo themselves in the way common to all the allied tribes. They will not touch a Dom, Dharkâr, Dhobi, or Chamâr; nor the wife of the wife’s elder brother, the wife of the younger brother, or the mother of the wife or husband of their son or daughter. In the morning they will not mention a monkey or a tiger. They do not eat the flesh of the cow, buffalo, monkey, crocodile, snake, lizard, or jackal. They eat pork, fowl, fish, and rats. Women do not eat with men; the men eat first and women afterwards. They use tobacco and liquor freely, and the latter is considered to ward off malaria. But habitual drunkenness is discreditable. Younger people salute their elders in the pâêlagi form, and the elders give the blessing, nîkê raho, “may you be happy.” Old men are cared for, and women, who are much used in outdoor and domestic work, appear to be treated with a tolerable amount of consideration. But if they are disobedient, wives are beaten by their husbands. Doms and Dharkârs will eat their leavings. They will eat food cooked by Brâhmans, Râjputs, or Banyas, and Ahîrs. Among the aboriginal tribes the only ones from whose hands they will eat food are the Kharwârs.

[Occupation.] 29. Most of them are hereditary serf ploughmen (harwâha). The usual wages are three sers of coarse grain per diem and ten annas in cash per mensem. In winter they get a blanket, and in the rains a palm leaf umbrella hat (khumari): at the beginning and ending of the sowing season they get a special dinner from their masters. Some have risen in the social scale, cultivate on their own account, and keep cattle and sheep. Some of the Mirzapur Bhuiyas are makers of catechu (khair), and are hence known as Khairaha. They are quiet, industrious, simple, confiding people.

[Local organization.] 30. They have a local organization called “the unity” (eka) embracing a group of villages. When any one encroaches on their rights they meet and discuss the matter.

[Clothes and jewelry.] 31. The women are tolerably decently dressed. The men’s dress is sometimes terribly scanty. Women wear no ornament in the nose: in the ears they wear palm leaf ornaments (tarki); on the neck beads (guriya), and necklaces; on the hands mattiya, and rings on the fingers. The men wear brass earrings and bead necklaces.

Bhuiyâr: Bhuînhâr.—A Dravidian tribe in the hill country of South Mirzapur. They are also known as Beonriha from beonra, which is a local term for the dahya system of cultivation by which patches of jungle are periodically burnt down and brought under the plough. Mr. Jonathan Duncan in one of his reports speaks of them under the name of Bewariyas, and describes them as being in such an exceedingly wild and uncivilised state as not to have attended him to make their settlement. [93] It is needless to say that they have no connection with the semi-gipsy Bâwariyas. The tribe is also known as Baiga, because large numbers of the aboriginal local priests are derived from this caste. The word Bhuînhâr (Sanskrit, bhûmi-kâra) means “land-holder,” and is a title of some of the allied tribes, e.g., the Mundas. [94] They are probably identical with the Bhuryas described by Dr. Ball. [95] It is hardly necessary to say that they have no connection with the regular half Brâhman half Kshatriya Bhuînhârs of the Gangetic valley.

[Tribal constitution.] 2. The Mirzapur Bhuiyârs can name fifteen exogamous septs (kuri). Five of these, the Khagoriha, Suidaha, Khatkariha, Deohariya, Chargoriha, are admittedly local septs, deriving their names from the villages in which they originated. They have branched off in comparatively recent times. The original ten septs are probably in a large degree of totemistic origin. These are Bhuînhâr or “land-holder;” Nâpan, “the measurer;” Bhûsar, “the chaff men;” Bhall, “arrow men;” Sisi; Bunbun, the bumble bee; Karwa, “bitter;” Râê, “leader;” Daspût, son of a slave; Bhaniha, “he that has the rays of the sun,” many of which are possibly nicknames. If any of these titles were originally totemistic their significance has now been lost.

[Rule of exogamy.] 3. These septs (kuri) are all exogamous, and marriage within the septs is absolutely forbidden. This rule, which obviously permits very close intermarriage, is not supplemented by the complete formula mamera, chachera, phuphera and mausera, which bars the line of the paternal and maternal uncle and aunt. Here only the line of the paternal and maternal uncle within one generation is excluded; and after this intermarriage between their descendants is allowed.

[Traditions of origin.] 4. Their traditions of origin are very vague. They speak of a place called Bhaunradah as their original head-quarters, but of this they know nothing more than that it is somewhere to the south.

