The tribes and castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Volume 2 (of 4)

Chapter C (3)

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Districts. |Hindus.|Muhammadans.| Total.
| | |
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Dehra Dûn | 4,046| 248| 4,294
Sahâranpur | 13,250| 7,766| 21,016
Muzaffarnagar | 7,041| 4,056| 11,097
Meerut | 19,529| 179| 19,708
Bulandshahr | 13,944| 7,236| 21,180
Aligarh | 16,344| 51| 16,395
Mathura | 3,825| 416| 4,241
Agra | 11,939| 154| 12,093
Farrukhâbâd | 5,495| 7| 5,502
Mainpuri | 24,680| 15| 24,695
Etâwah | 9,897| 168| 10,065
Etah | 13,706| 943| 14,649
Bareilly | 7,011| 239| 7,250
Bijnor | 77,890| ... | 77,890
Budâun | 6,368| 283| 6,651
Morâdâbâd | 37,836| 1,228| 39,064
Shâhjahânpur | 9,016| 375| 9,391
Pilibhît | 2,082| 13| 2,095
Cawnpur | 8,794| 106| 8,900
Fatehpur | 2,847| 76| 2,923
Bânda | 1,498| 43| 1,541
Hamîrpur | 533| 19| 552
Allahâbâd | 1,483| 523| 2,006
Jhânsi | 753| 39| 792
Jâlaun | 5,515| 9| 5,524
Lalitpur | 578| 24| 602
Benares | 591| 253| 844
Mirzapur | 1,675| 23| 1,698
Jaunpur | 1,680| 989| 2,669
Ghâzipur | 1,356| 656| 2,012
Ballia | 2,131| 357| 2,488
Gorakhpur | 3,461| 4,649| 8,110
Basti | 1,749| 10,453| 12,202
Azamgarh | 2,925| 3,926| 6,851
Kumâun | 134| ... | 134
Tarâi | 7,987| ... | 7,987
Lucknow | 5,745| 151| 5,896
Unâo | 10,540| 16| 10,556
Râê Bareli | 6,189| 797| 6,986
Sîtapur | 5,562| 3,424| 8,986
Hardoi | 6,712| ... | 6,712
Kheri | 4,627| 2,766| 7,393
Faizâbâd | 5,858| 1,978| 7,836
Gonda | 8,997| 402| 3,799
Bahrâich | 2,678| 6,845| 9,523
Sultânpur | 4,425| 1,478| 5,903
Partâbgarh | 3,065| 144| 3,269
Bârabanki | 3,356| 840| 4,196
+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total |397,343| 64,363|461,706
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Chaupata Khamb.—A Râjput sept found in small numbers in the Benares division. According to Mr. Sherring [234] in the city of Benares they are chiefly engaged in the manufacture of fine wire used in the frames on which cloth of various description is woven. They trace their descent to two Sarwariya Brâhman brothers, Baldeo and Kuldeo, who settled at Pathkhauli, in the Jaunpur district. Râja Jay Chand is said to have given his daughter in marriage to Baldeo, on which Kuldeo, to mark his anger, erected a pillar (khamb), and the descendants of Baldeo are hence called chaupata or “ruined.”

Chauseni—(Chahu, four; sena, an army).—A sub-caste of Banyas found principally in the Meerut, Agra, and Rohilkhand Divisions. They are said to be a spurious branch of the Bârahseni (q.v.). They hold very low rank among Banyas. Till recently all the higher castes refused to eat and drink things touched by them. They say they came from Mathura, and claim descent from Chânûra, the wrestler of Râja Kansa, from whom Chamârs also say they are sprung. Another story is that they are descended from one Râja Phonda of Chanderi by an unmarried woman named Kundaliya.

DISTRIBUTION OF CHAUSENI BANYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

Chero.—A Dravidian race of labourers and cultivators found in the hill country of Mirzapur where they number according to the last Census 4,881. The word may be possibly of non-Aryan origin. It has been connected with the Hindi chela (Sanskrit chetaka, chedaka “a slave”). Sir G. Campbell’s [235] theory that that Chero-Khero, Kharwâr is not probable. The ethnology of the Cheros has been to some extent obscured by the fact that they are in Bengal perhaps the most advanced of the Dravidian races. Colonel Dalton calls them the last Kolarian tribe dominant in the Gangetic Provinces. [236] They are said in Shâhâbâd to have been rulers of the country extending from Charanadri, the modern Chunâr, to Gridhaya kot (Giridhi), and from the Ganges to the hills which now form the boundary of South Bihâr, including the entire extent of the country in the Patna division south of the Ganges. The names of the Kol Râj and the Chero Râj are now discriminately applied by the natives of the South Bihâr to the kingdom of the aborigines. [237] According to Dr. Buchanan Hamilton they extended as far as Gorakhpur or Kosala, and destroyed the family of the Sun in Ajudhya, as well as that of the Moon in Magadha. [238]

