Chapter IX: The Lands

Footnote 954:

_De eodem et diverso_, p. 28.

Footnote 955:

_Etym._, XIV, 1.

Footnote 956:

_De imag. mundi_, I, 4.

Footnote 957:

Peter Comestor stated that on the third day of the Creation the earth
appeared and that it bears five names, the derivation of which he
explained as follows: (1) _arida_, because the earth appeared (_quia
apparuit_); (2) _humus_, because it was still humid; (3) _terra_,
because it was trodden upon (_quia teritur_) by the feet of animals;
(4) _solum_, because, of the four elements, it forms the one that is
solid; and, finally, (5) _tellus_, because it endures (_quia tolerat_)
the labors of man (_Hist. schol._, Gen. 5). See Zöckler, _Geschichte_,
vol. i, 1877, p. 418. These are typical examples of free etymology.
For Hildegard of Bingen on qualities of different kinds of earth or
soil, see above, p. 232.

Footnote 958:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 966.

Footnote 959:

_ibid._, p. 895.

Footnote 960:

Peter Comestor speaks of islands with the same characteristics: “Cum
adhuc sint quedam insule viventium, in quibus nullus moretur” (_Hist.
schol._, Gen. 3, cited by Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p.
62, note 6**).

Footnote 961:

_Im. du monde_, I, 6.

Footnote 962:

_Top. Hiber._, II, 4.

Footnote 963:

See above, p. 177; for Hildegard’s corresponding views see above, p.
201.

Footnote 964:

_Top. Hiber._, I, 28.

Footnote 965:

_ibid._, I, 29.

Footnote 966:

_ibid._, I, 30. This legend regarding the properties of the earth of
Ireland was very widespread in the Middle Ages. It is found in Bede’s
_Historia ecclesiastica_, I, 1 (Giles’s edit., vol. ii, p. 34), which
Giraldus goes on to quote at length on the subject (_Top. Hiber._, I,
31). It also appears in Gervase of Tilbury’s _Otia imperialia_, vol.
i, p. 917 (see Liebrecht, _op. cit._, p. 88, note 21). Solinus,
_Collectanea_, 22 (Mommsen’s edit., p. 101), and Isidore, _Etym._,
XIV, 6, ascribe similar properties to the earth of the Isle of Thanet.
In his _Letter_, Prester John boasts that some of his territories are
proof against poisonous snakes and animals. See _Letter of Prester
John_, 21, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in: Abhandlungen, vol.
vii, 1879, p. 912.

Footnote 967:

_Top. Hiber._, I, 39.

Footnote 968:

_ibid._, I, 34–40.

Footnote 969:

Benl, _Frühere und spätere Hypothesen_, 1905, pp. 1–14, discusses the
origin and development in antiquity and the Middle Ages of theories
regarding the distribution of the principal mountain systems of the
known world, the Taurus-Caucasus-Imaus range of Asia, the Rhipaean
Mountains of the far north, and the Mountains of the Moon of Africa.
The subsequent elaboration of these theories between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries, when the conception was developed by some
geographers of a symmetrical, rectilinear arrangement of the mountain
ranges of the entire globe is treated by Wisotzki, _Zeitströmungen_,
1897, pp. 131–192, and by Benl, _op. cit._, pp. 15–50.

Footnote 970:

_Hist. schol._, Gen. 34.

Footnote 971:

Gervase said that the waters for the Flood came from the bowels of the
earth and from the air above. They rose to a level of fifteen cubits
above the summits of the mountains which are now in existence, “quia
tunc terram dicunt in planitie factam” (_Otia imper._, vol. i, p.
907). See above, pp. 170–171.

Footnote 972:

_De prop. rerum_, XIV, 1.

Footnote 973:

_Liber de congelatis_, 2. For the Latin text of this passage see
Hammer-Jensen, _Sogen. IV. Buch_, 1915, pp. 132–133. See the next note
and also above, p. 401, note 60.

