Chapter I: Front Matter (1)

THE
TRIBES AND CASTES
OF THE
NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.

BY
W. CROOKE, B.A.,
BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

CALCUTTA:
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA.
1896.

THE TRIBES AND CASTES OF THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.

VOLUME II.

Bhar. [1]—A caste of apparently Dravidian origin found in the eastern parts of the United Provinces.

They are also known as Râjbhar, Bharat, and Bharpatwa. The word Bhar is derived by the Pandits from the Sanskrit root bhri, to nourish, but this is improbable, and it is more likely to be of non-Aryan origin. Dr. Oppert [2] indulges in some curious speculations on the subject. He suggests their connection with the Barrhai of Ptolemy (VII–2–20), and with the Bharatas, a mountain tribe mentioned in connection with the Sabaras and with the Barbara, Varvara, or Barbarian. The derivation of large numbers of local names in Upper India from the same source, such as Bihâr, Bahrâich, Bârabanki, Bareilly, Barhaj, Barhar, and even Varanasi or Benares, etc., must be accepted with the greatest caution.

[Traditions.] 2. This tribe has given rise to much wild speculation. In Gorakhpur they claim to be the descendants of, and named from, an early Kshatriya Râja named Bhâradwâja, whose sons strayed from the ancient way of life and took to the use of meat and wine. Their descendant Surha settled in the village of Surauli, and wishing to marry a high caste Râjput girl, was murdered by her relations, and became an evil spirit, who does much damage still if he is not duly propitiated. That they claim to have been once a dominant race in the eastern part of Oudh and the North-Western Provinces is certain. Thus Sir C. Elliott writes:—“The scene before us in Oudh at the fall of the historic curtain is an uninhabited forest country and a large colony of Sûrajbansis occupying Ajudhya as their capital. When the curtain rises again we find Ajudhya destroyed, the Sûrajbansis utterly banished, and a large extent of country ruled over by aborigines, called Cheros in the Far East, Bhars in the Centre, and Râjpâsis in the West. The great revolution seems to be satisfactorily explained by the conjecture that the Bhars, Cheros, etc., were the aborigines whom the Aryans had driven to the hills, and who, swarming down from thence not long after the beginning of our era, overwhelmed the Aryan civilisation even in Ajudhya itself, drove the Sûrajbansis under Kanaksen to emigrate into distant Gujarât, and spread over all the plain between the Himalayas and that spur of the Vindhya range which passes through the south of Mirzapur.” [3] Again we read that the primitive inhabitants of Sultânpur are said to have been Bhars. “Their character is painted in the most sombre colours. They are represented to have been dark-complexioned, ill-favoured, and of mean stature, intemperate in their habits, and not only devoid of any religious belief themselves, but addicted to the persecution of those who ventured to profess any. They are said to have possessed a few scattered and detached fortresses to serve as rallying points; but to have been otherwise of nomadic and predatory habits, while their numbers are said to have barely sufficed to furnish a scanty population to the tract they occupied.” [4] In support of these pretensions to have been a ruling race in the eastern part of the Province, numerous old stone forts, embankments, wells, and subterraneous caverns are attributed to them. Thus the Chiraiyakot fort, in Ghâzipur, is said to have been their work. [5] The same is the case with numerous ruins in the Basti and Ghâzipur Districts. [6] The present town of Bahrâich is said to take its name from them and to have been their oldest abode, from which they spread southward into Faizâbâd and Sultânpur. Similarly they are said to have left their name in the Bhadohi and Barhar parganas of Mirzapur. [7] Two other fortresses of the Bhars are said to have been Zahurâbâd and Lakhnesar, in Ghâzipur. [8] In Gorakhpur they are said to have been ousted by the Kausik Râjputs. Mr. Sherring considers their capital in Mirzapur to have been Pampapura near Bindhâchal, where extensive ruins and a curious series of bearded stone figures are attributed to them. [9] In fact, throughout Oudh and the eastern part of the North-West Provinces every town the name of which does not end in pur, âbâd, or mau is assigned to them. [10]