2. A tradition recorded by Mr. Forbes [239] states that Kesho Nârâyan Sinh, a Bundya Râjput, and Râja of Garhgûmti, in Bundelkhand, was blessed with an only daughter: being anxious to learn the future that was in store for her, he sent for a learned Brâhman and requested him to draw her horoscope. The Brâhman did so, and declared it was ordained that the young girl, if married at all, could wed no other than a Muni, or one to all intents and purposes dead. On learning this the Râja determined to go to some holy shrine and offer (sankalpa) his daughter to the first Muni he could find. He started accordingly taking his daughter with him, and when passing through the Morong, [240] he one day encamped in a tope of trees near to which there was a mound. Enquiring from the people what this mound was, he learned that it was the living sepulchre of a very pious Muni Chamman Muni Rishi. The Râja immediately called for spade and shovel, unearthed the holy man, and made the girl over to him. From this marriage sprung the Chero or Chauhânbansi Râjputs. Their son was Chet Râê, who expelled the Râthaur lords of the country. After him the following Chero Râjas ruled Kumâun—Chhattardîs Râê, Udit Râê, Udand Râê, and Choân Râê, whose son, Phûl Chand, conquered Bhojpur or South Bihâr. The Cheros entered Palamau in 1612 A.D., and ruled the district for nearly two hundred years, when they were expelled by the British.

3. General Cunningham accepts the account that they were conquered by the Saura tribe in Shahâbâd and Benares. In Shahâbâd, the ancient Karusha Desa, all old buildings are ascribed to them. Even as late as the time of Akbar a Chero chief is said to have kept possession of Chayanpur, one of the chief towns in the district. General Cunningham thinks their power must have ceased before the accession of the Pâla dynasty. One ancient chief or ruling family among them appears to have been known as Chero Chai. [241]

4. There are no Cheros now in Ghâzipur; but Dr. Oldham describes those on the Ghâzipur frontier as honest, industrious cultivators, not differing from Hindus of the agricultural classes. The family records of the Hayobans Râjas, formerly of Bihiya, and now of Haldi, notice a conflict between the Chero and Hayobans chiefs which lasted for hundreds of years, and terminated in the triumph of the Râjputs. As late as the reign of the Afghân Emperor Shîr Shâh the power of the Cheros was formidable, and on his overcoming Maharta, a chief of the tribe, he indulged in transports of delight. On the Kaimûr plateau the last famous robbers were Nora and Kora, who were captured in 1858. [242] Their village was Chirvi, called after the tribe, as are the Cherand Pargana and Cherand Island in the Sâran District. [243]

5. But in spite of their Brâhmanical traditions and extensive conquests they are undoubtedly, as Dr. Buchanan Hamilton asserted, of Dravidian origin. [244] Colonel Dalton remarks that in Chota Nâgpur their physical traits have been considerably softened by their alliances with pure Hindu families. He describes their features as of the Mongolian, or, as he should rather have said, of the Kolarian or Dravidian type. They vary in colour, but are usually of a light brown. They have, as a rule, high cheek bones, small eyes obliquely set, and eyebrows to correspond; low, broad noses, and large mouths with protuberant lips; [245] in other words, they are not appreciably different from the other Dravidian tribes, like the Kols, Majhwârs, etc. This is further shown by the fact that in Mirzapur they are popularly known as Baiga, the devil priest, which is the special business of the non-Aryan races.

[Internal structure.] 6. There is no trace in Mirzapur of the division into Bârahhazâr and Terahhazâr of Palamau. [246] South of the Son they have two exogamous sections, Mahto and Chaudhari: others call these sections Nâgbansi, and pretend that they are like their brethren in Chota Nâgpur, descendants of the Nâg or dragon, [247] and Pandobansi, who say they are connected with the five Pandavas; another statement of the sections shows the composite character of the race—Kol, Chero, Hardaha (from the hartu tree, adina cordifolia), Kariha, Panariha, Kutaha, Sinduraha (“those who use red lead”). Some of these are possibly of totemistic origin. The Census Returns give another list—Bardbansi, Bardhân, Bârubansi, Gaya, Khar, and Sûrajbansi.

[Exogamy.] 7. Their custom of exogamy even is uncertain. By one account first cousins on the father’s side cannot intermarry, while marriage of cousins on the mother’s side is permitted, and a paternal uncle’s son can marry a maternal uncle’s daughter, but not vice versâ. On the other hand, the more Hinduised Cheros profess to regulate exogamy by the stock formula—chachera, mamera, phuphera, mausera, which bars the line of the paternal uncle, maternal uncle, paternal aunt, maternal aunt. There can be very little doubt that until comparatively recently they used to intermarry with Bhuiyas, as is proved by numerous local traditions. The Bhuiyas, on the other hand, say that they have given up intermarrying with Cheros since the Cheros have taken to intermarry with Kols, and the Cheros at any rate give Kol as one of their sections. South of the Son it is generally asserted that Bhuiyas and Cheros are the same. From all which it would appear that Kols, Cheros and Bhuiyas are of one parent-stock, and have separated by a process of abscission in comparatively recent times.

