The tribes and castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Volume 2 (of 4)

Chapter D (8)

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[Tribal organization.] 2. There seems to be little doubt that the clear distinction which now prevails between the Ghasiya and the neighbouring tribes is of comparatively modern growth. A case recently occurred in which a Ghasiya adopted a Chero boy, and he has been readily received and married among them. Unlike many of the kindred tribes, the Ghasiyas in Mirzapur have retained a complete set of totemistic septs. These are seven in number. The first sept is the Khatangiya, which is said to mean “a man who fires a gun.” This sept worship the matchlock. Then comes the Sunwân or Sonwân, who are the highest in rank. When any Ghasiya becomes impure, one of the Sunwân sept is said to take a little bit of gold (sona) and put it in a vessel of water, which he sprinkles on the impure person with a mango leaf. From this practice of using gold it is said that the tribe takes its name. It may more probably be connected with their business of gold-washing. [436] The Janta is said to take their name from the quern or flour-mill (janta). They have a story that a woman of the sept was delivered of a child while sitting at the mill, from which her descendants gained their name. The Bhainsa say they are descended from the godling (deota) Bhainsâsur, [437] whom they worship with the sacrifice of a young pig on the second of the light half of Kârttik. Of the Simariya or Simarlokwa sept there is a curious legend which explains their abhorrence of Kâyasths, and is told in an imperfect form by Mr. Risley. The Mirzapur version runs that once upon a time a Ghasiya was groom (sais) to a Kâyasth. One day he went with his master’s son for a ride in the jungle. They came to a very large and deep well: the boy dismounted and looked into it. The Ghasiya said,—“Let us both look down and see whose reflection looks best in the water.” Then the Ghasiya pitched the boy into the water. The boy was hurt, but managed to hold on to the side of the well. He called out to the Ghasiya,—“You have played a vile trick on me, but as we are old friends I will give you something which will ensure your prosperity.” So he took a piece of tile which lay in the well, and having scratched on it an account of what had happened, he gave it to the Ghasiya saying,—“Take this to my father, and he will give you a great reward.” The foolish Ghasiya did as he was told, and when the Kâyasth read the message, he sent men to the well without the Ghasiya’s knowledge. They found the boy dead. So the Kâyasth planned his revenge. One day he said to the Ghasiya, “As you have been my old and faithful servant, I intend to give a feast to your tribe.” On the day of the Holi all the Ghasiyas—men, women, and children—collected. Then the Kâyasth said:—“There is a great cotton tree (semal) in the forest which I wish to cut in order to burn the old year (Sambat), [438] but not a bit of the wood or leaves must touch the ground, otherwise there will be no merit in the sacrifice, and you must bring the tree as it stands.” So all the Ghasiyas stood under the tree and tried to hold it up as it was being cut, but it fell down and crushed them all. Only one pregnant woman escaped, who took refuge with a Panika. The Kâyasth tried to seize and kill her; but the Panika passed her off as his wife, and her descendants were called Simarlokwa, or “the people of the cotton tree,” and to this day this sept eat with Panikas, and on each Holi festival throw out all their earthen vessels in memory of this tragedy and cherish a hereditary hatred of Kâyasths. [439] The Koiya sept have a legend that a Ghasiya was servant of a Gond Râja, and went out hunting with him. One day the Râja killed a wild dog (Koiya, Cuon rutilans) and persuaded the Ghasiya to eat it; whence this contemptuous title clung to his descendants. The Markâm sept take their name from the tortoise. This is also a sept among the Gonds. [440] One day a Ghasiya crossed a river in a boat. The floods arose and he was unable to return, when a tortoise took him on his back and carried him across. Hence the sept worship the tortoise. The Bengal Ghâsis have a Kachhua (tortoise) and a Simarloka or cotton tree sept. [441] These septs are exogamous, and hypergamy is so far practised that the Sunwân is the most respectable of all, and marriage alliances with that sept are much desired. The Mirzapur Ghasiyas are very vague in their traditions: some fix their head-quarters at a place called Koriya in Sarguja, others say they come from Nâgpur, others from Singrauli, in Mirzapur. In Sarguja there is said to be a mountain called Didûnkûra, in which there resides a deity called Janta Deo, whose only representative is a stone in the form of a flour-mill (janta). He is said to have some connection with the sept of that name, and many Ghasiyas worship him through a Baiga.

[The tribal council.] 3. The Ghasiyas have a very powerful tribal council (panchâyat). The president (mahto) is always a member of the Sunwân sept. The post is hereditary; but if there is any dispute about it, a reference is made to the Râja of Sarguja. The council deals with three classes of cases—Kankati, Phûlpari, and Zinakâri. Kankati or “ear cutting” is when any woman in a squabble gets the lobe of her ear, in which thick palm-leaf ornaments (tarki) are worn, torn. It is believed that any woman who gets into a mêlée of this kind is a shrew, and if it is proved before the council that her ear was torn, she is put out of caste. She is not restored till her friends give a three days’ feast of goat’s meat and rice and a fourth of butter cakes (pûri) and liquor. Phûlpari is when any one gets on his body any white mark or scab of the nature of leprosy, or has a wound or sore which breeds maggots. Such persons are put out of caste, because it is believed that such diseases are a punishment for serious crimes committed in a previous life. In such cases the fine is five goats and two days’ rice for the clansmen. After this the Sonwân Mahto purifies the offender as already described. Zinakâri embraces all offences against morality. In adultery or incest cases the fine consists of a certain number of goats and rations of rice according to the means of the offender; and, in addition, he has to give, as a special fee, to the Mahto, a water vessel (lota), tray (thâli), turban (pagri), jacket (kurta), and loin cloth (dhoti).