Footnote 974:

This translation is from Geikie, _Founders of Geology_, 1905, p. 43.
The processes of erosion by winds and water as a cause for the
inequalities of the earth’s surface are much more in evidence in arid
regions than in regions of dense vegetation. It is therefore not
surprising that these processes were recognized by Moslems like
Avicenna (if it be he from whom Alfred of Sareshel translated the
above quotation) and Ḥamd-Allāh Mustaufī, a Persian writer of the
early fourteenth century, who dwelt in the arid countries of the East.
The latter writes: “... the sun’s heat ... beginning to act on the
stone, this loses its hardness and is broken up; which process
continually accelerated by the succession of many nights and days,
cracks appear, splitting the rocks, which same are thus again turned
to earth. Then by the action of earthquakes mountain peaks are
demolished, while by the blowing of the winds and the running waters
the soft earth is carried from one place to another, yet all that is
rock and hard soil will remain fixed, whereby heights and hollows are
formed, and it is these heights that are mountain ranges” (Guy Le
Strange, transl., _The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat-al-Qulūb
Composed by Ḥamd-Allāh Mustawfī of Qazwīn in 740 (1340)_, London and
Leiden, 1919, p. 180).

Footnote 975:

_De sancta trinitate_, Gen. I, 34; see also Zöckler, _Geschichte_,
vol. i, 1877, p. 396. That teleological reasoning of this sort was not
confined to the medieval period may be seen from the following
paragraph from R. J. Sullivan, _A View of Nature in Letters to a
Traveller Among the Alps_, London, 1794, vol. I, p. 105: “On a cursory
view it must be acknowledged, the surface of our earth exhibits no
great regularity or order. In its outward appearance it strikes us
with heighths, depths, plains, seas, marshes, rivers, caverns, gulfs,
volcanoes, and a vast variety of other discordant objects;... Yet all
these apparent deformities are absolutely necessary to vegetation and
animal existence. Were the earth’s surface smooth and regular, we
should not have those beautiful hills which furnish water. A dreary
ocean would cover the globe, which would in such case be suited only
for the habitation of fishes. As it is, the motions of the sea and the
currents of the air are regulated by fixed laws. The returns of the
seasons are uniform, and the rigour of Winter invariably gives place
to the verdure of Spring. Men, animals, and plants consequently
succeed one another, and flourish in their destined soils.”

Footnote 976:

_De imag. mundi_, I, 5.

Footnote 977:

_Hist. schol._, Gen. 34 (Gervase in: _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 893,
972).

Footnote 978:

_De phil. mundi_, IV, 5.

Footnote 979:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 972. Gervase also said that Mount Atlas was
so high that it was inaccessible (_ibid._, p. 986).

Footnote 980:

_Dialogus_, I, 17, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xx, col. 194.

Footnote 981:

Roger Bacon (_Opus majus_, part iv, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, pp.
229–230) discusses classical and Arabic estimates of the heights of
mountains. His own opinion was that the maximum height is eight miles.
See the discussion of this topic included in Benini’s interesting
treatment of the altitude of Dante’s Mount of Purgatory (_Origine del
Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, pp. 1056–1072, especially pp. 1057–1058).

Footnote 982:

_Itin. Kamb._, II, 7.

Footnote 983:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 982. See Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_,
1856, p. 139.

Footnote 984:

_Romans d’Alix._, Michelant’s edit., pp. 70–71. This story is found in
the “first branch” of the Romance. See above, p. 412, note 135. Meyer,
_Alexandre le Grand_, 1886, vol. i, p. 151, did not know the origin of
it.

Footnote 985:

_Romans d’Alix._, Michelant’s edit., pp. 320–330. This story is an
interpolation into the “third branch” (Meyer, _op. cit._, pp.
172–174).

Footnote 986:

_De mundi univ._, p. 20.

Footnote 987:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 986.

Footnote 988:

_Descr. Kamb._, I, 5.

Footnote 989:

_Itin. Kamb._, II, 5.

Footnote 990:

_De mundi univ._, p. 20.