[Historical evidence.] 3. An attempt has been made to support these traditions by historical evidence. On the evidence of two inscriptions from Ajaygarh and Kalinjar, in Bundelkhand, and a passage from Farishta, Mr. W. C. Benett [11] argues “that a man whose name is not given, but who is described as the founder of his family, possessed himself of the fort of Ajaygarh. One of his descendants was Malika, whose brother, Dalki, on the overthrow of the last Kanauj King, conquered the whole of the Duâb; and Farishta records the utter defeat and destruction of Dalki and Malki, who had royal forts at Kalinjar and Karra and held the whole country as far as Mâlwa in their possession, by Nasir-ud-din Muhammad, the King of Delhi, in 1246 A.D. The universal tradition of Southern Oudh proves that these princes were really Bhars, and that the whole of the south of the province as far as the Ghâgra was included in their dominions.” This theory, however, has failed to stand further investigation, and the Princes Dalki and Malki are identified by General Cunningham with the Baghel Râjas Dalakeswar and Malakeswar. [12] It is probable that out of the same legend has arisen the worship of Râja Bal, who is specially venerated by Bhars and Ahîrs. His worship is connected with protection from snake-bite. He is said to have been one of two Bhar brothers who ruled at Dalmau and Râê Bareli, and were slain by the Muhammadans in the time of Ibrahim Sharqi of Jaunpur. In their memory, it is said that the Bharautiya section of Ahîrs in time of mourning abstain from wearing anklets. Bal Râja is chiefly worshipped in Râê Bareli, Basti, and Eastern Oudh. He has 76,395 followers. The evidence, then, for an extensive Bhar kingdom in the eastern part of the Province rests almost entirely on the so-called Bhar dihs or ancient mounds and forts which abound all over the country, and on the so-called Bhar tanks, which are distinguished from those of a later date by being Surajbedi or longer from east to west, while modern tanks are Chandrabedi or lie north and south. Who may have been the builders of these monuments, our existing knowledge hardly entitles us to say with certainty. But that the identification of these monuments with the Bhars is not in every case to be trusted is proved by the fact that two buildings at Bihâr, in Partâbgarh, which are confidently ascribed to the Bhars by a writer in the Oudh Gazetteer, [13] are proved by General Cunningham to be genuine Buddhist stupas. [14] Similarly, the identification of the Bhars with the early rulers of the country presents many features of difficulty. Their identification with the Ubaræ of Pliny and the Barrhai of Ptolemy [15] is little more than conjectural. As Sir H. M. Elliot pointed out [16]:—“It is strange that no trace of Bhars is to be found in the Purânas, unless we may consider that there is an obscure indication of them in the Brahma Purâna, where, it is said, that among the descendants of Jayadhwaja are the Bhâratas, who, it is added, are not commonly specified on account of their great number, or they may perhaps be the Bhargas of the Mahâbhârata subdued by Bhimsen on his Eastern expedition.” To this it has been replied by Mr. Sherring [17] that, first, Brâhmanical writers generally speak of the Dasyus and Asuras with superciliousness and contempt, and, secondly, the abandonment of a considerable tract of country by the Aryans was dishonourable and not likely to be mentioned. It is, perhaps, possible that the Bhars, like the Doms, may have established a fairly advanced civilisation prior to their downfall. But, as Dr. Tylor remarks:—“Degeneration probably operates even more actively in the lower than the higher culture,” [18] and we must be cautious in identifying the race of fort and tank builders with the existing Bhars mainly on the uncertain evidence of popular tradition. Whoever these people were, they probably succumbed before the eastern emigration of the Râjput tribes contemporaneous with the fall of Kanauj and the invasion of Shahâb-ud-dîn Ghori. In Azamgarh and Ghâzipur they were driven out by the Sengar tribe, who reckon fifteen generations since their immigration; in Mirzapur and the adjoining part of Allahâbâd by the Gaharwâr; in Bhadohi, north of the Ganges, by the Monas, and further west, in Allahâbâd, by the Bais, Sonak, Tissyâl, Bisen, and Nanwak; in Faizâbâd and Eastern Oudh by the Bais; and in Gorakhpur by the Kausik. “The overthrow of the Bhars was followed by the establishment, much as we find them now, of the principal elements of modern Oudh society. The country was divided into a number of small chieftainships, ruled over by clans who, whatever their real origin may have been, all professed themselves to be of the ruling caste of Chhatris. Many of these, such as the Kânhpuriyas of Partâbgarh, the Gaurs of Hardoi, and their offshoot the Amethiyas of Râê Bareli are probably descendants of men or tribes who flourished under the low caste government.” [19] How far this process may have gone on is one of the problems connected with the Râjput Ethnology of the eastern part of the Province. Mr. Carnegy was of opinion that the more respectable and influential Râjput clansmen may have fled before the then dominant rulers of the serpent race or of the followers of Buddha; but that the mass of the Chhatris remained and were in fact none other than the Bhars, Cheros, and the like, and that the final overthrow of these degraded races after the fall of Delhi was neither more nor less than the restoration of Râjput influence in those parts where it had been dormant, and the social reclamation of the Bhars. [20] Mr. V. A. Smith[20] again believes them to have been Jains, and Mr. Millett thinks them to be probably of Scythic origin, and that the termination of their influence was coeval with the first Aryan invasion. [21] The most probable supposition is that the Bhars were a Dravidian race closely allied to the Kols, Cheros, and Seoris, who at an early date succumbed to the invading Aryans. This is borne out by their appearance and physique, which closely resemble that of the undoubted non-Aryan aborigines of the Vindhyan Kaimûr plateau.

[Internal structure.] 4. The last Census classes the Bhars under the main sub-castes of Bhâradwâj, Kanaujiya, and Râjbhar. We find among the locally more important sub-castes the Hela of Benares, the Goriya of Jaunpur; in Ghâzipur, the Baltent, Dhelphor, Dhongiya, Kharwâra, Khutant, Kinwâr, Kuntel, Maunas, Pataun, Sarpos; in Ballia, the Dhelphor and Kulwant; in Faizâbâd, the Bhagta, Gangoha, and Râêdâs; and in Bahrâich, the Patolbans. The Bhars of Mirzapur name three endogamous sub-divisions—Bhar Bhuînhâr, Râjbhar, and Dusâdha. The local Pâsis represent the Bhars as merely a sub-caste of their tribe; but this is denied by the Bhars themselves. The Bhar Bhuînhâr assert that they are the remnant of the ruling race among the Bhars. In support of this they wear the sacred thread, and have begun generally to call themselves Sûrajbansi Râjputs. The other Bhars, they say, are the descendants of a single pregnant woman who escaped the general massacre of the tribe by the Turks or Muhammadans. The Dusâdha Bhars are not acknowledged by the Dusâdhs themselves, but the Bhars claim them as a regular sub-caste.

[Exogamy.] 5. Bhars have the usual rule of exogamy, that is they will not intermarry in their own family or in that of their maternal uncle and father’s sister until four or five generations have elapsed. They prefer to marry in those families with whom they have been accustomed for generations to eat and smoke. In Gorakhpur the usual sevenfold division is made up of the Bhar, Râjbhar, Musahar, Godiya, Chain, Patiwân, and Tiyar, in which we have several different, but possibly originally cognate tribes mixed up. In Azamgarh [22] they name several sub-castes—Bhar, Râjbhar, Biyâr, Patiwân, Bind, and Jonkaha or “leech-finders.” Of these the Bind and Biyâr are practically independent castes, and have here been accordingly treated separately. In Azamgarh the Bhars are reckoned outcasts, but the Râjbhar are counted among Hindus. There the special title of the Râjbhars is Patait, and of the common Bhars Khuntait. The latter rear pigs, which the former do not. These divisions intermarry, but the families who do not keep pigs will not marry with those who do. Intercourse between the sexes is regulated by no strict rule. If an unmarried girl intrigue with a clansman they are married after a fine is exacted from the girl’s father by the tribal council. A man may take a second wife in the lifetime of the first, with her consent, which is generally given, as it relieves her of household work. [23] In Azamgarh the tendency seems to be towards monogamy, and a second marriage is allowed only when the first wife is barren, insane, or hopelessly diseased. When a second wife is taken she is usually a younger sister or close relation of the first. Concubinage is not permitted. They have a strong representative council (panchâyat), which is presided over by a chairman (chaudhari), whose office is hereditary. The council deals with offences in connection with marriage and caste usages. Illegitimate children by women of other castes follow the caste of the father, but are not allowed to eat, smoke, or intermarry with legitimate Bhars. Widow marriage is permitted. Widows generally marry widowers. The levirate is permitted but not enforced.