[Exogamy.] 4. As already stated, the septs are exogamous, but the only additional provision is that the children of a sister are barred, while marriage with the children of the mother’s brother (mâmu), and father’s sister are allowed.

[Marriage rules.] 5. If a man takes to shoe-making, no one will marry in his family, and the making of drums (mândar) is also thought a low occupation. Polygamy is allowed, and the number of wives depends on a man’s means. Few have more than one. Polyandry is unknown. If a girl is caught in an intrigue with a stranger, the father has to give two dinners: one pakki (or food cooked in butter) and one kachchi (or plain) with five goats and a still of liquor. They practise adult marriage, men being married at eighteen or twenty and girls at fifteen or sixteen. The marriage is arranged by the Mahto, who gets as his fee a turban and Re. 1–4 in cash. All marriages are supposed to take place with the consent of the parents; but as a matter-of-fact the parties often arrange their matches, and if a girl fancies a young man, all she has to do is to give him a kick on the leg at the tribal dance of the Karama, and then the parents think it as well to hasten on the wedding. [442] In fact, it seems often to be the case that the man is allowed to try the girl first and if she suits him, and seems likely to be fertile, he marries her. [443] The bride-price is twelve rupees in cash, two cloths, one for the bride and one for her mother, and ten bottles of liquor. This is an invariable rule. If after marriage the husband becomes insane, impotent, blind, or leprous, his wife may leave him; but no fault of this kind in the wife will justify the husband in discarding her. Mistakes of this kind are provided against by the careful examination of each by the friends of the other previous to marriage.

[Divorce.] 6. Divorces, or rather the putting away of wives, are uncommon, because intertribal immorality is thought little of, and the punishment on the relations of a woman for liaison with a stranger are so severe that women are looked after. Besides this nothing but the evidence of eye witnesses to the act of adultery is accepted. But it appears to be good tribal law that a woman may leave her husband if he intrigues with another woman. [444] In such case her parents can give her in sagâi to another man; but if they do so they must return the bride-price.

[Widow-marriage and the levirate.] 7. Women married in the regular way and those taken in sagâi rank equally, and both are known as Suâsin. Though there is a rule against concubinage, the children of a concubine are recognised as children of the father, and admitted to caste. When a man wants to take a widow, he goes to her father with a set of glass bangles (chûri), some red lead, a sheet, a boddice (jhula), and a set of ear-ornaments (tarki). The father says:—“All right! Put on the things.” Then she touches them all, and takes them inside the house, where the other women decorate her with them. Next morning the father makes a pretence of pushing her out of the house as a disgrace to her family, and then she goes off with her husband. When he comes home, he feasts a few clansmen, and returns to her younger brother-in-law the bride-price. A widow can marry an outsider only if the levir refuse to have her. She leaves behind her all the children by her first husband save a child at the breast. If she takes a young child away with her, her first husband’s brother gives her a cloth every year for her trouble in taking care of it. There is no pretence of attributing the children of the levir to his elder brother.

[Adoption.] 8. They have some vague adoption rules in imitation of their Hindu neighbours. There is no religious sentiment in the matter, and when a man does adopt, he takes his brother’s son, the son of the elder brother being preferred. An adopted son does not lose his rights in the estate of his natural father.

[Beena marriage.] 9. Beena marriage known as gharjaiyân is common; in this case the period of probation is one year, during which the son-in-law works for his father-in-law, and is entitled to maintenance; but has no right to inherit from his estate.

[Succession.] 10. Tribal offices are hereditary. When an old Baiga is giving up office he goes with his son to the village shrine (deohâr) with two fowls, which he makes his son sacrifice. Then he is considered to have abdicated his functions. The sons are a man’s heirs, and primogeniture so far prevails that the eldest son gets a tenth more than the others. In a joint family the sons can claim partition inter vivos: the sons get each the same share as their father, and his share is divided at his death. A widow, if she remain unmarried, which is unusual, is entitled to maintenance; but can be expelled for unchastity. A daughter has no rights; but if she becomes a widow or leaves her husband she is entitled to maintenance in her father’s house until she remarries and as long as she remains chaste. A sonless mother, too, has a life interest in her husband’s estate. She may spend something in charity, but not waste the inheritance. If there are no sons, the associated brothers succeed; a sister or her sons never succeed.

[Relationship.] 11. The system of relationship is the same as among the Kols. They remember the names of male and female ancestors for three or four generations.

[Birth ceremonies.] 12. When a woman is ascertained to be pregnant, they invoke the marriage god Dulha Deo in the words—“If you cause the woman’s child to be born without trouble, we will give you an offering.” The offering to him is a goat and a red cock. The woman is delivered on the ground facing east. When the child is born the Chamâin midwife is called in, and she cuts the cord and buries it in the place the child was born, over which she lights a fire into which she puts a bit of iron and copper to keep off evil spirits. While the cord is being cut, the women of the clan sing the Sohar or song of rejoicing. For three days the mother gets nothing but a decoction of herbs. [445] On the third day she is given a decoction of the root of the Khajûr palm (Phœnix dactylifera) and of the sarpat grass (Saccharum procerum) mixed up in a ball with some of the mangrail seed (nigella indica), ginger (sonth), coarse sugar, and the long pepper (pipal). Part of this dose is drunk by the husband, probably a survival of the couvade. On the sixth day (chhathi) the midwife bathes the mother and child, and the barber’s wife cuts the nails of all the women in the family, and colours their feet with lac dye (mahâwar). The Dhobi takes all the clothes to the wash, and the barber shaves all the men. On that day the husband’s sister (nanad) cleans the delivery room (saur) and receives a present, generally a calf, for her trouble. On the twelfth day is the barahi: the child’s head is shaved, the mother is bathed by her sister-in-law, and the barber’s wife cuts her nails and colours her feet with lac dye. She puts on clean clothes and she cooks for the household and a few clansmen.