[Marriage rules.] 8. There is no trace of polyandry among them. It is noticed as peculiar to the Cheros that, unlike the allied Dravidian tribes, whenever they go any distance from home, as to the jungle after cattle, to pay their rent, etc., they always bring their wives with them. It is a tradition among them that formerly the custom was that if a man remained six months absent from his wife, she was at liberty to form a fresh connection: but it is said that this is now obsolete. The standing price for a bride is five rupees, and it is entirely a question of means how many wives a man has. Monogamy appears to be the rule. Some Cheros admit that concubinage is allowed, and that a widow or divorced woman may go and live with anyone she likes; but this custom, too, appears becoming gradually discredited. Girls are said to be allowed little liberty before marriage; but it seems certain that many marriages are carried out when pregnancy is the result of an ante-nuptial intrigue, [248] in which case the alliance is recognized on her father giving a tribal feast (bojh bhât); but if her paramour be of another caste she is permanently excluded. Like those in Chota Nâgpur [249] the Mirzapur Cheros profess to marry their children between the age of five and ten. Any relation may act as the negotiator (agua). Though her father receives the bride-price it is spent on the marriage, and he is expected to give her a dowry as far as his means will allow. The customs regarding divorce, widow-marriage, the levirate, and succession, are the same as among the Kols. The Gharjaiyân marriage, where the youth serves for his bride on probation in the house of her father, is common. [250]

[Relationship.] 9. The general scheme of relationship agrees with that of the Kols. A father is bâba, dâda; father’s brother, kâka; mother, dîdi; sister, bahin; father’s mother, âji; elder paternal uncle’s wife, barki kâki, younger paternal uncle’s wife, chhutki kâki; elder brother’s wife, bhauji; younger brother’s wife, dulhin; or bride, son’s wife, patohiya; maternal uncle, mâmu; mother’s mother, nâni; mother’s sister, mausi; mother’s father, nâna; mother’s grandfather, parnâna; wife’s father, mahto, or “leader;” wife’s father’s wife, mahtoâin; sister’s husband, âr (yâr, friend); brother-in-law’s father, mahto; younger brother of wife, bâbu. A man names his wife by his son—Lallu ki mahtâri—“Lallu’s mother.” A father is sometimes addressed as bhaiyya or “brother.” They remember genealogies only to three generations, and in the case of females only as far as the grandmother. They call clansmen living in the same village ganwân bhâi.

[Birth ceremonies.] 10. The Cheros mark their approach to Hinduism by having puberty ceremonies which are not usual among the allied Dravidian races. On each occasion they sacrifice to Durga Devi and the collective village gods (deohâr). Cocks, hens, pigs, goats, and liquor constitute the offering which is made by the village Baiga, who first bathes and then before the platform of the deity makes a cowdung fire, into which he pours a mixture of sugar, butter, sesamum and rice, and says,—Dih bâba hamâr kâraj toharê kirpa se ho gail; se jânab; ham manaulê rahlê, so leh—“Village Lord! Our business has been completed through thy favour! Know this! Accept the offering we owed.” After this he sacrifices the victim, which the brethren divide, the head being the Baiga’s perquisite. The worship is supposed to keep evil spirits from the mother and her expected baby. The other birth ceremonies are the same as among the Kols.

[Betrothal.] 11. The binding part of the betrothal ceremony is the payment of the bride-price, five rupees. If the father of the girl annul the engagement he is forced to return the bride-price, and is severely dealt with by the tribal council besides.

[Marriage.] 12. There are three varieties of marriage,—Charhauwa, which is the respectable form; dola, which is used by poor people and in which the ceremonies are done at the house of the bridegroom, and sagâi, for widows. The ritual is the same as among the Kols, but the Cheros make more use than they do of Brâhmans in fixing the lucky time, and even now in respectable families Brâhmans attend, but do not carry out the service. Such people are clearly in rapid progress towards complete Hinduism.

[Death.] 12. Similarly in the case of funeral ceremonies they are beginning to employ Brâhmans and to do the regular srâddha, while they still retain some of the non-Aryan practices noticed in the case of the allied Dravidian races.

[Religion.] 13. Their chief deities are Sairi, a vague female form sometimes known as Devi, Sîtala, the goddess of small pox, and the Dih, or aggregate of village gods, which are worshipped both by men and women. Fowls, goats, and pigs are sacrificed to the Manes, the victim being fed on some rice and marked on the head with red lead in the name of the sainted dead before being sacrificed. During the period of mourning they do worship to the disembodied spirit (pret) with an offering of a young pig. For their special worship in the Hindu form they employ a low body of Sarwariya Brâhmans. The worship of the village gods is done by a Baiga of their own tribe, and this local priest is generally the president of the village tribal council. The Baiga pretends to great personal purity, and is supposed to fast on the day he makes the offering. They have apparently quite abandoned the system of triennial sacrifices which prevails among the Eastern branch of the tribe; [251] but their tribal traditions show that their discontinuance is comparatively recent. The site of the Chero shrine (deohâr) is usually under a nîm tree where rude earthenware images of horses are collected. The offering very often takes the form of what is called newaj, balls of sweetened flour fried in butter. These after being offered are eaten by the family of the worshipper and the Baiga. All their sacrifices are done in public, except those to Dulhadeo, the godling of marriages, who is little more than a household deity, and whose worship is in the hands of the women.