Footnote 991:

“Hic claustrales, in claustro sedentes, cum respirandi gratia forte
suspiciunt, ad quascunque partes trans alta tectorum culmina, montium
vertices quasi coelum tangentes, et ipsas plerumque feras, quarum hic
copia, in summo pascentes, tamquam in ultimo visus horizonte
prospiciunt. Hora vero diei quasi circa primam, vel parum ante, super
montium cacumina vix emergens, etiam sereno tempore, corpus hic solare
primo conspicitur” (_Itin. Kamb._, I, 3).

Footnote 992:

_Alexandreis_, I, 427–441. See Giordano, _Alexandreis_, 1917, pp.
40–41; Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 199–200.

Footnote 993:

See above, p. 236.

Footnote 994:

_Vita Altmanni_, 39, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xii, p.
238. See also _Vita Altmanni_, 26–29, for a vivid description of a
mountain. See Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 143.

Footnote 995:

Eadmer, _Vita Sancti Anselmi_, II, 4, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
clviii, col. 100. See Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 173. Eadmer
(1060–1124) was bishop of St. Andrew’s in Scotland early in the
twelfth century.

Footnote 996:

For an article on the Casentino, with photographs of La Verna, see
Fulberto Vivaldi, _Casentino ignorato_, in: Le vie d’Italia: Rivista
mensile del Touring Club Italiano, vol. xxx, Rome, 1924, pp.
1073–1082.

Footnote 997:

_Gesta Frid._, II, 40.

Footnote 998:

_Ligurinus_, IV, 432–447.

Footnote 999:

_Gesta abbatum trudonensium_, xii, 6, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._,
Scriptores, vol. x, p. 307.

Footnote 1000:

“In quo loco tamquam in mortis faucibus coagulati, manebant nocte et
die sub pericula mortis. Angustia villulae tota completa erat
peregrinorum multitudine. Ex altissimis et scopulosis rupibus ruebant
frequenter intolerabiles omni opposito nivium aggeres, ita ut aliis
iam collocatis, aliis adhuc supersedentibus mensis domos iuxta, eos
prorsus obruerent, et inventos in eis quosdam suffocarent, quosdam
contritos inutiles redderent” (_loc. cit._).

Footnote 1001:

Gribble, _Early Mountaineers_, 1899, p. 4. Quotation from John of
Bremble’s letter as translated by Gribble, _loc. cit._

Footnote 1002:

_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 7.

Footnote 1003:

See Thoroddsen, _Gesch. isländ. Geogr._, vol. i, 1897, p. 63.

Footnote 1004:

Peter Comestor speaks of certain philosophers who made the ascent of
Mount Olympus (see above, p. 168). We have already mentioned St.
Francis’ visit to the mountain of La Verna (see above, p. 217).

Though not falling strictly within our period, several other medieval
mountaineering exploits deserve notice. The anonymous _Chronicon
novaliciense_, 5, written in the eleventh century, describes
unsuccessful attempts at the ascent of the Rochemelon, near Susa in
the Dora Riparia valley, in search of the treasure of a mythical King
Romulus (from whom the mountain takes its name) supposed to be hidden
there. In the fourteenth century the Rochemelon (11,605 feet high) was
a place of pilgrimage (Gribble, _op. cit._, pp. 5–13).

The _Heimskringla_ (under Snorri Sturluson in the Bibliography)
describes King Olaf Trygvasson’s ascent of the Smalserhorn, now
probably the Hornelen, in the year 1000. The feat was accomplished in
a sporting, athletic spirit, and Olaf is said to have left his shield
at the summit (H. Raeburn, _Mountaineering Art_, London, 1920, p. 6).
Of this mountain, which overlooks the Fröj Fiord, Karl Baedeker’s
_Norway and Sweden_, Leipzig, 1909, p. 160, says: “Soon ... to the
left is seen the huge Hornelen (3002 feet) towering almost sheer,
ascended on the E. side by K. Bing in 1897.”