[Tribal council.] 5. They have a tribal council (panchâyat) which meets occasionally. There is no permanent president (mahto), but the oldest or most competent person is appointed at each meeting. If a man is convicted of adultery or fornication he is generally put out of caste for a year or two. He is then restored on providing a feast for the clansmen. The penalty is particularly high in the cases of incestuous connection with women within the prohibited degrees. If proved guilty of such conduct he has to provide five goats and as much liquor as can be made in one distillation from a single still (bhatti). If the woman with whom he is detected in an intrigue belongs to another caste, the fine is one still of liquor and two goats. He must obey the order of the council. If he is contumacious the fine is increased: if he submits and pleads poverty, it is often reduced.

[Marriage.] 6. A man may marry in any of the ten septs (the five last being regarded as only offshoots from the others), provided both parties are in possession of full caste rights. Among these people we have a distinct survival of marriage by capture in the sort of wrestling or struggle which takes place between the bride and bridegroom, before the latter during the marriage ceremony applies red lead to the parting of the hair of the former. This custom of applying red lead is an obvious survival of the original blood covenant when the bride was marked with blood drawn from the body of the bridegroom, and thus formally united to him. A man may have as many wives as he can afford to purchase with the bride-price and support. The senior wife is held in special respect and gets more jewelry and better clothes than her juniors. She alone represents the women of the family at social celebrations. This appears, as Dr. Westermarck remarks, to indicate a transition from monogamous to polygynous habits, and not vice versâ, as has often been suggested. [96] If the family house is large the wives all live together; if not, in separate rooms grouped round the common courtyard. [97] Another peculiarity among this tribe is the intense fear of the menstrual pollution. [98] There are always two doors to the dwelling house, one of which is used only by women in this condition. While impure the woman is fed by her husband apart from the rest of the family, and whenever she has to go out she is obliged to creep out on her hands and knees so as to avoid polluting the house thatch by her touch. Concubinage and polyandry are both prohibited, and the latter is looked upon with such horror by them that it seems impossible to believe that it could ever have been a tribal institution. [99] Women enjoy a considerable amount of liberty both before and after marriage. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue with a clansman, the tribal council imposes a fine on her paramour and marries her to him. The fine consists of a goat, rice, and liquor. The marriage age for girls is from ten to twelve, and to delay the marriage of girls to a later period is considered unseemly. As the people put it, “the brotherhood jeer” (birâdari hansat). The marriage of a boy is arranged by his sister’s husband (bahnoi). It usually takes place by arrangement between the pair, but love matches are allowed and are not unusual. The bride-price consists of a sheet (orhna) valued at three rupees, five rupees in cash, and fifteen sers of liquor. The bride receives the sheet, and the money and the liquor are used in the marriage feast. This is the invariable rate and does not vary with the means of the parties. If after marriage it turns out that the bridegroom becomes mad, blind, leprous, or impotent, her relations will withhold the bride. In this case, if the husband have a younger brother, the marriage is annulled by the council, and the bride is again married to her brother-in-law by the less regular form used in the case of widows, i.e., by sagâi. On the other hand if after marriage any defects manifest themselves in the bride her husband is bound to accept her, and if before marriage the relations of the bride were aware of any defect in the bridegroom the marriage cannot be broken.

[Divorce.] 7. Adultery in the wife when proved to the satisfaction of the council is a ground for putting her away, but no evidence short of the testimony of eye-witnesses to the act of adultery is accepted. Adultery in the husband is not a ground for divorce, but if his misconduct is brought to the notice of the council they will reprimand him. Ill-treatment, again, on the part of the husband is not a ground for divorce, but the wife generally takes matters into her own hands and escapes to the house of her parents, who will not restore her until the husband gives security that the ill-usage will not be repeated. The cost of brides acts, it is needless to say, as a check on ill-usage or desertion. [100] A divorced wife is allowed to marry again by the sagâi form with the permission of the council.

[Widow marriage and the levirate.] 8. Widows can many again by the form known as sagâi, and women are so valuable that every young widow if not taken over by her brother-in-law is married to some one else. If a man wishes to marry a widow he must secure her consent and that of her relations. When this is granted he takes for her a set of palm-leaf earrings (tarki), brass arm rings (churla), and glass bangles (chûri). These he puts on the widow, takes her home, and gives a feast to the clansmen of goat’s flesh and rice. This feast is called after the earrings tarki bhât. The levirate prevails under the usual restriction that it is only the younger brother of the husband who can claim the widow of his elder brother. If he resigns his claim she can marry an outsider: she takes with her to her new home only infant children of her first husband. The others are taken care of by the brother of their father. The widow has no right to succeed her late husband: his heirs are his sons, or, in default of sons, his brother. In the case of the levirate there is no fiction that the children of the second marriage are affiliated to the first husband. As a rule all marriageable widows are taken either in the levirate or remarried by sagâi.