[Puberty ceremonies.] 13. As usual among these tribes the ear-boring (kanchhedan), which is done for boys and girls at the age of eight or nine on a lucky day fixed by the Mahto, represents their introduction into caste and their abstention from food cooked by a stranger.

[Marriage ceremonies.] 14. The father of the boy inspects the girl, and when he is satisfied, he sends the Mahto, who completes the negotiations. The girl is produced before him and her father says:—“I intend giving you to the son of so-and-so. Are you satisfied?” Generally the girl agrees, but sometimes she refuses. In the latter case the affair ends. If she agrees a date is fixed for the betrothal (sukhdan), when the boy’s father, accompanied by the Mahto, makes over to the girl’s father seven rupees in cash, ten bottles of liquor, a set of glass bangles (chûri), some red lead, a set of ear ornaments (tarki), some oil, and five sers of butter cakes (pûri). Then the fathers exchange platters of liquor as described among Bhuiyas (para. 13). A marriage shed is erected at both houses containing nine bamboos on the sides and a pole of siddh wood (Hardwickia binata) in the centre. Near this is placed a jar (kalsa) full of water covered with a lamp saucer with a burning wick surrounded with some urad pulse. Then follows the matmangara ceremony as described among Bhuiyas (para. 14). The mother of the bride or bridegroom, as the case may be, stands near the Baiga and throws the border of her sheet over him as he digs the earth. He passes five handfuls to her over his shoulder, and some maiden of the tribe brings it in the corner of her sheet and places it in the marriage shed, and lays the sacred water jar over it. On that day the anointing begins (hardi uthna). It is begun by the Brâhman, who takes up a little turmeric and oil with a bunch of the holy dûb grass and sprinkles it over the bride and bridegroom. Then the women relatives anoint them vigorously, and this is done five times a day for three days. On the day the procession starts, the mother does the imli ghotna or “mixing of the tamarind,” as described among Bhuiyas (para. 14). Then she warns her son to behave nicely to the relatives of the bride, not to take it ill if they play jokes on him. “If you lose your temper your marriage will not come off.” After this she kisses him on the head and sends him off accompanied by music. As they approach the bride’s village, her friends come out to meet them (agwâni), and at the bride’s door her mother waves over his head for good luck a rice pounder (mûsar), some cowdung and seed of the cotton tree (semal). After this they retire to the place arranged for them (janwânsa), and the bride’s father goes there and washes their feet and invites them to dinner with the words aiyas! aiyas! Then the marriage is done. The bridegroom comes, and, in the form of marriage by capture, drags out the faintly resisting bride into the courtyard. They walk seven times round the branch of the siddh tree, and each time as they pass, her brother pours a handful of parched rice into the fold (khoinchha) of the bride’s sheet, then the Brâhman puts five pinches of red lead (sendur) into the hand of the boy, who rubs it on the parting of the bride’s hair. After this her sister-in-law (bhaujai) comes and wipes off as much of the dust as she can into her own sheet, and gets a present of four annas. They then go into the retiring room (kohabar), and there each of them fills with rice a little earthen pot. If after filling it once the rice overflows the second time, it is an omen of good luck. The rice, it is needless to say, is pressed down the first time and then filled in loosely. After this, in direct opposition to the customs of the kindred tribes, the bridegroom at once carries off the bride to the janwânsa, where his clansmen are staying, and passes the night with her in a shed arranged for the purpose. Next day he takes her home. The day after they arrive, they go through the ceremony of drowning the water jar (kalsa dubâna) as already described among the Bhuiyas (para. 16). The binding part of this marriage ceremony (charhauwa) is the payment of the bride-price and the marking of the parting of the bride’s hair with red lead.

[Marriage by exchange.] 15. They have also the form of marriage by exchange (gurâwat), when two persons agree to exchange sisters. Mr. Westermarck calls this “the simplest way of purchasing a wife.” [446]

[Death ceremonies.] 16. Like all these tribes the Ghasiyas are very lax in the disposal of the dead. Many simply singe the face and throw the corpse into the jungle, where it is eaten by wild animals. Those who are more exposed to Hindu influence cremate the adult dead. The corpse is cremated on a pyre arranged near the bank of a stream: it is laid with the feet pointing south. The chief mourner walks five times round the pyre, and after throwing a small piece of gold on it sets it alight. After bathing he plants on the edge of the stream or tank a few stalks of the jhurai grass. [447] Returning home all the mourners wash their feet and then touch some oil in which a flower of any variety has been placed. After this they sit silent round the chief mourner for an hour. On the tenth day they go to the place where the grass has been planted and shave. On returning home the chief mourner presents a turban, jacket, and loin-cloth to the chief mourner, by whom the whole death ceremony is carried out. In the evening the clansmen are fed and the death impurity ceases.