[Rules of marriage.] 6. In the marriage of a widow by sagâi the bridegroom, accompanied by his friends, goes to the house of the widow, where he pays a nominal sum as the bride-price. They are all entertained on pork, boiled rice, and pulse. The bride is dressed in ornaments and clothes provided by her suitor. Next morning he brings her home and announces the union by feeding his clansmen. If he be not a widower he has to perform a special ceremony. The bride and bridegroom sit opposite each other, and a silver ring is placed between them. The Pandit repeats some verses, during the recital of which the bridegroom marks the ring five times with red lead. He then puts on the ring, and never takes it off during his life. Girls are usually married at the age of five or seven. In Azamgarh marriages are reported to take place usually when the girl is nine years of age. A girl above ten is known as rajaswâli, and it is a disgrace not to have her married. The bride-price payable by the friends of the bridegroom is two-and-a-half rupees and a sheet for the bride. In Azamgarh no bride-price is paid, and if the bridegroom’s family is poor his friends contribute something to the marriage expenses, which is known as tilak. Any serious physical defect appearing in either party after marriage is recognised as a valid ground for divorce. A wife cannot be divorced except for adultery with a stranger to the caste. The divorce must be with the leave of the tribal council, who will accept no evidence short of that of actual eye-witnesses. Marriage negotiations are carried on by the maternal uncle of the boy. When the match is settled the bride’s father goes to the boy’s house and gives him a rupee. Then on a fixed day he returns with some of his clansmen “to drink water” (pâni pîni kâ din). A square (chauk) is formed in the court-yard, in which the boy and his future father-in-law sit opposite each other. The bride’s father marks the boy’s forehead with rice and curds, and he and his party are entertained on rice, pork, goat’s flesh, and wine. On this day, with the approval of the Pandit, the wedding day is fixed. The ritual is of the usual type. It begins with the matmangar, or collection of earth, as practised by allied castes. Then the pavilion (mânro) is set up at both houses, in which a plough-share and plantain stems are fixed, near which the family rice-pounder and corn-mill are placed. That day the Pandit makes the boy wear an amulet to keep off evil spirits. This contains some mango leaves, an iron ring, and some mustard seed. Next follows the anointing (ubtauni), and the sacrifice of a young pig to Agwân Deva, the Pânchonpîr, and Phûlmati Devi. At the last Census 25,069 people recorded themselves as worshippers of Agwân Deva. According to Mr. Baillie the word means “a leader and may be the priest (pujâri) in any temple. One District note states that Agwân is a disease godling, the son of Râja Ben, and, therefore, brother to the seven small-pox sisters.” With many of the lower castes to the east of the province he seems to be connected with the worship of fire (agni) in the form of the homa. The higher class Bhars sacrifice a goat instead of a pig to the Pânchonpîr. As the procession starts the usual incantation ceremony (parachhan) is done by the boy’s mother. The rest of the ritual is of the usual type. At the bride’s door the Pandit worships Gauri and Ganesa, and the pair, with their clothes knotted together, move five times round the centre pole of the shed. Next follows the ceremony in the retiring room (kohabar), where jokes are played on the boy by the bride’s father’s sister, who will not desist until she gets a present. The rest of the ceremonial is of the customary type.

[Birth ceremony.] 7. During pregnancy the oldest woman in the family waves a pice or a handful of grain over the woman’s head, and vows to offer a pig to Birtiha (who is regarded as a village deity, dih), and to Phûlmati Devi, if the confinement is easy. The Chamâin midwife cuts the cord with a sickle and buries it in the delivery room: a fire is lighted over it, and kept burning during the period of pollution. After the sixth day ceremony (chhathi) the barber’s wife takes the place of the midwife. The birth pollution ceases on the twelfth day (barahi) when the father offers a pig and some wine to Birtiha Deva. On her first visit to the well the mother worships it and lays a little washed rice (achhat) on the platform. The husband does not cohabit with his wife for six months after her confinement. [24] The only initiation ceremony is the usual ear-boring (kanchhedan, kanbedha), which is done at the age of five or six. After this the child must observe the caste rules of food.

[Death ceremonies.] 8. The dead, except those who are unmarried or those dying of cholera or small-pox, are cremated. The others are buried or their corpses thrown into running water. Within six months they are cremated in effigy with the usual ritual. The death pollution lasts ten days, during which, daily, the chief mourner pours water on a bunch of kusa grass fixed in the ground on the edge of a tank as a dwelling place for the disembodied spirit. He also daily lays out a little food for the ghost. They shave on the tenth day and offer sacred balls (pinda) in the usual way. On that day uncooked grain (sîdha) is given to Brâhmans, and the clansmen are fed on pork, boiled rice, and wine.

[Religion.] 9. Bhars are hardly ever initiated into any one of the regular Hindu sects. Their tribal deities are Agwân Deva, Phûlmati Bhawâni, the Pânchonpîr, generally represented by Parihâr, and a deified ghost known as Bânru Bîr. The Pânchonpîr are worshipped in the months of Jeth or Kuâr with fowls and cakes (malîda). The other deities require the sacrifice of a pig or goat and an oblation of wine. In Gorakhpur the tribal godlings are Kâlika and Kâshi Dâs Bâba, a deified Bhût. His platform is in a jungle in the Deoriya Tahsîl. There they go once a year to worship him with an offering of cakes, rice, milk, and curds. Kâlika is worshipped in the house or in the field when it is ready for the sowing of the spring crop. Her favourite offering is a young, fat pig. According to Mr. Baillie, Kâshi Dâs is particularly worshipped by Ahîrs in the Eastern Districts. It is uncertain whether in life he was a Brâhman or an Ahîr. His votaries number, according to the last Census returns, 172,599. [25] They have the usual feast to the dead in Kuâr. Their religious duties are done by Brâhmans of the low village class. They observe the festivals of the Phagua, Dasami, Diwâli, Kajari, Khichari, and Tîj. A special sacrifice of a pig is made to the evil spirits who reside in the old fig trees of the village. This is done in Aghan. Some go to Gaya to perform the srâddha ceremony. The pîpal tree is regarded as the abode of Vasudeva, and women bow and cover their faces as they pass it.