[Adoption.] 9. The tribe profess to have elaborate rules of adoption, which are, however, clearly derived from an imitation of the practice of their Hindu neighbours. There is no religious idea about adoption. All that is certain is that only a sonless man can adopt, that he must adopt in his own sept, and that almost as a matter of course he adopts his brother’s son. The uncertainty of the conception of adoption is shown in the fact that the adopted son is allowed to retain his right of succession in the property of his natural father.

[Beena marriage.] 10. Beena marriages by the custom known as gharjaiyân or ghardamâda, when the bridegroom serves a period of probation for his bride are usual. In such a case the son-in-law has no right of inheriting from his father-in-law, but retains the right of inheritance from the estate of his father.

[Succession.] 11. The sons are the sole heirs to the estate of their father. Primogeniture is so far observed that while the children of all wives share equally, the eldest son of the senior wife gets what is called tikaiti, or one in excess of each thing—cattle, cooking vessels, etc.; but if the father die in debt, this right ceases, and all the sons have to contribute equally to discharge the debt. The father during his lifetime cannot nominate one of his sons to get a share superior to that of the others.

[Birth.] 12. There is no pregnancy ceremony. The mother is attended by her husband’s sister (nanad), the Chamâr midwife not being employed. The woman lies on the ground during parturition. A fire is lit in the room in which she is secluded as soon as the labour pains commence. The umbilical cord is merely severed and allowed to dry, when it is taken out and buried in the jungle by the sister-in-law in attendance. The cord retains some mystic significance. Thus a common phrase in quarrels about land is kya tuhâr nâr e men gâral gayal—“was your cord buried here that you claim this land?” The cord usually falls off; and is buried on the third day after delivery. The day it falls off her sister-in-law bathes the mother and child, who are again bathed on the expiry of a month from the date of delivery. On that day the sister-in-law cleans and replasters the delivery room (saur), and receives from the child’s father a sheet (orhna), as her remuneration, as well as a piece of cheap jewelry. On that day the mother is pure, and cooks for the family and neighbours of the clan. The husband does not again cohabit with his wife for two or three months after her confinement. [101]