[Ancestor worship.] 17. On the last day of the fortnight of the dead (pitrapaksha) in the month of Kuâr, they plaster a place under the eaves of the house, sprinkle some flowers there, and lay out five leaf platters (dauna) containing all the usual food, boiled rice, meat, etc. Then they call out, “O ancestors, take this and be kind to our children and cattle.” [448]

[Religion.] 18. They call themselves Hindus, but their religion is of a very irregular type. They sometimes worship Mahâdeva with a burnt offering (hom). At marriages they worship Dulha Deo. When they are cutting the rice, they leave a little uncut in each field, and when harvest is done cut this, clean it, and boil it, and then offer it to the field goddess Hariyâri Devi, with a sacrifice of red coloured hens and cock. [449] This offering is consumed by the family of the worshipper. They also worship the village boundary deity Siwâna (Terminus) with a goat, some liquor and a thick cake (rot), the head of the goat and the cake being the perquisite of the Mahto, who performs the worship. Curiously enough in this worship they do not employ the Baiga. On the sixth of the month Mâgh, they worship an obscure tribal god Chhat Bâba—“The lord of the sixth,” of whom no information can be obtained except that he appears to be some deified worthy of the tribe. In Bhâdon they have the tribal dance of the Karama. Unmarried girls fast that day, and in the evening drink liquor, dance, and indulge in rude debauchery. As already remarked (para. 5) this is the time when young couples arrange their matches. In the month of Mâgh or Pûs they have the Khichari festival [450] when they eat coarse sugar, a sweetmeat (chûra), made of rice and sesamum, and drink liquor. They do the Phagua in the ordinary way, but do not light the Holi fire unless any of their Hindu neighbours do so, when they join in the ceremony.

[Various superstitions.] 19. They are greatly in fear of evil spirits, which particularly infest rivers, wells, or tanks, where a person has been drowned, or trees, by a fall from which a man has been accidently killed. They are propitiated by a burnt offering (hom) and by pouring liquor on the ground. They have the usual omens and lucky days. They commence sowing on a Friday, when the Baiga sets the example to the village. They swear by the Ganges, and by placing their hands on their sons’ heads. If they forswear themselves, they believe they die and contract leprosy. They do not practice sorcery or witchcraft themselves, but they believe in the evil influence of witches. This is relieved by passes (jhârna) done by the Baiga.

[Social Customs.] 20. They do not eat beef or the flesh of the monkey, alligator, lizard, rat, jackal, or snake. They eat fowls, goats, and pork, which last is not allowed to women. They use liquor, smoking and chewing tobacco freely. They will not touch a Kâyasth or Dhobi, or the younger brother’s wife; nor will a male connection by marriage (samdhi) touch the mother of his son’s wife or daughter’s husband. Juniors salute seniors in the form known as pâêlagi, and an old woman replies, jiyo putra lâkh baras! “Live child ten thousand years!” They treat aged relations and women well, and respect the latter for their powers of work. They dread strangers and are very clannish among themselves. They work generally as grooms and keepers of elephants. Their social status is decidedly low, though as compared with the Bengal tribe, they are somewhat higher, as they do not eat beef. [451] They will not do degrading occupations, among which they consider shoe-making disrespectable, and one who practises this trade is debarred from marriage in the caste. Dr. Ball notes that one of them refused to carry his dog in a basket. [452] No Hindu except a Dom will eat food touched by them.

Ghasiyâra, Ghasyâra—(Sanskrit ghâsa, “grass,” kâraka “occupied with”).—Grass-cutters, merely an occupation. But a few Muhammadans so entered themselves at the last Census as a separate caste. They have, of course, no connection with the Dravidian Ghasiyas.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE GHASYÂRAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

Ghosi [453]—(Sanskrit ghosha, root ghush, “to shout,” as he herds his cattle).—A tribe of Muhammadan herdsmen. There can be little doubt that like the Gaddi most of them are Ahîrs who have been converted to Islâm. To the east of the Province they claim a Gûjar origin and profess to be divided into three endogamous sub-castes—Lilâr, Chopar, and Gaddi Gûjar. In North Oudh again they have three endogamous sub-castes—Padhân or Pradhân; Gaddi and Lâla. The detailed Census lists give 111 sections; but it is at present impossible to distinguish the exogamous from the endogamous groups. These are of the usual type, some local like Deswâli, Kanaujiya, Maghariya, Purabiya; and others following the names of well known castes and septs, such as Baghela, Behna, Chaudhari, Chauhân, Gaddi, Gahlot, Gaur, Guâl, Guâlbans, Jâdubansi, Pathân, Râjput, Sayyid, Shaikh, Sadîqi, Tomar, Turk. The word Ghosi is in fact rather vaguely used. In the Panjâb [454] it is applied only to Musalmâns, and is often given to any cow-herd or milkman of that religion, whether Gûjar, Ahîr, or of any other caste, just as Guâla is used for a Hindu cow-herd. In Lucknow the Ghosis have no other employment but the keeping of milch cattle, chiefly buffaloes of all kinds, and they breed buffaloes. They sell milk to Halwâis, and make inspissated milk (khoa). The Guâla, on the other hand, is generally an Ahîr or Gadariya, and keeps both buffaloes and cows, and frequently cultivates some land. They seldom sell milk and curds to Halwâis. The Shîrfarosh or Dûdhwâla is a still more general term. They are of no special caste, but are generally Ahîrs, Lodhas, Kurmis, Gadariyas, Halwâis, or Brâhmans.