[Festivals.] 14. Their festivals are the Anant Chaudas, on the 14th day of the light half of Bhâdon; the Jiutiya, during the fortnight sacred to the dead (pitra paksha), in Kuâr, when women fast for a day and night to procure long life (jiw) for their sons and husbands; and the Phagua or Holi. Some Sundays are consecrated to the spirits of the dead, and are called pretak, when a fast is imposed, and on Sundays generally as well as at the Anant Chaudas, they do not eat salt. They do the Phagua like ordinary Hindus. In the Pitrapaksha for ten days they pour water on the ground in the name of the dead, and on the eleventh day shave and put on clean clothes. On that day each family gives the Brâhman two and a-half sers of uncooked grain (sîdha). The only family festival is the Jiutiya, which some observe to bring good luck on the family, and some in the hope of male offspring. One platform in the house is the residence of the sainted dead and the Devi. They are much afraid of the ghosts of persons drowned (bûrna), and whenever they pass a place where such an accident occurred they raise hands in an attitude of supplication.

[Ancestor worship.] 15. Ancestor worship is fairly well established, but not universal. It can form even the subject of a joke as in a proverb common among these people—châr kawar bhîtar, tab deota pitar—“First eat four mouthfuls, then think of the godlings and the sainted dead.” Sickness in a family is attributed to the anger of the ancestral ghosts: in such cases fowls and goats are sacrificed in the house, and a few drops of liquor are poured on the ground. On the tenth day after a death the more Hinduised Cheros give the family priest (purohit) a pair of loin-cloths (dhoti), a drinking vessel (lota), a tray (thâli), and grain always in the ratio of one and-a-quarter sers, maunds, measures (paseri). The ghosts of the dead if not propitiated appear in dreams and prescribe the necessary offerings. If the injunctions given by them in the first dream are not obeyed, the next time they sit on the chest and squeeze the throat of the offender. Ghosts (bhût) habitually haunt cremation grounds. Neglect of funeral ceremonies does not necessarily involve the spirit becoming a Bhût, but those who are killed by a Bhût invariably become Bhûts themselves. Tattooing in its present form is little more than ornamental; but it is clearly connected with puberty, [252] and is based in case of women on a religious motive. If a woman die without being tattooed, Paramesar will tattoo her himself with the thorns of acacia (babûl). Women pay special reverence to the fig tree (pîpal), and bow when they pass near it. They have the usual meeting omens. They do not follow Hindus in giving two names to children. They swear by touching a cow-tail or the feet of a Brâhman or by standing in water while they make a solemn assertion to speak the truth. Poverty, leprosy, or loss of children follows a broken oath.

[Witchcraft.] 16. Many of these women have a reputation for witchcraft and the power of casting the Evil Eye. Such people are hated by the Baiga, who gets them out of the village if he can. It is believed that these witches specially select young men and children as their victims. The head-quarters of the Ojhas who deal with such cases are at two places called “the house of God” (Deoghariya), in Nagar Untâri, District Lohardaga; people attacked by witchcraft visit these Ojhas with trays of flowers. There are also local Ojhas usually of the Kharwâr, Majhwâr, or Bhuiyâr tribes, who prescribe in cases of witchcraft and instruct disciples. A favourite method of injuring an enemy is to measure his footsteps in the dust with a straw, and then to mutter a spell over it. This brings on wounds and sores in the foot. There is a special word for this, pângna. [253] Disease is popularly believed to be due to demoniacal agency, [254] and people are particularly cautious to destroy cuttings of their hair, nails, etc., lest they should come into the hands of witches, who would thus obtain control over their victims. [255]

[Social customs.] 17. The only meat from which Cheros habitually abstain is that of the cow, and the prohibition of its use is based on religious motives. Their taboos are the same as those of the Kols. Men and women eat apart. They salute Brâhmans and other superiors in the pâêlagi form, to others they salâm. When they meet a superior they very often take off the turban and stand on one leg. They will eat food cooked in butter (pakka khâna) only from the hands of Brâhmans. They, in fact, affect a good deal of ceremonial purity like the Cheros of Palamau and the Kharrias. [256] Kalwârs and all the wandering Banyas who go about the country for grain will eat pakka khâna and drink water from their hands. Their usual occupations are cultivating, ploughing for others, cutting wood, collecting lac and other jungle produce. They will not breed silkworms, which is considered a most disreputable occupation and left to Bhuiyârs and Chamârs. They have an elementary communal organisation (eka) in which the residents of three or four villages join for general business. But this seems to be on the decline. There is no trace of a periodical distribution of fields, but only the lands near the village site are habitually cultivated. The others are under a system of biennial fallow. In all but the cleared and cultivated lands the right of pasturage is unrestricted. Cheros have a reputation for honesty and good conduct, and they are liked in villages better than Bhuiyas or Bhuiyârs: but they are lazy cultivators.