The _Chronicle_ of Fra Salimbene of Parma (_Salimbene parmensis
chronica_, Parma, 1857, p. 354, cited in: Geographisches Jahrbuch,
vol. xviii, Gotha, 1895, p. 12) describes the ascent of Mount Canigou
(9135 feet) in the latter half of the thirteenth century by Peter III
of Aragon. This mountain lies “on the borders of the province of
Spain,” and the king found upon the summit a lake into which he threw
a stone, whereupon “a horrible dragon of enormous size came out of it,
and began to fly about in the air, and to darken the air with its
breath” (Gribble, _op. cit._, pp. 14–17, 262–263). Canigou is probably
the Mount “Cavagum” described by Gervase of Tilbury as an abode of
devils (see above, pp. 209 and 214). Curiosity as to what was on the
top seems to have impelled Peter to make the climb.

S. Günther, in writing of scientific mountaineering before 1600
(_Wiss. Bergbesteigungen_, 1896), gives no details on mountaineering
in the period between the ascent by Philip III of Macedon (181 B. C.)
of a peak in the Rhodope Range and Petrarch’s famous ascent of Mont
Ventoux in 1336.

Footnote 1005:

Haskins and Lockwood, _Sicilian Trans._, 1910, pp. 80, 89; Haskins,
_Studies_, 1924, pp. 159, 191.

Footnote 1006:

Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
p. 29.

Footnote 1007:

The passage describing the ascent of Etna is given in full by C. V.
Langlois, _La connaissance_, 1911, pp. 57–58. We heartily agree with
Langlois’ view that this passage could only have been written by one
who had personally visited the Sicilian volcano: “Aucun doute ne peut
subsister sur ce point après avoir lu sa description, certainement
directe et d’après nature.” On the other hand, Fant, _L’image du
monde_, 1886, p. 33, calls the assertions in the narrative
“tout-à-fait fantastiques.” See note in Langlois, _op. cit._, p. 58.

Footnote 1008:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 964–965.

Footnote 1009:

Virgil, about whom a cycle of legends grew up in the Middle Ages, was
regarded as a prophet. Gervase of Tilbury tells of many marvels
performed by him (Gregorovius, _City of Rome_, vol. iv, 1896, pp.
670–677).

Footnote 1010:

Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 107, note, shows that
this story and others like it were common in the Middle Ages. He cites
an analogous South Russian legend of twelve miraculous wind-blown
horns which keep Gog and Magog at bay and will continue to do so until
the horns shall have been silenced either by birds building nests in
them or else by falling to the ground. When this occurs the hordes of
Gog and Magog will come forth and destroy the world.

Footnote 1011:

Conrad of Querfurt, _Letter_, in: Arnold of Lübeck, _Chron. Slavorum_,
V, 19.

Footnote 1012:

Wattenbach, _Guido von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
Bibliography), p. 106.

Footnote 1013:

_ibid._, p. 108.

Footnote 1014:

Second verse redaction of _Im. du monde_, in: C. V. Langlois, _La
connaissance_ 1911, p. 57.

Footnote 1015:

Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 273; idem, _Studies_, 1924, pp.
296–297.

Footnote 1016:

_Top. Hiber._, II, 13.

Footnote 1017:

_Collectanea_, Mommsen’s edit., p. 236. Translated in: Nansen,
_Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. i, p. 193, note 1.

Footnote 1018:

_Gesta Hammenb. eccles. pont._, IV, 35.

Footnote 1019:

Nansen, _loc. cit._

Footnote 1020:

_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 6.

Footnote 1021:

_Hist. Norweg._, Storm’s edit., pp. 93–95.

Footnote 1022:

Thoroddsen, _Gesch. isländ. Geogr._, vol. i, 1897, p. 65.

Footnote 1023:

_Konungs-Skuggsjá_, 8 (Brenner’s edit., pp. 30–31). See also
Thoroddsen, _op. cit._, p. 66.

Footnote 1024:

Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
pp. 28–29.

Footnote 1025:

Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 274; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p.
298. See below, note 80.

Footnote 1026:

Schröder, _op. cit._, p. 30. This incident is the subject of Matthew
Arnold’s poem of St. Brandan.

Footnote 1027:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 965–966.

Footnote 1028:

Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, pp. 108–109.