[Manners and customs.] 2. The Ghosi conforms to the rules of Islâm, but retains, like many of these lower Muhammadan tribes, some Hindu beliefs and practices. To the east of the Province they say that the ancestor of the race was one Daya Râm Gûjar, who was in high favour with one of the Muhammadan Emperors, and was by him induced to accept the faith of Islâm. He was settled in the neighbourhood of Karra Mânikpur, which they regard as their head-quarters. They profess to follow the Sunni sect, and to the east worship as their tribal deities the Pânchonpîr, Imâm Sâhib, and Ghâzi Miyân. To these they offer sugar and water and cream. Like all Muhammadans they bury their dead and worship the spirits of the sainted dead at the Shab-i-barât and ‘Id. On the former feast they offer the halwa sweetmeat and cakes of wheaten flour; at the latter vermicelli (siwaiyân), milk, and dates. In North Oudh they worship Gorakh, Shâh Madâr, Sayyid Sâlâr, and Bhairon, besides various saints and martyrs (pîr, shahîd). They employ Brâhmans to fix the auspicious times for marriage and other observances. To the east of the Province they will not eat beef nor will they eat with any Muhammadans who consume it. This is said not to be the case in North Oudh. They rank rather low in the social scale, and are proverbial for their stupidity and for never taking to any other occupation, but the care of cattle and dealing in milk, butter, curds, etc.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE GHOSIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

Gindauriya—(Sellers of gindaura, a cake of sugar distributed at marriages, etc.).—A small sub-caste of Banyas, most numerous in Meerut. They worship Devi, Mahâdeva, Sûraj Nârâyan, the Sun-godling, and Pârvati, the snake, and the Ganges, and have a special respect for the cow and the Pîpal tree. Some of them now hold land as landlords or tenants, and live by Government or private service.

DISTRIBUTION OF GINDAURIYA BANYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

Golahrê—(gola, “a grain mart”).—A small sub-caste of Banyas found only in Jhânsi, numbering 608. They are all Jainas.

Golapûrab. [455]—An interesting caste of agriculturists found only in the Agra District, where they occupy several villages in the southern parganas, and a few in the northern pargana of Ihtimâdpur. The former claim to be the earlier residents; but they have no traditions as to the period of their emigration. They are, however, unanimous in fixing the village of Birthara, about 28 miles south of Agra, as the head-quarters of their ancestors; and this assertion is corroborated by the fact that one of their most influential gotras is called Birthariya, though they have been residing for generations a long way from that place. The caste is known by no other name than that of Golapûrab. In Khairagarh they attribute their origin to Dholpur. According to Râja Lachhman Sinh, their correct and original name seems to be Golak Pûrna Brâhman, which is equivalent to Golak Brâhman or “bastard” Brâhman. The adverb pûrna is often inserted between the two component parts of a compound word, when periphrastically expressed in Sanskrit. As for Gola, which is evidently a corruption of Golaka, “a bastard,” it is well known that the sons of concubines among the higher castes are known as Gola or Chela, and in Sholapur there is a tribe known as Gola, who say that they were originally Brâhmans who were degraded for killing cows. The tribal tradition which derives their name from the Rishi Galava, who, according to the Harivansa, was the son, and, according to the Mahâbhârata, the pupil of Visvamitra, rests on no authority, and no rule of syllabic mutation would convert the descendants of Galava into Golapûrab. This Rishi, some say, was married to a low caste widow; according to others to Sukseni, the daughter of the Chandrabans Râja Chandra Sen.

[Connection with Sanâdh Brâhmans.] 2. Râja Lachhman Sinh gives various reasons for believing that the Golapûrabs are a spurious branch of the Sanâdhya Brâhmans. His argument is first that the villages occupied by the two tribes are closely intermixed; secondly, that the names of the gotras of both are derived from the names of villages occupied by their ancestor, and not, as among other Brâhmans, from the names of their ancestors or their titles. Several gotras, again, notably Birthariya, are common to both. Thirdly, the customs and ceremonials of Golapûrabs closely resemble those of the Sanâdhyas. Both wear the sacred cord (janeû) and do not permit widow-marriage. Unlike the Sanâdhyas, however, they employ family priests (purohit), which implies that they are not pure Brâhmans. Fourthly, they will eat kachchi from the hands of Sanâdhyas alone, and from no other caste or even tribe of Brâhmans. Some of the Ihtimâdpur families attribute their origin to the village of Chitora, which is said to lie somewhere south of Agra. They perform the tonsure (mûnran) ceremony under a nîm tree, which they consider as sacred as the pîpal. Of this custom they can give no explanation; but there are some Râjput clans which reverence the nîm tree, and will, on no account, cut even the smallest branch of it. In Agra the names of the chief gotras of the caste are derived from those of villages situated immediately round Birthara, such as Birthariya, Pairiha, Khosariya, Madheriya, and Badhiya. Their connection with the Sanâdhya Brâhmans is also shown by the fact that their priests are all drawn from that sub-division of Brâhmans.

3. At the same time their sections, as given in the detailed Census lists to the number of 76, do not tend to establish their Brâhmanical origin, and we find no trace of even the stock names such as Bharadwâja, Kasyapa, and the like. On the contrary are found local terms such as Jaiswâr, Mathuriya, or titles derived from Râjput or other tribes such as Chauhân, Kachhwâya, Panwâr, Râjput, Thâkur, or occupational as Ghaskata, “grass cutters.” All this decidedly weakens their claim to Brâhmanical origin.