[Houses.] 18. Like all these jungle races they keep their houses separate from each other, partly through fear of witchcraft practised by neighbours, to avoid infection, the work of evil spirits, and with this object sick people constantly change their houses, partly through fear of fire, as their houses are very inflammable. This is also the rule with the Bhîls. [257]

Chhîpi. [258]—(Hindi, chhâpna, “to print,” Sans: kship, “to pour”).—The caste of calico printers and chintz stampers, of whom there are both a Hindu and a Muhammadan branch. The Hindu branch have a tradition that they were once Râthaur Râjputs. In the same way the Bhavsârs or calenders of Bombay have a tradition that when Parasurâma was exterminating the Kshatriya race they were Râjputs living at Mathura, and, fearing the same fate as their brethren, became followers of one Râmdevji, a mendicant, and came to Mârwâr. This Râmdevji being a calender his followers at first were called Chhîppas. Their present name they derive from the fact of their having placed faith (bhâv) in this mendicant. [259]

The Eastern Chhîpis refer their origin to a place which they call Dheri Avarerachh, somewhere in Bundelkhand. Dheri is a village in the Samthar State which lies between Jâlaun and Jhânsi, and Avarerachh is a corruption of Irichh or Erichh, a town in Pargana Moth, of the Jhânsi District, which is even to the present day noted for its manufacture of chintz. [260]

[Internal structure.] 2. The internal structure of the caste is very intricate. In Mirzapur they name seven endogamous sub-castes—Palhariya (from palihanda, the stand on which the dye-pots are placed); Bulbulha (from bulbul, the nightingale); Dunsua (said to mean “a large needle”); Sâdh or “saints,” who pretend to special purity and will not eat meat or kill animals; Sûrajbans, “children of the Sun”; Kanaujiya or Kanaujiha, who say they come from Kanauj; and Pariya, or “those who keep young buffalo calves.” These are the explanations current among the members of the caste, and must, of course, be accepted with caution. In Fatehgarh there are two endogamous sub-castes—Reli or Dilwâri, that is Dehliwâl or “residents of Delhi;” Gola, “mixed,” or Mârwâri or Sanganeri, who take their name from a place called Sanganer, which is said to be somewhere near Jaypur. These, again, are divided into a number of sections. Thus of the Reli are named the Milku; Chhuriyapel; Ajudhiya; Nauchhirak; Sunawâr; Pânisap; Kupendiya; Kachhot; Banawâr; Gadhaiya, and many others. The Golas are said to have seven hundred and fifty sections, such as the Dharâvnê; Dûsayê; Mertwâr, and Gothalwâr. In Fatehgarh the rule of exogamy appears to be that a man cannot marry in his own section nor in a section in which a near female relation is already married. In Bulandshahr they are reported to have three endogamous sub-castes—Jeni or Jaini, Reliya, and Tânk, and they do not marry in their own family or in that of the maternal uncle. The Eastern Chhîpis state that they follow the standard formula chachera, mamera, phuphera, mausera, which bars the line of the paternal uncle, maternal uncle, maternal aunt, and paternal aunt.

3. According to the Census lists which record two hundred and two sub-divisions of the Hindu and twenty-one of the Muhammadan branch, their sections follow the rule so common in these occupational castes. Some are of local origin and others imply some real or supposed connection with other tribes. Thus among local terms we find Ajudhyabâsi, Chhatarpuriya, Deswâri, Kanaujiya, Mârwâri, Mathuriya, Pachhâin, Panjâbi, Purabiya, Sribâstav; while in the second class come Agarwâl, Agrahari, Bais, Baiswâr, Bâgri, Chamâr, Chauhân, Chhatri, Chiryamâr, Chûrihâr, Darji, Dhakarya, Jâdu, Kachhiya, Koliya, Kori, Râjput, Râthaur, Râwat, Ruhela, Sakarwâr, Sûrajbansi, Tânk, Tomar, and Ummar, most of which are derived from the names of tribes and sub-castes or septs of Banyas and Râjputs.

[Marriage customs.] 4. They marry their children in infancy. To the east polygamy is allowed to the extent of having two wives at one time if the first be barren. To the west, though polygamy is tolerated, it is said to be rare. There is nothing peculiar about their marriages, which are conducted in the orthodox way. Intertribal adultery seems to be little regarded, but an intrigue with a stranger involves expulsion from caste. There is among the Hindu branch at least no regular form of divorce, but a man with the leave of the tribal council can expel his wife for infidelity. Divorced women can marry again with permission of the tribal council. The levirate is recognized, but is not compulsory on the widow.