Footnote 1029:

_Konungs-Skuggsjá_, 9 (Brenner’s edit., pp. 32–34). See also
Thoroddsen, _op. cit._, p. 66; Stegmann, _Anschauungen_, 1913, p. 38.

Footnote 1030:

_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 7.

Footnote 1031:

_De imag. mundi_, I, 35.

Footnote 1032:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 922.

Footnote 1033:

Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 272–274; idem, _Studies_,
1924, pp. 296–297. See also Geographical Review, vol. xiii, New York,
1923, pp. 141–142.

Footnote 1034:

“Vulcanus est iste ignis inferior, qui ideo dicitur claudus, quia
quasi uno pede materiae adhaeret, altero quasi in altum prout flammae
natura desiderat nititur” (_De nat. rer._, I, 17; Stegmann, _op.
cit._, p. 39).

Footnote 1035:

See Stegmann, _op. cit._, p. 22, note 5, for references to texts
demonstrating the widespread belief in the Middle Ages that Hell is at
the center of the earth. On the topography of Dante’s Inferno, see
Benini, _Origine del Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, pp. 1080–1129.

Footnote 1036:

Hildegard of Bingen in the passage quoted above, p. 423, note 92,
would seem to refer to blasts of wind as a cause of earthquakes.

Footnote 1037:

Other explanations of earthquakes were sometimes given. It was
occasionally argued that seismic disturbances are not the result of
purely physical causes but are punishments sent by God. It was also
held by some that they are due to movements in the mass of waters
which was thought to permeate the earth, or else to the collapse of
subterranean cavities as a result of the erosion caused by these
waters. See Stegmann’s elaborate discussion of this matter and his
many references, _op. cit._, pp. 44–73.

Footnote 1038:

In the _De philosophia_, p. 21, Daniel of Morley expresses the same
idea, that in earthquakes the earth moves _particulariter_, not
_universaliter_.

Footnote 1039:

_Quaest. nat._, 50 (51). See above, pp. 31–32.

Footnote 1040:

_De imag. mundi_, I, 42; _Im. du monde_, II, 12; _De prop. rerum_,
XIV, 1.

Footnote 1041:

_Dragmaticon philosophiae_, Hellmann’s edit., p. 43; _De phil. mundi_,
III, 15. See also Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873, p. 35.

Footnote 1042:

_De nat. rer._, II, 48.

Footnote 1043:

_Gesta regis Henrici Secundi_, Stubbs’s edit., vol. i, p. 220 (in the
Rolls Series, no. 49, 1867).

Footnote 1044:

_ibid._, p. 337.

Footnote 1045:

See passages cited by Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp. 28–29.

Footnote 1046:

_Letter of Prester John_, 31–41, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 914–915.

Footnote 1047:

_Top. Hiber._, II, 16.

Footnote 1048:

“... longe post diluvium, terra multiplicatis jam animantibus ubique
repleta, non violenter et subito, sed paulatim et tamquam per
eluvionem insulas natas fuisse” (_loc. cit._).

Footnote 1049:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 983.

Footnote 1050:

_Itin. Kamb._, II, 9.

Footnote 1051:

Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
pp. 3–36.

Footnote 1052:

See below, p. 487, note 463.

Footnote 1053:

_Top. Hiber._, II, 12.

Footnote 1054:

_De mundi univ._, pp. 46–47.

Footnote 1055:

“Cepit enim fructosa lupos, deserta leones,
Arida serpentes, pars nemoralis apros.”
—_ibid._, p. 21.

Footnote 1056:

“Fronduit in plano platanus, convallibus alnus,
Rupe rigens buxus, littore lenta salix,
Monte cupressus olens, sacra vitis colle supino
Inque laborata Palladis arbor humo.”
—_ibid._, p. 23.

Footnote 1057:

_De nat. rer._, II, 57.

Footnote 1058:

_Subtilitates_, I, 9; in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii, col. 1214.
See also above, p. 211.

Footnote 1059:

_Gesta Frid._, II, 13.

Footnote 1060:

_Descr. Kamb._, I, 6.

