Chapter III: Part 3

I take the liberty to trouble you with a few hints on a matter of some importance. Baron Steuben, who will be the bearer of this, waits on Congress to have his office[2] arranged upon some decisive and permanent footing. It will not be amiss to be on your guard. The Baron is a gentleman for whom I have a particular esteem; and whose zeal, intelligence, and success, the consequence of both, entitle him to the greatest credit. But I am apprehensive, with all his good qualities, a fondness for power and importance, natural to every man, may lead him to wish for more extensive prerogatives in his department than it will be for the good of the service to grant. I should be sorry to excite any prejudice against him on this account: perhaps I may be mistaken in my conjecture. The caution I give will do no harm if I am: if I am not, it maybe useful. In either case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a valuable man, and treated with all the deference which good policy will warrant.

On the first institution of this office, the General allowed him to exercise more ample powers than would be proper for a continuance. They were necessary in the commencement, to put things in a train with a degree of dispatch which the exigency of our affairs required: but it has been necessary to restrain them, even earlier than was intended. The novelty of the office excited questions about its boundaries; the extent of its operations alarmed the officers of every rank for their own rights. Their jealousies and discontents were rising fast to a height that threatened to overturn the whole plan. It became necessary to apply a remedy. The General has delineated the functions of the Inspectorship in general orders, a copy of which will be sent to Congress. The plan is good, and satisfactory to the army in general.

It may be improved, but it will be unsafe to deviate essentially from it. It is of course the General’s intention, that whatever regulations are adopted by him, should undergo the revision, and receive the sanction, of Congress: but it is indispensable, in the present state of our army, that he should have the power, from time to time, to introduce and authorize the reformations necessary in our system. It is a work which must be done by occasional and gradual steps; and ought to be intrusted to a person on the spot, who is thoroughly acquainted with all our defects, and has judgment sufficient to adopt the progressive remedies they require. The plan established by Congress, on a report of the Board of War when Conway was appointed, appears to me exceptionable in many respects. It makes the Inspector independent of the Commander-in-chief; confers powers which would produce universal opposition in the army; and, by making the previous concurrence of the Board of War requisite to the introduction of every regulation which should be found necessary, opens such a continual source of delay as would defeat the usefulness of the institution. Let the Commander-in-chief introduce, and the legislature afterwards ratify, or reject, as they shall think proper. Perhaps you will not differ much from me, when I suppose, that so far as relates to the Board of War, the former scheme was a _brat of faction_, and therefore ought to be renounced.

There is one thing which the Baron has much at heart, which, in good policy, he can by no means be indulged in: it is the power of enforcing that part of discipline which we understand by subordination, or an obedience to orders. This power can only be properly lodged with the Commander-in-chief, and would inflame the whole army if put into other hands. Each Captain is vested with it in his company; each Colonel in his regiment: each General in his particular command: and the Commander-in-chief in the whole.

When I began this letter, I did not intend to meddle with any other subject than the Inspectorship; but one just comes into my head which appears to me of no small importance. The goodness, or force, of an army, depends as much, perhaps more, on the composition of the corps which form it, as on its collective number. The composition is good or bad, not only according to the quality of the men, but in proportion to the completeness or incompleteness of a corps in respect to numbers. A regiment, for instance, with a full complement of officers, and fifty or sixty men, is not half so good as a company with the same number of men. A Colonel will look upon such a command as unworthy his ambition, and will neglect and despise it: a Captain would pride himself in it, and take all the pains in his power to bring it to perfection. In one case we shall see a total relaxation of discipline, and negligence of every thing that constitutes military excellence: in the other, there will be attention, energy, and every thing that can be wished. Opinion, whether well or ill-founded, is the governing principle of human affairs. A corps much below its establishment, comparing what it is with what it ought to be, loses all confidence in itself; and the whole army loses that confidence and emulation which are essential to success. These, and a thousand other things that will occur to you, make it evident, that the most important advantages attend the having complete corps, and proportional disadvantages the reverse. Ten thousand men, distributed into twenty imperfect regiments, will not have the efficiency of the same number in half the number of regiments. The fact is, with respect to the American army, that the want of discipline, and other defects we labor under, are as much owing to the skeleton state of our regiments as to any other cause. What then?