[Marriage ceremonies.] 13. Until children are married it does not matter from whose hand they take food: after marriage they are obliged to conform to caste regulations. The marriage negotiations commence by some old man of the tribe or the boy’s father going to inspect the girl. Then the husband of the bridegroom’s sister goes to her with five sers of liquor and two rupees, thus concluding the betrothal, which is known among them as puchhâwat or “the asking.” If the bride’s father accepts the proposal, he summons his clansmen and distributes the liquor among them. At the same time they are given a dinner of goat’s flesh and rice, which is provided by the boy’s father. After this, on a day fixed by the girl’s father, the boy’s paternal uncle goes again with two vessels, each containing five sers of liquor, and takes with him three rupees in cash. This finally concludes the betrothal, which is known as bajarâwat or “strengthening,” and barrekhi, or “the marking down of the bridegroom.” This liquor and money are used in entertaining the clansmen of the bride and the envoy of the bridegroom. Next the bride’s father presses some oil with his own hands and sends it to the boy’s house. This is mixed with turmeric, and the bridegroom is daily anointed with it by his female relations. In the same way the boy’s father presses some oil and sends it for the use of the bride. After this a suitable date is fixed by mutual arrangement, and the bridegroom comes with his procession to the door of the bride. Outside the door the bride’s mother stands with her feet in a basket, and holds in one hand a rice pestle (mûsal), and in the other a brass tray (thâli), containing some cotton with the seed and a lighted lamp. She moves the pestle five times round the boy’s head from left to right and five times again from right to left, and pours the cotton over his head. Next she warms her hands twice over the lamp and presses them on the boy’s cheeks, and kisses his lips. After this the boy does salutation (pâêlagi) to her. She then leads the bridegroom into the inner room, where the girl sits in a corner. He sits there silent for some time. At last some women friends who are also sitting there say,—“Give the boy what he has come for.” Then her mother makes the bride stand up and seats her to the left of the bridegroom. This done, the boy returns to his friends, and the bride again retires into her corner. A couple of hours after the pair are seated on two leaf-mats in the courtyard, facing east. Both are stripped by the women, well rubbed with a mixture of oil and turmeric, and dressed in new clothes. After this the boy’s party are fed, and liquor is distributed. That night they spend in singing and dancing the karama or national dance. Next day they meet again, the friends of bride and bridegroom sitting in a line opposite each other. The boy’s father produces the bridegroom before the bride’s people; and says,—“Look! has he any physical defect?” The bride’s father replies,—“No! there is nothing wrong with him.” In the same way the bride’s father produces the bride for examination, and the bridegroom’s father admits that she has no physical defect. All this is done in the courtyard outside the nuptial pavilion (mânro). Then a mock struggle commences between the bride and bridegroom. He tries to put a bracelet on her wrist, and she clenches her hand, so that he is unable to get it on. Her friends shout out,—“Her hand can never be opened until you swear that you will take care of her and never give her trouble.” Finally, when the bridegroom makes the necessary promise, the girl opens her hand, and allows the bracelet to be put on her wrist. Then the boy pours a little liquor on her feet, and after another mock struggle marks the parting of her hair with red lead. There are no revolutions in the pavilion, and this constitutes the marriage. The bridegroom then brings the bride home. When they reach his house his mother receives the bride in the same way in which the bridegroom was received by the bride’s mother, and takes her inside the house, where, after feeding the clansmen, the clothes of the pair are fastened in a knot, and they dance together in the courtyard. The binding part of the ceremony is putting on the marriage bracelet, and applying red lead to the parting of the bride’s hair. Even after the ceremonies already described of puchhâwat, bajarâwat, or barrekhi, the marriage can be stopped. If the bride’s people break off the marriage they are compelled to return the bride-price. The form of marriage already described is known as charhauwa or “the offering,” as the bride is offered to the bridegroom. This is the respectable form; but besides this, the form known as sagâi is in force. In this case the lover sends a friend to procure the consent of the bride’s father. When this is granted, he goes to her house with ten rupees in cash, and five sers of liquor. The girl’s friends drink the liquor, and the money is given to her father, or if her father be dead, to her elder brother. Then the man spreads out his hands over that of the woman, and her brother pours some water over the hands of both. This constitutes the marriage ceremony, and the bridegroom goes home at once, followed by the bride. When they reach his house his mother comes out with a vessel (lota) of water, washes the bridegroom’s feet, and blesses him with long life. Then she washes the feet of the bride, who puts her forehead on the feet of her mother-in-law. The old woman tries to raise her up, but she will not get up until she receives a present known as “the sacrifice” (baldân). Then the old woman says,—“I make over the house and all it contains to you.” On this the bride releases her feet, and her mother-in-law takes her into the house, and makes everything over to her. That day the young wife cooks for the family and friends. This sagâi form is something like the dola of low class Hindus, and is practised by people who cannot afford a regular marriage.

[Death ceremonies.] 14. No one is allowed to die in the house. [102] People who die of cholera and small-pox and unmarried persons are buried; all others are cremated. They have regular cemeteries in the neighbourhood of their villages. The corpse is cremated on the edge of an adjoining stream. Very often, however, cremation is very carelessly performed, and in epidemics corpses are exposed in the jungle to be eaten by wild animals. Next day the ashes are collected and floated away (serwâna) by throwing them into the water. On the third day the relation who fired the pyre goes with the clansmen to the river, and they shave one another. That day a date is fixed for the funeral feast, when they assemble at the house of the deceased, and a little oil and turmeric are given them, which they rub into their bodies. From the day of the funeral the women of the family place some food on the road by which the corpse was removed. [103] This is discontinued from the night preceding the date of the funeral feast. On that day a cupful of food and a cup of oil are taken by the oldest woman of the family to the cremation place and thrown into the water. When she comes home a goat is sacrificed in the house in the name of the deceased, and in the evening the clansmen are fed on the flesh of the victim boiled with rice.

[Ancestor worship.] 15. The souls of the dead, that is to say those of a dead father and mother, for more distant progenitors are hardly ever recognized, are feared and require propitiation. If not duly worshipped they appear in dreams, frighten the sleeper, and sit on his chest and throat like the nightmare. Most diseases and misfortunes are due to their displeasure. The annual sacrifice of a goat and fowl is made to them by the house master in the month of Aghan (November—December). Poor people who cannot afford a victim wash some rice and pulse and scatter it in the courtyard in the name of the dead.