Footnote 1061:

_Ligurinus_, VI, 24–34, based on Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of
Freising, _Gesta Frid._, III, 1.

Footnote 1062:

_Descr. Kamb._, I, 1.

Footnote 1063:

_ibid._, II, 8.

Footnote 1064:

_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 986.

Footnote 1065:

_Top. Hiber._, I, 8.

Footnote 1066:

Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of Freising, _Gesta Frid._, IV, 12.

Footnote 1067:

_De mundi creatione_, 5, in: _Maxima bibliotheca veterum patrum_, vol.
xxvii, Lyons, 1577, p. 118.

Footnote 1068:

_De arca Noë morali_, IV, 9.

Footnote 1069:

“In hoc spatio mappa-mundi dipingitur ita ut caput arcae ad orientem
convertitur, et finis ejus occidentem contingat, ut mirabile
dispositione ab eodem principe decurrat situs locorum cum ordine
temporum, et idem sit finis mundi, qui est finis saeculi” (_De arca
Noë mystica_, 14).

Footnote 1070:

_De vanitate mundi_, II.

Footnote 1071:

On the relations of this theory to Otto’s philosophy of history, on
its origins, and on the bibliography of the subject, see I. Schmidlin,
_Die geschichtsphilosophische und kirchenpolitische Weltanschauungen
Ottos von Freisingen_, in: Studien und Darstellungen auf dem Gebiete
der Geschichte, vol. iv, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1906, pts. 2 and 3; see
especially pp. 20, 35ff.

Footnote 1072:

Here he explains that science, invented in the East among the
Babylonians, passed first to the Egyptians, thence to the Greeks, and
thence to the Romans, notably Scipio, Cato, and Tully. Finally it was
brought to the West, that is to Gaul and Spain, by Berengar, Manegold,
and Anselm (of Canterbury).

Neckam (_De nat. rer._, II, 174) traces the course of learning—i. e.
the study of the liberal arts—among the Egyptians and Greeks and, in
later days, in Italy and Spain, but he draws no moral from it as did
Hugh of St. Victor and Otto of Freising.

Footnote 1073:

_Chron._, V, 36.

Footnote 1074:

See above, p. 64. On this subject see Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_,
1914, _passim_. Many of the references in this section are derived
from Ganzenmüller’s book.

Footnote 1075:

_ibid._, pp. 163–182.

Footnote 1076:

_Epistola CVI ad Magistrum Henricum Murdach_, in Migne, _Pat. lat._,
vol. clxxxii, col. 242. Translation from Eales, _Life and Works_, vol.
i, 1889, p. 353.

Footnote 1077:

_Sermo in natali sancti Benedicti abbatis_, in Migne, _op. cit._, vol.
clxxxiii, col. 377.

Footnote 1078:

_Sermo XIII in Cantica_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxxiii, cols.
833–834; Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 170–171. See also above, p.
200.

Footnote 1079:

See above, pp. 206–207.

Footnote 1080:

See especially Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 182–241.

Footnote 1081:

From a letter of Guy of Bazoches to his uncle, in: Wattenbach, _Guido
von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the Bibliography), p.
78.

Footnote 1082:

_Carmina varia_, xxviii, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxi, cols.
1665–1666; Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 224–225.

Footnote 1083:

Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 225.

Footnote 1084:

Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp. 24–36.

Footnote 1085:

_Historia_, IV, 10; Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. i, pp. 134–135.

Footnote 1086:

_ibid._, XVII, 3; Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, p. 141.

Footnote 1087:

_ibid._, XIX, 15–16, 24; XIX, 14–15, 23, in: Paulin Paris’ edit., vol
ii, pp. 273–275, 288–289.

Footnote 1088:

_Gesta Frid._, II, 46.

Footnote 1089:

_Chron._, V, 24.

Footnote 1090:

_Itin. Kamb._, II, 1.

Footnote 1091:

_Top. Hiber._, I, 5.

Footnote 1092:

_ibid._, I, 4.

Footnote 1093:

_Itin. Kamb._, II, 1.

Footnote 1094:

_ibid._, II, 7.

NOTES