[Religion.] 5. To the east of the Province they very seldom belong to any recognised Hindu sect. Devi and the Pânchonpîr are their tribal deities. Devi is worshipped on the 14th of Phâlgun with an offering of cocoanuts, sweets (batâsha, halwa), cakes (pûri) and garlands of flowers. The Pânchonpîr are honoured with sweet cakes (malîda) and loin-cloths, which the worshippers put on after offering them to the godlings. To the West the Relis are Nânakpanthis and the Golas Vaishnavas. The Relis worship Nânak especially on the Ganga Sâtwîn and at the Basant Panchami, when the halwa sweetmeat is offered to him and then distributed among the worshippers. Women especially worship Shaikh Saddu. In Bulandshahr they worship Mâta or the small-pox goddess, Mîrân Sâhib, and Châmar Devi. Their tribal saint is Nâmdeva, of whom they know nothing save that he was the first printer. One person of this name is one of the authors of the Sikh Granth and another or perhaps the same is regarded by the Marâthas as their oldest poet, and is said to have been a contemporary of Kabîr, and to have lived in the twelfth or thirteenth century. Of the Nâmdeopanthis who recorded themselves to the number of 10,358 at the last Census, the unity of the deity and the uselessness of ceremonial appear to be the leading characteristics of the creed. Like Râêdâsi Chamârs and Senapanthi Nâis, the Nâmdeopanthi cotton printers have been separated from their caste-fellows by the superior purity of their belief, and now form a separate sub-caste, shown in the caste returns as Nâmdeobansi. [261] They employ Brâhmans as their priests; to the east these are usually Sarwariyas; to the west Saraswat, Kanaujiya and Gaur Brâhmans serve them. They burn their dead in the orthodox way, and throw the ashes, if possible, into the Ganges or one of its tributaries. On the day of the Diwâli they worship the dies with which they stamp the cloth as fetishes. The more careful perform the annual srâddha during the pitrapaksha or fortnight sacred to the sainted dead in the month of Kuâr.

[Occupation and social status.] 6. The great centres of the calico printing trade in these provinces are Lucknow, Fatehgarh, Bulandshahr, and Mirzapur, where it is largely in the hands of a colony of Sâdhs from Fatehgarh. In Lucknow, according to Mr. Hoey, [262] there are three different classes of cotton printers who pass under the same name and use similar dyes. The first class is the stamper of real or imitation gold or silver leaf on coloured cotton fabrics for use as palanquin covers, curtains (parda), bed covers (lihâf), quilts, etc. The process is simple but ingenious. The Chhîpi makes a mixture of gum, chalk, and glue. He stamps the pattern on the fabrics with this mixture by means of a wooden die. He then lays strips of silver leaf over the pattern traced in this way, and taps it gently with a pad. The leaf adheres to the gummy lines of the pattern stamped, and comes away from the unstamped surface. The process of stamping an imitation of silver differs. The Chhîpi in this case mixes pewter (ranga), gum, glue, and chalk and stamps the pattern right off. After it dries he rubs it over with a piece of wood (mura), and this gives a gloss to the inferior metal. The second class mark patterns on muslin for embroiderers (chikandoz), and the third prints cotton fabrics in fast colours for use as quilts, sheets, bed covers, table cloths, etc. The Chhîpi, as a rule, ranks fairly high in social estimation. To the east of the Province he does not drink spirits or eat any meat. All Hindus, including Brâhmans will, it is said, eat pakki cooked by him, and tribes like the Kahâr will eat kachchi prepared by him. In Fatehgarh he will eat pakki prepared by Agarwâla Banyas, and kachchi by Gaur Brâhmans. Water they drink from the vessel of a Brâhman or Banya, but they will smoke only from the pipe of a member of the tribe. Brâhmans will eat pakki prepared by them; Nâis and Mâlis will eat kachchi cooked by them, and drink from their vessels.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE CHHÎPIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

==============+=====+============+=====+=====+=======+============+====== Districts. |Gole.|Nâmdeobansi.|Reli.|Tânk.|Others.|Muhammadans.|Total. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~ Dehra Dûn | ... | 49 | ... | ... | 32 | ... | 81 Sahâranpur | ... | ... | 337 |1,643| 1,474 | 8 | 3,462 Muzaffarnagar | ... | ... | 116 |1,366| 204 | 302 | 1,988 Meerut | ... | ... | 698 |1,020| 2,176 | 105 | 3,999 Bulandshahr | ... | 260 | 488 | 49| 558 | ... | 1,355 Aligarh | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,357 | ... | 1,357 Mathura | 227 | 27 | ... | 124| 914 | ... | 1,342 Agra | ... | 31 | ... | ... | 1,215 | ... | 1,246 Farrukhâbâd | ... | ... | ... | ... | 75 | ... | 75 Mainpuri | ... | ... | ... | ... | 7 | 39 | 46 Etâwah | ... | ... | ... | ... | 54 | 5 | 59 Etah | ... | ... | ... | ... | 70 | 31 | 101 Bareilly | ... | ... | 322 | ... | 419 | ... | 741 Bijnor | ... | ... | 237 | 958| 190 | 5,391 | 6,776 Budâun | ... | 8 | ... | 29| 210 | 1 | 248 Morâdâbâd | ... | 130 |1,219| 123| 674 | 1,444 | 3,590 Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | 31 | 221 | 225 Pilibhît | ... | 4 | 21| ... | 33 | 23 | 81 Cawnpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | 30 | 131 | 161 Fatehpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 508 | 508 Bânda | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 380 | 380 Hamîrpur | ... | 50 | ... | ... | 1,341 | 192 | 1,583 Allahâbâd | ... | ... | ... | ... | 29 | 530 | 559 Jhânsi | ... | 17 | ... | ... | 695 | 30 | 742 Jâlaun | ... | 77 | ... | ... | 409 | ... | 486 Lalitpur | ... | 89 | ... | ... | 209 | ... | 298 Benares | ... | ... | ... | ... | 19 | ... | 19 Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 42 | 42 Basti | ... | ... | ... | ... | 156 | ... | 156 Tarâi | ... | ... | 171| ... | 26 | 2,425 | 2,622 Lucknow | ... | ... | ... | ... | 5 | 6 | 11 Unâo | ... | ... | ... | ... | 17 | ... | 17 Râê Bareli | ... | ... | ... | ... | 137 | ... | 137 Sîtapur | ... | ... | ... | ... | 73 | ... | 73 Kheri | ... | 17 | ... | ... | 294 | 2 | 313 Faizâbâd | ... | ... | ... | ... | 9 | 1 | 10 Gonda | ... | ... | ... | ... | 149 | ... | 149 Bahrâich | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1 | 3 | 4 Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 51 | 51 +~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~ Total | 227 | 759 |3,609|5,312|13,292 | 11,871 |35,120 ==============+=====+============+=====+=====+=======+============+======