[Social customs.] 10. Women are tattooed on the arms. A pig or an ass is regarded as a lucky meeting omen. Women wear glass bangles (chûri) on the wrist, bead necklaces, nose rings (nathiya), ear ornaments (karanphûl), and anklets (pairi). Men wear a gold coin (mohar) round the neck. Children have two names, one given by the Pandit, which is kept secret, and the other, for ordinary use, selected by the parents. They swear on Ganges water, on the head of a son, and standing in water, and in the phrases Râma kriya, Râma duhâi, Ganga mâi kriya, Bhawâni kriya. They believe in magic and witchcraft, but do not practice these arts themselves. They believe in demoniacal possession and the Evil-eye, and in such cases call in an Ojha to treat the patient. They will not kill the cow. They will not touch a Dhobi, Hela, Dom, or Dharkâr, nor the younger brother’s wife, nor the wife of the senior brother-in-law. They will not call their wives by their name. They drink liquor freely and eat the flesh of goats, sheep, deer, etc., but they will not eat the meat of the cow, crocodile, monkey, horse, jackal, or fowls. During the fortnight in Kuâr sacred to the worship of the sainted dead (pitra paksha), they abstain from meat. Among themselves they use the salutation salâm, and address other low castes in the form Râm! Râm! which is also used to the father-in-law of their daughters. Women who assist the men in work are treated fairly well. They eat kachchi and pakki cooked by Brâhmans. Like all Hindus they eat pakki cooked by Halwâis or Chhatris, and, in fact, all Vaisyas, except Kalwârs, Doms, Dharkârs, and similar menials, eat kachchi cooked by them.

[Occupation.] 11. They are usually employed as day-labourers and ploughmen. A few are tenants without occupancy rights. Some of them have rather an equivocal reputation. They are occasionally burglars and field thieves, and they have been known to combine for road robbery and dacoity. The Bhars of Bhadohi, in the Mirzapur District, are nothing short of a pest to their respectable neighbours at harvest time, and much of the labour spent on field watching is due to their depredations. Of the Oudh Bhars [26] it is said—“In appearance they resemble low caste Hindus, Koris, and Chamârs; and I have not noticed any Mongolian traits in their physiognomy. They have, however, one striking peculiarity in common with the Thârus—their hatred of the cultivated plain. When land has attained a certain pitch of cultivation they always leave it for some less hospitable spot, and their lives are spent in wandering from jungle to jungle. They commence the struggle with nature, and after the first and most difficult victory over disease and wild beasts, leave it to the Kurmis and Ahîrs to gather the fruits of their desultory energy. They are very timid, very honest and keen sportsmen, untiring in pursuit, and excellent shots with their long guns. They show the influence of orthodox Hinduism in sparing the nîlgâi, but are fond of the flesh of pigs, washing down their feasts with copious draughts of spirits of rice or mahua.” They offer goats to Samai, and decapitate chickens before the snake god Kârê Deo. Their worship of Banspati Mâi is more Hindu in its character, and their pure offering of grain and clarified butter are handed over to be eaten by a Brâhman. The worshippers of Banspati Mâi according to the last Census returns amounted to 16,489 persons. Marriages are contracted without the intervention of a Pandit, and with the rites in use among other low castes, such as Koris and Chamârs. With a magnificent assumption of rights not recognised by our law, a bride’s father makes over in gift (sankalpa) to the bridegroom a small patch of forest to clear and cultivate. [27]

DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHARS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

===============+==============+=============+===========+==========+========= District. | Bhâradwâj. | Kanaujiya. | Râjbhar. | Others. | Total. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~~ Sahâranpur | ... | ... | 7 | 68 | 75 Muzaffarnagar | ... | ... | 8 | 118 | 126 Morâdâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 15 | 15 Pilibhît | ... | ... | ... | 4 | 4 Allahâbâd | ... | ... | 5 | 11 | 16 Benares | ... | ... | 28,141 | 14,490 | 42,631 Mirzapur | ... | ... | 2,284 | 858 | 3,142 Jaunpur | ... | 38 | 16,048 | 7,732 | 23,818 Ghâzipur | ... | ... | 1,965 | 58,021 | 59,986 Ballia | 86 | 1,258 | 47,608 | 9,908 | 58,860 Gorakhpur | 1,498 | 14 | 19,094 | 53,338 | 73,944 Basti | ... | ... | 15,820 | 6,789 | 22,609 Azamgarh | 2,562 | 990 | 25,094 | 62,711 | 91,357 Lucknow | ... | ... | ... | 8 | 8 Unâo | ... | ... | | 7 | 7 Râê Bareli | ... | ... | | 11 | 11 Hardoi | ... | ... | 4 | | 4 Kheri | ... | ... | 4 | 5 | 9 Faizâbâd | | ... | 20,014 | 6,855 | 26,869 Gonda | | ... | 714 | 9,820 | 10,538 Bahrâich | ... | ... | 2 | 608 | 610 Sultânpur | ... | ... | 1,041 | 2,063 | 3,104 Partâbgarh | ... | ... | 1 | 1 | 2 +~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~~ Total | 4,146 | 2,300 | 1,77,858 | 2,33,441 | 4,17,745 ===============+==============+=============+===========+==========+=========

Bhâradwâj.—(Sanskrit, Bhâradwâja, Bharadwâja, bringing or bearing food; a skylark.)—A small sept of Râjputs. It is a common appellation for Brâhmanical and other gotras.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHÂRADWÂJ RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