[Marriage rules.] 4. Marriage of two sisters is permitted. Difference of belief is no bar to intermarriage. Generally polygamy is permitted only when the first wife is barren or unfit through some infirmity or disease for household work. When there are two wives, the senior enjoys more respect than the junior, who, however, naturally receives more of the affection of her husband. Unless serious quarrels arise, the wives live in the same house. There is no fixed age for the marriage of males, but girls are almost always married before puberty, when they are about nine or ten years old. The marriage negotiations are carried out by the village barber and the family priest. The marriage is void in the absence of the consent of the father or other legal guardian. No physical defect subsequently ascertained can annul a marriage, and divorce is prohibited. Bastards or the offspring of illicit connections are known as Dasa, [456] and are not admitted to full caste rights, and do not inherit. As a rule they follow the tribe of the father, and only in very rare cases that of the mother. Not only are illegitimate children excluded from inheritance, but they are not admitted to the domestic meals or to tribal feasts. Illicit connections involve the excommunication of both parties. Widow-marriage and the levirate are both prohibited.

[Birth ceremonies.] 5. There are no ceremonies performed during pregnancy. During parturition neither the mother nor the midwife must face the south. Some elderly woman of the family, or in default of such a person, a hired woman acts as midwife, and after delivery the mother is attended by the women of her own family. On the fifth or sixth day after the child is born is the Chhathi worship, and on the twelfth day the Dashtaun. On the former the women of the family and their neighbours sing songs, eat rice and sugar, and worship the goddess, Shashthi, the protectress of children. On the Dashtaun food and presents are given to Brâhmans. The child-birth impurity rests on the family until it is removed by the Dashtaun feast. There are no special ceremonies in connection with twins.

[Adoption, initiation.] 6. The adoption ceremonies are of the normal type, as laid down in the Dattaka Mimânsa and the Dattaka Chandrika. The regular initiation ceremony or investiture ceremony (yajnopavîta) is performed as among all “twice-born” castes.

[Marriage.] 7. The marriage ceremonies vary little, if at all, from those current among the higher castes. The bride’s father or guardian sends a cocoanut and a rupee or a gold muhar to the bridegroom. If these are accepted, the barber who carries them puts a mark of sandal (roli) on the boy’s forehead, and places a sweetmeat (batâsha) and a betel leaf in his mouth. This ceremony is known as tîka, sikka, or jaima. The first name is derived from the red forehead mark, the second from the coin used as a pledge of betrothal, and the third is the feast given to the barber at the house of the bridegroom. While the negotiations for the betrothal are going on the barber may visit the bridegroom’s house several times, but he will not eat there until the match is finally settled. The betrothal is not complete before the tîka ceremony, and after this ceremony it can be annulled, first, if either of the parties is found to be suffering from some serious disease; secondly, if it comes to light that they are within the prohibited degrees; thirdly, when a doubt is raised as to the purity of descent of either party. Betrothal takes place any time before marriage, generally when the girl is seven years of age. If the betrothal is annulled the presents are usually returned.

8. The actual marriage ceremony is of the normal type. The binding portion of it is the saptapadi or walking seven times round the sacred fire. In most cases now-a-days only six perambulations are performed. The only apparent survival of marriage by capture is what is known as the “door” or “vestibule ceremony” (darwâza, barothi) in which a mock fight is carried on by the relations of the bride and bridegroom. It is performed at the door of the bride’s house, and the bridegroom is always girt with a sword while it is going on.

[Disposal of the dead.] 9. The dead are cremated. Customs vary in different places, as to the position in which the corpse is laid for cremation. In some places it is laid face downwards, in others on the back. The latter is the more general. The head is in some place laid in the direction of the north, in other towards the south. The latter is in accordance with the rules of the Shâstra. If there be a river close by the ashes are consigned to it, while any fragments of bone which remain are reserved to be thrown into the Ganges when a convenient opportunity occurs. The fire is lit and the skull broken by the nearest relation of the deceased. After disposing of the ashes if there be a river close by the mourners return home.

[Propitiation of the dead.] 10. Besides the ordinary srâddha, which is performed in honour of deceased relations, childless relations (apût, a corruption of aputra) are propitiated by performing the Kirtân ceremony. At this certain professional Brâhmans sing religious songs, and a feast is given to them. The srâddha performed on the eleventh day after death is known as Ekoddishta or “directed towards this single deceased person alone.” The subsequent srâddhas are common to the whole body of deceased relations. They are done either monthly on the day the deceased died, or annually in the month of Kuâr (September–October). Those who are particularly religious visit some holy shrine, such as the confluence of two sacred rivers, or, in preference, Gaya, for this purpose. In most villages there is a particular spot on the outskirts which is supposed to be haunted by the ghosts of deceased relations, particularly those who have died childless or perished by a violent death. Some pieces of stone are their representatives, and these are worshipped by women at marriages, when the bride goes home with her husband, and at some other festivals. If there have been a sati in the family she is worshipped at the same time. [457] The ordinary srâddha is performed in accordance with the standard ritual, and in all cases among Golapûrabs, by the family priest.

[Ceremonial impurity.] 11. The parents and the nearest relations in the direct line are impure for ten days after the birth of a child. The death impurity lasts for twelve or thirteen days, and a woman in her menses is impure for four days. In the first two cases the impurity is removed by a regular ceremony in which Brâhmans are feasted; in the third case the woman purifies herself by bathing on the fifth day.