Chishti; Chishtiya.—The best available account of this class of Muhammadan faqîrs is that of Mr. Maclagan [263]:—“The Chishtis trace their origin to one Abu Ishâq, ninth in succession from Ali, the son-in-law of Muhammad, who migrating from Asia Minor, settled down at a village called Chisht in Khurasân and became thus the religious preceptor of a large body of Musalmâns. One of his successors, Khwâja Muîn-ud-dîn Chishti, a native of Sanjar, in Persia, having migrated to India in the time of Ghiâs-ud-dîn Balban, settled in Ajmer, and was the means of establishing the order in India. His Khalîfa or immediate successor was Khwâja Qutb-ud-dîn Bakhtiâr Kâki, who is buried near the Qutb Minâr at Delhi, and Qutb-ud-dîn’s successor was the celebrated Bâba Farîd Shakkarganj, whose shrine is at Pâkpatan in the Montgomery District. The surname of this saint is said to be derived from the fact that owing to the purity of his body all he ate became sugar; if we may trust another story, he nourished himself by holding to his stomach wooden cakes and fruits when he felt hungry. This miraculous but inexpensive provender is still preserved. An immense fair is held at this shrine every year, and the object of every pilgrim who attends is to get through the narrow gate of the shrine on the afternoon or night of the fifth Muharram. The saint is adored by Hindus as well as Musalmâns, and to be a disciple of Bâba Farîd does not necessarily imply being a Chishti, and, again, the descendants of the saint and his relations, carnal and spiritual, have formed themselves into a separate caste of men who are found on the Satlaj in the Montgomery District, and who, though bearing the name of Chishti, are now in all respects an ordinary lay caste, quite apart from the religious order of the same name.

2. “Bâba Farîd had two disciples, one of these was Ali Ahmad, surnamed Sâbir, whose shrine is at Pîran Kaliyar near Rurki, [264] and whose followers are known as Sâbir Chishtis, the other was the celebrated and mysterious Nizâm-ud-dîn Auliya (1232–1324 A.D.), around whose tomb are collected some of the choicest monuments of ancient Delhi, and whose disciples are known as Nizâmis.

3. “The Chishtis in repeating the profession of faith lay a particular stress on the words Illa ‘llâhu, repeating these with great violence, and shaking, at the same time their heads and the upper parts of their bodies. The sect is said to be specially affected by Shiahs, and it is distinguished by its adoption of vocal music in its religious services. The members of the order are worked up by these religious songs to a high pitch of excitement, and often sink down exhausted. They frequently wear coloured clothes, especially clothes dyed with ochre or with the bark of the acacia tree. Their principal shrines in the Panjâb are the tomb of Nizâm-ud-dîn Auliya at Delhi, the Khângâh of Mîrân Bhîk in Ambâla, the shrine of Bâba Farîd at Pâkpatan, and the Khângâh of Hazrat Sulaimân at Taunsa in the Dera Ghâzi Khân District.”

4. The Dargâh of Khwâja Muîn-ud-dîn Chishti at Ajmer is an object of veneration and pilgrimage to all religions and sects. The Emperor Akbar made a pilgrimage on foot to this tomb, and the Banyas of the Dargâh Bâzâr daily lay their keys on the steps of the shrine before opening their shops. Khwâja Muîn-ud-dîn Chishti is said to have died in the year 1235 A.D. at the age of ninety-seven, and to have come to Ajmer at the age of fifty-two. At Madîna a voice is said to have come to him from the tomb of the prophet directing him to go to Ajmer and convert the infidels. “He obeyed the call, and on his arrival at Ajmer rested on a spot, now known as the Kangara Masjid in the Dargâh, where at the time the King’s camels were tethered. From this he was ejected and went and took up his abode on the hill, which overlooks the Anasâgar, the margin of which lake he found covered with idol temples. The idolators, enraged at the slaughter of kids by the Musalmâns, conspired to massacre them; but coming in sight of the Khwâja, they remained rooted to the spot, and though they tried to ejaculate Râm! Râm! could only articulate Rahîm! Rahîm! In vain did the idolators, led by the great sorcerer Ajaypâl, and the Deota Shâdi Deo, renew their attacks. They were defeated on every occasion, and finally begged forgiveness of the Khwâja, and invited him to come and take up his abode in the town. [265]” One peculiar observance at the Dargâh is the looting of boiled rice from great cauldrons which are filled by pious worshippers.