=====================
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 12
Meerut | 5
Bulandshahr | 10
Agra | 35
Etah | 7
Morâdâbâd | 5
Cawnpur | 2
Bânda | 27
Jâlaun | 11
Lalitpur | 6
Benares | 14
Ghâzipur | 9
Gorakhpur | 1
Basti | 97
Azamgarh | 22
Lucknow | 35
Râê Bareli | 1
+~~~~~~~~
Total | 299
============+========

Bharbhûnja. [28]—(Sanskrit bhrashtra, a frying pan; bhrij, to fry.)—The caste of grain parchers. They are also known as Bhûj, Bhujua, and Bhurji. As a purely occupational tribe their sub-divisions are somewhat confused. At the last Census they were recorded under no less than three hundred and sixty-four sub-castes for the Hindu and forty for the Muhammadan branch. These are of the familiar type. Some illustrate some real or supposed connection with other castes and tribes, such as the Bhadauriya, Chaubê, Chauhân, Kanjar, Kâyasth, Khatri, Lodhi, Râthaur, Baddhik, Teliyabans, and the like. Others are local sub-divisions like Audhbâsi, Bâtham (of Srâvasti), Bhatnâgar, Desi, Gangapâri, Hamîrpuriya, Kanaujiya, Jaunpuriya, Mathuriya, and so on. The last Census classifies them under the main heads of Bhatnâgar, Jagjâdon, Kaithiya, Kându, Râthaur, Saksena, and Sribâstab. Of these, by far the most numerous are the Kanaujiyas and Saksenas. The Bhatnâgar are said to derive their name from the old town of Bhatner in the Bikâner State; the Jagjâdons assert a connection with the Jâdon Râjputs; the Kaithiya with Kâyasths, as the Bhujâris of the Dakkhin say they are Kâyasths from Upper India; [29] the Kându is usually treated as a separate caste; the Râthaur claim descent from the Râjput tribe of that name; the Saksena and the Sribâstab are said to be derived from the two ancient cites of Sankisa in the Farrukhâbâd District, and Srâvasti or Sahet-Mahet in the Gonda District. But this does not exhaust the list of the sub-divisions. Thus in Agra, they divide themselves into Saksena, Srivâstâvya or Sribâstab, Kându, Lakhautiya, Dhankûta or paddy pounders, and Sanksa, who are probably identical with the Saksena. In Mirzapur they are sometimes called Kându; but the two tribes are said not to be identical, as the real Kândus do not parch grain at all, and distinguish themselves from the Bharbhûnjas by calling themselves Madhesiya Kându, or those of “the middle land.” Here, however, Bharbhûnjas regard Kândus as a sub-division of their caste, and say that they have really three main sub-divisions—Kanaujiya, Kându, and Dhîmar. Kanaujiyas have again two sections, Purbiya or Eastern, and Pachhiwâha or Western, and to these the true Bharbhûnjas say they belong. These two sections admittedly intermarry; and it is alleged that quite recently, or even occasionally, at present, Dhîmars and Kândus intermarry. But this is more than doubtful. In Bareilly, again, there are said to be three endogamous sections, Saksena, Kabâriya, and Kandiya, while in Bânda the caste is known as Kândua, Renrkûta, or “pounders of the castor-oil seed,” and Tilbhûnja, or “parchers of sesamum,” and has three endogamous sections—Teliya, Bhunjua, and Dophansiya, or “two-noose men.” It thus appears that the internal organisation of the caste is at present in a state of transition, and that the tendency is to break up into an increasing number of endogamous sections which will probably in time form a number of so-called separate castes.

[Marriage customs.] 2. The sections are, as has been said, almost certainly all endogamous, and they seem generally to practise the ordinary rule of exogamy which bars the line of the paternal and maternal uncle and aunt. Widow marriage by the forms known as sagâi, kâj, or karâo, and the levirate prevail.

[Religion.] 3. To the east of the Province they are usually of the Vaishnava sect and worship the Pânchon Pîr and Hardiya Deva or Hardaur Lâla, the cholera godling, whose worshippers at the last Census amounted to 5,034 persons; and worshippers of these two different deities are said usually not to intermarry. In Bareilly their tribal godling is Chanda Kartâl, of whom nothing appears to be known. In Bânda and Fatehpur they are said to be generally Sâktas and worshippers of Devi, Mahâdeva, and Mahâbîr. The offerings consist of rice, goats, spirits, flowers, and money. Devi and Mahâdeva are worshipped on Mondays, and Mahâbîr on Tuesdays.

[Social customs.] 4. They eat goat’s meat and the flesh of deer and similar animals, except when they have been regularly initiated or have taken the vow of a Bhagat. All high castes can eat pakki from their hands, and Kahârs and Nâis will eat kachchi. They will not eat kachchi cooked by any caste but their own, and will take pakki cooked by any Brâhman, Kshatriya, or Vaisya. According to Mr. Hoey [30] there are in Lucknow “three classes of grain parchers. The poorest are those who merely parch grain for those who bring it. They receive one paisa per ser on expensive grain and a quarter paisa per ser on cheap grain. A stage above these are grain-parchers, who buy grain and store it and sell parched grain. These are termed Charbanfarosh. Above both of these is a much more comfortable class who buy rice in the autumn and store it. They make lâi, chiura, and khîl, which are in daily demand, and also in special demand at the Diwâli and on occasion of fairs, etc. There are some Bhurjis especially well-off who have their oven in the immediate neighbourhood of large grain markets. Merchants who import grain treat these very liberally, and think nothing of flinging down a couple of sers of grain and taking in exchange half a ser of parched grain (chabena).” The work they do, and particularly the heavy part of it, which consists in sweeping up dry leaves for fuel, tends to lower them in popular estimation. It is a favourite curse to wish an enemy that he may some day come to stoke the kiln of a grain-parcher, and a common proverb is Bharbhûnjâ kî larkî kesar kâ tîkâ—the grain-parcher’s slut with saffron on her forehead.”