[Religion.] 12. Golapûrabs invariably belong to the Vaishnava sect, and employ as their priests Sanâdhya Brâhmans. In common with other and lower castes they worship the village godlings, Châmunda Devi, a form of Durga, Pathwâri Devi, who is the guardian of roads (patha) and the protectress of travellers. Hardeo Bundela, the cholera godling; Sîtala, the goddess of small-pox; [458] and Bhûmiya, the guardian of the village site. Cows and bullocks are worshipped on the Govardhana day in the middle of Kârttik (October–November), and horses at the Dasahra in Kuâr (September–October). The animals are smeared with colours, and are given a special feed of grain. The only means of propitiating the ghosts of the dead is by the ordinary srâddha. They believe in dreams and visions in which the spirits of the departed appear to their relations, and there are certain places which are specially haunted by malignant ghosts, which very often appear in animal forms, such as those of the dog, cat, buffalo, etc. The appearance of such malignant ghosts is generally understood to imply that their obsequies have not been duly performed; and this can be remedied by a performance of the srâddha, or pilgrimage to Gaya, and by erecting a tomb or platform in the name of the deceased, or by planting one of the varieties of fig tree (pîpal, bar, gûlar) in his honour. The ghosts of persons who have died childless are much dreaded and are known as aût, or those who have none to pour water for their refreshment in the world of the dead. The only trace of special tree worship is the veneration felt by some of the gotras for the nîm tree. They believe in astrology and the influence of evil stars: these are propitiated by worship (pûja) and by giving food and presents to the low class of astrologer Brâhmans, known as Bhaddri, Bharâra, Parokhiya, or Dakaut. They believe in the usual meeting omens. When a first child dies, the next baby is given an opprobrious name as a protection against the Evil Eye and demoniacal influence generally. Such names are Tînkauri or Pachkauri (“bought for three or five cowries”); Kanchheda (“ear-pierced”), Nathua, Nakchhed, Chhidda (“nose-pierced”); Bhika or Bhikâri (“beggar”); Chhitariya, Ghasîta, Kadhera (“one put in a basket immediately after birth and dragged about the house”); Ghâsi (“cheap as grass”); Jhâu (“valueless as tamarisk”); Phûsa (“cheap as straw”); Mendu (“one taken immediately after birth and partly buried on the boundary of the field as if it were already dead”); Ghûri (“thrown on the dung-hill”); Nakta (“without a nose”), and so on. These practices are rarely employed in the case of girls, who are considered naturally protected.

[Oaths.] 13. The common forms of oath are—swearing in a temple, by holding Ganges water in the hand or touching the idol, by the leaf of a pîpal tree, by the sacred cord of a Brâhman, by going seven paces in the direction of the Ganges, by touching the forehead of a Brâhman, by swearing with son or grandson in the arms. The last oath, if taken falsely, is supposed to cause the death of the child in a few days. Violation of the other oaths brings sickness of men and cattle, plague and pestilence, loss of crops, and so on.

[Demonology.] 14. The control of witches and other forms of demoniacal agency is in the hands of the Syâna or “cunning man.” He is called in in cases of sickness and smokes some tobacco which has been touched by the sick man since the attack began. This causes him to fall into a state of ecstacy, in which he mutters the name of the evil spirit which is attacking the patient, and suggests the proper means of propitiation. The Syâna generally has a private devil or two of his own, which he lets loose to pursue the evil spirit which is afflicting his patient. The office of Syâna is not confined to any special caste: any one may undertake the duty if he learns the appropriate spell (mantra) from some teacher (guru), or by intensity of devotion reduces an evil spirit into his power. Some people learn the interpretation of dreams from the special printed manuals on the subject. Anything valuable is liable to the Evil Eye, because malignant people covet its possession. The best means of obviating it is to throw grains of the small mustard (râi), salt and bran into the fire. Great care is taken of substances, such as clippings of the hair, fragments of the nails, etc. These if allowed to lie about may get into the hands of some witch and enable her to obtain influence over the original owner.

[Social rules.] 15. Meat of all kinds is prohibited food, and so are onions, garlic, and turnips. They will eat with no caste which they consider lower than their own, and will not touch a Bhangi, Dhobi, or Chamâr: Khatîks and Kanjars are also held in abhorrence. A man should not mention by name his Râja, his Guru, his father, elder brother, eldest son, or father-in-law. Similarly women should not name their husbands, mother-in-law, or the wife of the husband’s elder brother. If a Râja is mentioned it is as Râjaji, the Guru as Guruji, the father as Kâkaji, the elder brother as Bhaiyyaji, the eldest son as Lallu or Nanhê. For other senior relations they use a periphrasis, calling them “the son of so-and-so” or “the father of so-and-so.”

[Agricultural beliefs.] 16. A Brâhman is always consulted as to the most propitious day for beginning to plough, sow, or reap. The most important operation is the first ploughing after the first fall of rain. This is known as halaita lena. The time is fixed by the Pandit, who also names the member of the family who should drive it, and in which direction it should be worked. A shower is unlucky if it fall on the first day of the light half of Jeth (May–June), and at midnight on the fifth of Sâwan (July–August). These indicate a bad rainy season. Rain on the seventh of Sâwan is lucky, and thunder on the seventeenth of Jeth is considered propitious. Vegetables and other more valuable crops are protected from the Evil Eye by suspending a black pot in the field.