5. Another famous place of Chishti pilgrimage is the tomb of the saint Salîm Chishti, by whose intercession a son was born at Fatehpur Sikri to the Emperor Akbar, and named Salîm after the saint. He was subsequently Emperor in the name of Jahângîr.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE CHISHTIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

Chûrihâr.—(Sanskrit chûda-kâra).—A maker of glass bangles. Another name for the caste is Manihâr (Sanskrit mani, a “jewel,” kâra) or Kachera (kâch, Sanskrit kâcha, “glass”). The Lakhera makes bangles from lac (lâkh, Sanskrit laksha). The bangles are ornamented with foil (panni), beads (pot), counterfeit stones (nagîna). [266]

2. The caste is, judging from its sectional divisions, of mixed origin. Out of one hundred and eleven names recorded in the Census Returns, the number of local sections is remarkable, such as Baksariya, Bhojpuriya, Dakkhinâha, Gopâlpuriya, Kanaujiya, Kânhpuriya, Makanpuriya, Naikanpuriya, Purabiya, Sarwariya, Sankarpuriya, Shaikhpuriya, Sikandarpuriya, Srivâstab, Sispuriya, Sîtalpuriya, Sukalpuriya, Sûrajpuriya, Tâjpuriya. Besides these are some named from or connected with other castes, as Bais, Chauhân, Julâha, Kachhwâha, Kâkan, Nûrbâf, Sengara, and Tarkihâr. Others are occupational, as Sâbungar (soap-makers), Mirdaha (heralds), Jonkwâr (leech men). The Jhusiya take their name from the old town of Jhusi on the Ganges in the Allahâbâd District. [267] Another is Todarmali, which takes its name from Akbar’s revenue minister. Besides these are the Bannait, Chelaha, and Solasinghi, of which the origin is doubtful. All these sub-divisions are endogamous and practise the ordinary Muhammadan rules of prohibited degrees. In Mirzapur they represent their head-quarters to be Allahâbâd, and say that they emigrated from there some five or six generations ago. They do not admit male outsiders into the caste, but admit females, who are converted to Islâm and married to members of the caste after passages from the Qurân have been read over them and the clansmen feasted.

[Marriage rules.] 3. They practise infant marriage, marrying children between the ages of five and ten. They have the usual three forms of marriage—charhauwa, where the bridegroom goes in procession to the bride’s house and marries her there; dola, practised by poor people, where the bride is brought home quietly and the clansmen entertained; and sagâi for widows. Marriage is performed in the usual Muhammadan form, and the binding portion of the ceremony is the reading of the Sharah by the Qâzi or some literate person representing him. A widow may marry the younger brother of her deceased husband, but the levirate is not enforced. If a woman commit adultery or is habitually disobedient to the orders of her husband, he can divorce her by leave of the tribal council (panchâyat). A woman cannot divorce her husband, but can complain to the council if he is faithless to her or ill-treats her. When a husband divorces his wife he gives her three and-a-half rupees. They have a special tribal rule of succession, partly following Hindu and partly Muhammadan rules, but adhering closely to the former.

[Religion.] 4. They are Muhammadans of the Sunni sect, but have various tribal deities of diverse origin. Kâlika is one of the forms of Hindu mother worship. [268] Sahja Mâi is the feminine element in the quintette of the Pânchonpîr. Her worship is common in Bihâr. [269] Hardiha or Hardaur Lâla, one of the aggregate of the collective village gods (Deohâr), and three Muhammadan saints known as Ghaus Pîr, Barê Pîr, and Ghâzi Miyân are also venerated. These deities are worshipped in the months of Kârttik and Jeth with offerings of fowls and rice boiled in milk with sugar (khîr). They bury their dead in a graveyard like ordinary Muhammadans. At the festivals of the ‘Id and Baqar ‘Id they offer food to the spirits of the dead (purkha log). To those who have died a violent or unusual death special offerings are made of rice milk (khîr) at the ‘Id, and the halwa sweetmeat at the Baqar ‘Id. Some females on certain days in the week offer a fire offering (hom) to the traditional teacher (ustâd) of the trade, whose name they have forgotten.

[Occupation and social status.] 5. Their primary occupation is making glass bangles. [270] Many have taken to agriculture and dealing in hides and horns. The women have a good reputation; they are not secluded, but go about village fairs selling bangles. The use of liquor has been prohibited by the council in quite recent years. They eat the flesh of the cow, goat, sheep, camel, fowls, fish, and all kinds of deer. They will not eat food touched by a Mehtar, Hela, Chamâr or Dom. Women will not eat food touched by any Hindu. All Muhammadans eat and smoke with them, and they say that Doms and Chamârs will eat food touched by them.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE CHÛRIHÂRS BY THE CENSUS OF 1891.

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The tribes and castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Volume 2 (of 4)Chapter C (3)

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