DISTRIBUTION OF BHARBHÛNJAS AND THEIR SECTIONS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

===============+===========+==========+==========+===========+=======+=========+=========+===========+========+===========+======== District. |Bhatnâgar. |Jagjâdon. |Kaithiya. |Kanaujiya. |Kându. |Râthaur. |Saksena. |Sribâstab. |Others. |Musalmâns. | Total. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~ Dehra Dûn | ... | ... | ... | 281 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 72 | ... | 353 Sahâranpur | 58 | ... | 30 | 48 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,211 | 1,103 | 2,450 Muzaffarnagar | 451 | 690 | 632 | 18 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 71 | 188 | 2,050 Meerut | ... | 85 | 2,040 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,123 | 126 | 3,374 Bulandshahr | ... | 144 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 54 | 520 | 1,881 | 2,599 Aligarh | ... | ... | 104 | ... | ... | 24 | ... | ... | 1,407 | 670 | 2,205 Mathura | 1 | 38 | ... | ... | ... | 6 | 10 | ... | 510 | 10 | 575 Agra | ... | 41 | 503 | ... | ... | 2 | 321 | 102 | 1,163 | 328 | 2,460 Farrukhâbâd | ... | ... | 4,228 | 195 | ... | ... | 5,169 | 252 | 220 | 113 | 10,177 Mainpuri | ... | ... | 2,269 | 365 | ... | ... | 2,210 | 252 | 76 | 67 | 5,239 Etâwah | ... | ... | 2,859 | 128 | ... | ... | 1,348 | 427 | 181 | 7 | 4,950 Etah | ... | ... | 874 | ... | ... | ... | 1,055 | 7 | 273 | 227 | 2,436 Bareilly | ... | 320 | 288 | 362 | ... | ... | 7,591 | ... | 1,127 | ... | 9,688 Bijnor | ... | 602 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 440 | 901 | 1,943 Budâun | ... | 18 | 528 | ... | ... | ... | 4,481 | 47 | 210 | 746 | 6,030 Morâdâbâd | 179 | 1,329 | 448 | ... | ... | ... | 1,461 | 5 | 1,143 | 499 | 5,064 Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | 2,152 | 240 | ... | 3 | 12,517 | 357 | 453 | ... | 15,722 Pilibhît | ... | 11 | 442 | 70 | 30 | 2 | 4,198 | 33 | 380 | 83 | 5,249 Cawnpur | ... | ... | 338 | 8,362 | 142 | 166 | 435 | 55 | 645 | 1 | 10,144 Fatehpur | ... | ... | ... | 6,934 | ... | 32 | ... | ... | 705 | ... | 7,671 Bânda | ... | ... | ... | 5,683 | ... | ... | ... | 71 | 1,609 | ... | 7,363 Hamîrpur | ... | ... | 90 | 2,526 | ... | ... | 14 | 293 | 96 | ... | 3,019 Allahâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 13,631 | ... | ... | 16 | 21 | 613 | ... | 14,281 Jhânsi | ... | ... | 39 | 14 | 8 | ... | 32 | 168 | 139 | 23 | 423 Jâlaun | ... | ... | 597 | 187 | ... | 2 | 129 | 169 | 91 | 300 | 1,475 Lalitpur | ... | ... | ... | 8 | ... | ... | ... | 26 | 18 | ... | 52 Benares | ... | ... | ... | 1,509 | 50 | ... | ... | ... | 703 | ... | 2,262 Mirzapur | ... | ... | ... | 4,901 | 53 | ... | ... | ... | 309 | ... | 5,263 Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... | 11,324 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 383 | ... | 11,707 Ghâzipur | ... | ... | ... | 80 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 70 | ... | 150 Gorakhpur | ... | ... | ... | 5,816 | 204 | ... | ... | ... | 792 | ... | 6,812 Basti | ... | ... | ... | 9,845 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 96 | ... | 9,941 Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | 142 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 142 Tarâi | ... | 261 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 755 | ... | 43 | 22 | 1,081 Lucknow | ... | ... | ... | 5,013 | 159 | 1,745 | 3 | ... | 1,266 | 4 | 8,190 Unâo | ... | ... | 251 | 3,209 | ... | 400 | 48 | 11 | 3,204 | ... | 7,123 Râê Bareli | ... | ... | 73 | 10,018 | 103 | 584 | ... | ... | 1,099 | ... | 11,877 Sîtapur | ... | ... | 3 | 8,159 | 147 | ... | 884 | 2,365 | 1,801 | 193 | 13,552 Hardoi | ... | ... | 1,080 | 30 | 25 | ... |13,855 | ... | 426 | ... | 15,416 Kheri | ... | ... | 186 | 4,476 | ... | ... | 3,300 | 1,805 | 948 | 87 | 10,802 Faizâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 8,040 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 222 | ... | 8,262 Gonda | ... | ... | ... | 16,539 | ... | 168 | ... | ... | 18 | 41 | 16,766 Bahrâich | ... | ... | ... | 10,317 | 235 | 1,227 | ... | 2 | 50 | 327 | 12,158 Sultânpur | ... | ... | ... | 14,082 | 460 | ... | ... | ... | 576 | 15 | 15,133 Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... | 8,240 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 312 | ... | 8,552 Bârabanki | ... | ... | ... | 10,894 | 1,413 | ... | ... | ... | 4,670 | 1,047 | 18,024 +~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~ Total | 689 | 3,539 | 20,054 | 171,686 | 3,029 | 4,361 | 59,832 | 6,522 | 31,484 | 9,009 |310,205 ===============+===========+==========+==========+===========+=======+=========+=========+===========+========+===========+========

Bharsaiyân, Bharsiyân.—A sept of Râjputs found in Sultânpur. The word is a corruption of Bhainsauliyân, or natives of Bhainsaul, whence the sept derives its origin. They are not shown separately in the returns of the last Census. They are said to be originally Chauhâns of Mainpuri. Their leader into Oudh was Karan Sinh, who married into a Bais family. One of his successors, Bâz Sinh, was converted to Islâm in the reign of Shîr Shâh, and received the title of Khân-i-Âzam Bhainsauliyân. His descendants are manifestly the Chauhân-i-nau-Muslim, alluded to in the Aîn-i-Akbari as occupying the Inhauna Pargana. [31]