[Food.] 17. There is no special kind of food allowed to men and prohibited to women. When a person is initiated into any of the Vaishnava sects (guru-dakhsha lena, gurumukh hona) he is obliged to abandon the use of one particular kind of food or fruit. Women do not eat with men, and young children, who are regarded as impure because they touch dirt and eat without regard to caste rules, are not allowed to enter the cooking place (chauka) of the adult males of the family. All the men eat together or apart as is found most convenient. At the commencement of meals offerings are made to the deities, and those who are strict and in a position to observe the religious rules, perform what is known as the vaiswadeva yajya, which consists in casting a little of the food as an offering to the deities at the commencement of a meal. Others merely repeat the words Lîjiye Thakurji Mahârâj, “Be pleased Great Lord to accept our offering.” The smoking of gânja is considered disreputable; against bhang and opium there is no prohibition; any one drinking spirits is excommunicated.

[Salutation.] 18. Elders, Brâhmans, and men of rank are entitled to a salute from all males. The salute to a Brâhman is the word Pâlagan “I touch thy feet”; to a Râjput Juhâr or Mujra, and to others Râm! Râm! or the name of the particular deity worshipped by the person making the salute. Persons of rank are given the highest place at a feast or social meeting. If a superior and inferior happen to sit on the same cot, the former sits at the head and the latter at the feet. They will eat kachchi roti or food cooked without ghi, with no one but a Sanâdh Brâhman, and they will eat pakki roti with no one lower than a barber.

[Occupation.] 19. The Golapûrabs are a purely agricultural caste, and are one of the most industrious peoples of the province, and the women are particularly noted for their excellence in domestic work.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE GOLAPÛRABS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

Goli.—A caste shown at the last Census only to the number of 21 in the Muzaffarnagar District. As far as can be ascertained they are really only a sub-caste of Luniyas. The detailed Census Returns give only one section, Kaprahti.

Gond; Gonr.—Probably meaning an “inhabitant of Gauda” or Western Kosala; according to Mr. Hislop from the Telugu Konda, “a hill.” Dr. Oppert [459] suggests that the names of tribes with the first syllable Ko or Go, such as the Kodulu, Konda, Gonda, Ganda, Kurava, etc., are derived from the Gauda Dravidian root Ko, Konda, etc., in the sense of “mountain.” In the Census Returns under the name Gond two quite distinct classes of people seem to be mixed up,—the true Gonds of the Central Indian hill country, and the Gonr of the Eastern Districts of these Provinces, who is usually classed with the fishing tribes of Kahâr and Mallâh and is a domestic servant, stone-cutter or grain-parcher. In the detailed Census Returns the sections of these two distinct tribes are inextricably mixed up together and defy analysis.

[The Central Indian Gonds.] 2. Of the Central Indian Gonds there are very few in these Provinces except in Jhânsi and Lalitpur. But as will be seen from the account of the Mânjhis and Kharwârs of South Mirzapur, they are almost certainly an offshoot from the great Gond race, and still preserve much of the tribal organisation of the real Gonds along the Hills to the west. According to Mr. Hislop [460] the true Gonds divide themselves into twelve and-a-half castes or classes in imitation of the Hindus. These are Râj Gond; Raghuwâl; Dadavê; Katulya; Pâdâl; Dholi; Ojhyâl; Thotyâl; Koilabhutâl; Koikopâl; Kolâm; Madyâl, and an inferior sort of Pâdâl as the half caste. The first four, with the addition, according to some, of the Kolâm, are comprehended under the name of Koitor, the Gond par excellence.

[The Râj Gonds.] 3. The only branch of the tribe which seems to exist under this name in these Provinces is the Râj Gond, some of whom are reported to exist in the Jhânsi District. They are divided into the following sections (gotra):—Sohâm; Chagâba; Markâm; Posâm; Korâm; Dewar, which are exogamous. Of the Râj Gonds Mr. Hislop writes:—“The Râj Gonds are so called because they have furnished from their number most of the families who have attained to royal power. They are widely spread over the plains and mountains of the Province of Nâgpur, and are found in Berâr and the jungle south of the Wârda, as well as those north of the Narbada. The Raghuwâl and Dadavê are more limited in their range, being confined principally to the District of Chhindwâra. These three classes generally devote themselves to agriculture. They eat with each other, but do not intermarry. The Katulya, though not a very numerous class in regard to individuals, is extensively scattered. It includes all those who, originally belonging to one or other of the preceding Koitor classes, have begun to conform to the Hindu religion and to ape Hindu manners. Professing to be Kshatriyas, they have invested themselves with a sacred thread, and make great efforts to get the claim allowed by contracting marriage with needy Râjput brides. With scrupulous exactness they perform the prescribed ablutions of their adopted faith, and carry their passion for purification so far as to have their faggots duly sprinkled with water before they are used for cooking. At the time of dinner if a stranger or a crow come near them the food is thrown away as polluted. These practices, which other Koitors regard with profound contempt, are gaining ground among the rich. It was only one or two generations ago that the Zamîndâr or petty Râja of Khairagarh, the present bearer of which title still carries in his features unmistakeable traces of his Gond origin, was received within the pale of Hinduism; and similar transformations, though at a more distant date, seem to have been undergone, by the royal dynasties of Bastar, Mandla, and various smaller principalities. The tendency to claim connection with Râjputs is not peculiar to ambitious Gonds: it prevails among the Bhîls of Mâlwa, and is not unknown to the wandering Kaikâdis of the Dakkhin, both of whom boast of being Yadavas or Panwârs, or some equally highborn section of the Kshatriyas.” Exactly the same is the case with the Kharwârs of Mirzapur, one of whom has in quite recent times blossomed into a Râjput and invented a clan, the Benbans, for himself. He has succeeded in marrying into a clan as respectable as that of the Chandel.

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The tribes and castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Volume 2 (of 4)Chapter D (8)

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