Bhât. [32]—(Sanskrit, bhatta, “lord,” probably connected with bhartri, “a cherisher,” “nourisher”).—A caste of family bards and genealogists. Traditionally they are generally supposed to be descended from the intercourse of a Chhatri and a Brâhman widow. Many legends are told of their origin. Some believe them to be “the modern representatives of the Magadha spoken of in Manu as the offspring of a Vaisya father and a Kshatriya mother. Lassen regards this mythical pedigree as a theoretical explanation of the fact that the professional singers of the praises of great men had come by Manu’s time to be regarded a distinct class. Zimmer, on the other hand, seems to take the tradition more seriously and speaks of the Magadha as a “mixed class,” out of which, as we learn by numerous passages in later writings, a guild of singers arose, who devoting themselves to the deeds of the Kosala-Videha and Kuru Panchâla may have laid the foundation of the epic poems.” [33] Sir John Malcolm says [34]:—“According to the fable of their origin, Mahâdeva first created Bhâts to attend to his lion and bull; but the former killing the latter every day gave him infinite vexation and trouble in creating new ones. He, therefore formed the Châran, equally devout as the Bhât, but of bolder spirit, and gave him charge of these favourite animals. From that period no bull was ever destroyed by the lion.” By another account:—“Once upon a time Brahma performed a sacrifice when two men appeared and stood before the sacrificial fire. When Mahâkâli saw that they were dying of thirst she gave them suck from her breasts, and named them Mâgadha and Sûta. The Mâgadha Brâhmans settled in the East and the Bhât Brâhmans are their descendants; the Sûta settled in the West, and from them sprang the Bhâts.” By another legend, when Kâli destroyed the Râkshasas she formed a figure out of her sweat and breathed life into it, so that it might record her victory.

2. Again, according to Mr. Nesfield, the Bhâts are an “offshoot from those secularised Brâhmans who frequented the courts of princes and the camps of warriors, recited their praises in public, and kept records of their genealogies. Such without much variation is the function of the Bhât at the present day. The ancient epic known as the Mahâbhârata speaks of a band of bards and eulogists marching in front of Yudhishthira as he made his progress from the field of Kurukshetra towards Hastinapur. But these very men are spoken of in the same poem as Brâhmans. Nothing could be more natural than that, as time went on, these courtier-priests should have become hereditary bards, who receded from the parent stem and founded a new caste bound together by mutual interests and sympathies. There are several facts in support of this theory, that one of the sub-castes is called Baram or Biram Bhât; that some Gaur Brâhmans still act as bards and genealogists; that the Bhât still wears the sacred thread, and is addressed by the lower caste by the Brâhman title of Mahârâja; and lastly, that by an obvious survival of Brâhmanical titles, the Bhât’s employer is called jajmân, “he who gives the sacrifice,” while the Bhât himself is jagwa jâjak or jâchak, “the priest by whom the sacrifice is performed.” To this Mr. Risley objects that “if the Bhâts of the present day are descended solely from a class of degraded Brâhmans, if, in other words, they are a homogeneous offshoot from the priestly class, how do they come to have a number of sections which are certainly not Brâhmanical, and which appear rather to resemble the territorial exogamous groups common among the Râjputs? Brâhmans, however degraded, hold fast to their characteristic series of eponymous sections, and I know of no case in which it can be shown that they have adopted section names of a different type. On the other hand, there is nothing specially improbable in the conjecture that Râjputs may have taken up the profession of bard to the chiefs of their tribe, and thus may, in course of time, have become incorporated in the Bhât caste. It will be seen that this solution of the difficulty in no way conflicts with Mr. Nesfield’s view, but merely modifies it by introducing a second factor into the formation of the caste. Mr. Nesfield regards the Bhâts as a homogeneous functional group thrown off by the Brâhmans. I look upon them as a heterogeneous group made up of Brâhmans and Râjputs welded together into one caste by virtue of their exercising similar functions. I may add, however, that the inviolability of the Bhât’s person, which was admitted in Western India towards the end of the last century, makes rather for Mr. Nesfield’s view than for mine; while the theory of Roth and Zimmer, that the first germ of the Brâhman caste is to be sought in the singers of Vedic times, may perhaps be deemed to tell in the same direction.” At the last Census the Bhâts were recorded under no less than nine hundred and sixty-eight sub-castes for the Hindu and one hundred and sixty-one for the Muhammadan branch. The analysis of the sub-castes goes on the whole to support Mr. Risley’s theory. We find very few distinctively Brâhmanical titles, such as Achârya, Bhâradwâja, Dikshit, Gangaputra, Gaur, Sândilya, Sâraswata, or Sarwariya, but many either of purely local origin, such as Bhatnâgar, Dakkhinwâr, Dalpuriya, Dilliwâl, Hamîrpuri, Hastinapuri, Jaiswâr, Jaunpuriya, Mathuriya, and the like; and many derived from the names of existing Râjput or other tribes, such as Bargûjar, Bargyân, Bhadauriya, Bundel, Chandrabansi, Kachhwâha, Râthaur, Sakarwâr, and so on.

[Internal structure.] 3. The structural division of the caste is not very well defined. At the last Census in these Provinces they were recorded under nine main endogamous sub-castes: Bhâradwâja, “the lark, the bringer of food,” which is a gotra title common to Brâhmans and other castes; Biram or Brâhman Bhâts; Dasaundhi, of which there are at least two derivations, either from the Hindi dasaundh, or “receiver of tithes,” or Sanskrit dasa-vandika, in the sense of “reader of the stars,” “an astrologer,” which is more probable; Gajbhîm; Jâga (Sanskrit yakshya, “to be sacrificed or worshipped”); Keliya; Mahâpâtra; Râê; and Râjbhât. Among the sub-castes locally important we find in Bulandshahr the Sapahar; in Mathura, the Barwâr; in Etâwah, the Athsaila and Barwa; in Cawnpur, the Lâhauri; in Allahâbâd, the Gangwâr; in Ghâzipur, the Bandijan; in Azamgarh, the Lakhauriya; in Unâo and Sîtapur, the Kanaujiya; in Râê Bareli, the Amlakhiya; in Faizâbâd, the Athsaila, Bandijan Dakkhinwâr, and Gangwâr; in Gonda, the Basoriya; in Sultânpur, the Gadh, Gangwâr, Madhuriya, and Râna; in Partâbgarh, the Gadhwa, Gangwâr, and Jujhaina; in Bârabanki, the Basodhiya. Sir H. M. Elliot has given a very complete account of the Bhâts in these provinces:—“By some tribes the Bhât and Jâga are considered synonymous, but those who pretend to greater accuracy distinguish them by calling the former Birmbhât or Bâdi, and the latter Jâgabhât. The former recite the deeds of ancestors at weddings and other festive occasions; the latter keep the family records, particularly of Râjputs, and are entitled by right of succession to retain the office, whereas the Birmbhâts are hired and paid for the particular occasion. Jâgabhâts pay visits to their constituents every two or three years, and receive perquisites to which they are entitled. After recording all the births which have taken place since their last tour, they are remunerated with rupees, cattle, or clothes, according to the ability of the registering party. Those of the North-Western Râjputs generally reside between the borders of Râjputâna and the Delhi territory. Many also live at Dâranagar on the Ganges, and travel to the remote East to collect their fees; whereas the Birmbhâts are resident in towns and do not emigrate periodically. Both of these classes are held in the same dread for their exactions, which are satisfied by their constituents for fear of being lampooned and paraded in effigy before the other members of the family. Several communities of Bhâts reside in the north of Oudh, and a few are scattered over these Provinces. In Rohilkhand the occupation of Bhâts as bards is frequently usurped by Gaur Brâhmans. There are several sub-divisions of the Bhâts of these provinces, and an attempt is sometimes made, as with many other classes, to reduce them to the definite number of seven, viz.—Athsaila, Mahâpâtra, Keliya, Mainpuriwâla, Jangira, Bhatara, and Dasaundhi. But there are several which are not included under these heads, as Chaurâsi, Gajbhîm, Chungelê, Gujariwâla, Sikatpuriya, Nagauri, Barua, etc., which shows that the classification into seven is not correct.

4. This, however, does not exhaust the sub-divisions of the Bhâts. Thus, in Mirzapur, they are divided into the Jagawa or Jâga, Barpagwa, “those who wear a large turban,” Phulwariya, “of the flower garden,” Dasaundhi, Kavirâj, or poets, Kewat kê Bhât, or those attached to the Kewat caste, and the Musalmâni. The Hindu Bhâts have, besides, a number of gotras or sections which are identical with those of Brâhmans. The Dasaundhi, again, who call themselves Jasaundhi, and derive their name from the Hindi jas, Sanskrit, yasas, “glory,” are sub-divided into Kalsa, Pâtha, and Kulîn. In Hardoi they give their sub-divisions as Keliya, Mahâpâtra or “prime minister,” Athsaila, Bhâradwâja, Mohanmûrat, Bhatara, Changelê, and Brahmbhât. In Râê Bareli they give their sub-divisions as Banswariya, Mahâpâtra, Keliya, Athsaila, Gajbhîm, Gohorwâriwâl, Jaisari kâ Bhatra, Pihâniwâl, Mainpuri kâ Bhâtra, Pitarpuri Rauwa, Senbasiya, Kuttaha, Dospuriya, Pipariha, Dukanha, Gangwâr, Bhagtaha, Majhgânwiya, Sirohiwâl, Lahariwâl, Nagrauiyân, Ghoraha, Nabinagar kâ langota, Garhwapâri, Chaurasiya, and Katiha. These are said to be exogamous sections, many of which are of the territorial type. Among these the Keliya, Mahâpâtra, Banswariya, Athsaila, Gajbhîm, Gohorwariwâl, and Jaisari kâ Bhâtra are regarded as superior and practise a form of hypergamy, taking brides from the other sections, but not giving them their daughters in return. In Bareilly, again, there are two sub-divisions of the Jâga sub-caste who are Muhammadans—the Sârhê tîn ghar or “three and a half houses,” and the Das ghar or “ten houses,” of whom the former practise hypergamy with the latter.

[Marriage rules.] 5. Where there are exogamous sections or gotras the rule of exogamy follows the standard formula as in the case of the higher castes; in other places, as in Mirzapur, they will not marry their sister’s daughter, father’s sister’s daughter, brother-in-law’s daughter, maternal uncle’s daughter, or any member of their own family (kul). They can marry a sister-in-law, but not if she be older than the first wife, because, by virtue of the giving away of the bride (kanyâdân), the younger sister is considered daughter of the elder. Marriage is carried out in infancy, and it is only when the parents are very poor that the marriage of a daughter is deferred until puberty, and then it involves social discredit. It is usual for parents to give a dowry with the bride, which becomes the property of the bridegroom’s parents. Some of the poorer Bhâts take a bride-price; but this is considered disgraceful. This payment, however, appears to be generally given by old men or widowers who would otherwise find it difficult to marry. Widow marriage and the levirate are both prohibited.

[Domestic ceremonies.] 6. All the domestic ceremonies are of the orthodox type. When a son is born the Nandi mukh srâddha is performed, and in marriage the giving away of the bride (kanyâdân) is the binding part of the ceremony. They follow the ordinary Hindu law of inheritance.

[The Muhammadan Bhâts.] 7. Those in the Eastern Districts have an absurd story that they were in the service of Chait Sinh and were forcibly converted to Islâm by Mr. Jonathan Duncan in revenge for some advice they gave to their master. Others to the West say that they were converted by the orders of Shahâb-ud-dîn Ghori. They practise a curious mixture of Hindu and Muhammadan rites. At marriage they call in a Pandit, collect the sacred earth (matmangar), erect a marriage shed, give away the bride, and make the pair perform the usual circumambulations. When this is all over they send for the Qâzi, and the nikâh is read in the usual Muhammadan fashion. They are a miserable sort of people, who wander about singing at respectable houses. They are more violent and abusive in their language if not suitably rewarded than their Hindu brethren. In Mirzapur they have exogamous sub-divisions, such as Jâga, Kanjriwâl, or those attached to the Kanjar vagrants, Khawâni, Râjbhât, and Bandijan. In some places the title of Jâga seems to be appropriated to them. They circumcise their boys and bury their dead in the usual Muhammadan fashion, but they do a sort of srâddha and pay annual worship to the spirits of the dead as Hindus do.