Have we any prospect of filling our regiments? My opinion is, that we have nearly arrived to our _ne plus ultra_. If so, we ought to reduce the number of corps, and give them that substance and consistency which they want, by incorporating them together, so as to bring them near their establishment. By this measure the army would be infinitely improved; and the State would be saved the expense of maintaining a number of superfluous officers.

In the present condition of our regiments, they are incapable even of performing their common exercises without joining two or more together: an expedient reluctantly submitted to by those officers who see themselves made second in command of a battalion, instead of first, as their commission imports; which happens to every younger Colonel whose regiment is united with that of an elder.

What would be the inconveniencies, while the officers who remain in command, and who might be selected from the others on account of superior merit, would applaud themselves in the preference given them, and rejoice at a change which confers such additional consequence on themselves?

Those who should be excluded by the measure, would return home discontented, and make a noise, which would soon subside and be forgotten among matters of greater moment. To quiet them still more effectually, if it should be thought necessary, they might be put upon half-pay for a certain time.

If, on considering this matter, you should agree with me in sentiment, it were to be wished the scheme could be immediately adopted, while the arrangement now in hand is still unexecuted. If it is made, it will be rather inconvenient, immediately after, to unhinge and throw the whole system again afloat. When you determined on your last arrangement, you did not know what success the different States might have had in draughting and recruiting. It would then have been improper to reduce the number of corps, as proposed. We have now seen their success: we have no prospect of seeing the regiments filled; we should reduce them.

Believe me to be,
With great esteem and regard,
Dear Sir, your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

[2] Inspector-General of the Army.

HAMILTON TO GEN. SULLIVAN.

Head-Quarters, 1778.

Sir:

His Excellency has received your two last favors to-day. In the first you hint the want of a reinforcement, but as the intention of your body is chiefly for observation and skirmishing, and not to make any serious stands, it is the less necessary it should be powerful in numbers. It will, however, depend upon circumstances how far it will be expedient to reinforce you; and as soon as any thing can be determined from them, you shall have whatever addition of strength you may stand in need of.

The information contained in your last, of the enemy’s being encamped on the road leading from New Brunswick to Princeton, about the Third Mile Run, is not well founded. We have had parties and officers reconnoitring as far as the Mile Run, and there is no sign of an encampment. They seem to be taking their old position with their right at Amboy, their left at Brunswick; but how long they will remain so it is hard to tell. His Excellency desires you will engage some trusty person at South Amboy, on whom you can depend for faithful and early intelligence of the appearance of shipping in the river, or any preparations for a movement by water, that we may be in time prepared to counteract them.

I am, with regard, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

JAY TO HAMILTON.

Albany, 8th May, 1778.

Dear Sir:

An opinion of your benevolence leads me to address this letter to you. Accident has introduced me to Monsieur Lewis de Caleron. We happen to lodge in the same house. His modesty and decent manners made an impression upon me, and induced me to make some inquiries into his history and character. The gentlemen of this place say handsome things of him. He is the son of a Major General who fell last war at Ticonderoga. The family is still in Canada, and one of the most respectable in that country. He was sent to France when five years old, and there educated. He came out with some French troops to Martinico, and by their General, as well as Mr. Bingham, was recommended to Congress. They gave him a brevet for a Captain’s commission. He served last campaign as a volunteer, first with General Furmoy, and afterwards with Colonel Morgan. To me he appears to have been neglected. It seems he did not descend to the adulation lately fashionable, and perhaps acceptable, in his department. While effrontery and arrogance, even in our virtuous and enlightened days, are giving rank and importance to men whom wisdom would have left in obscurity, I am persuaded you will be happy in an opportunity of exploring, as well as cherishing, modest merit. I think M. De Caleron is not without it, and under this impression I recommend him to your notice as a probationer.

Tell me in some future letter whether he deserves the favorable opinion I am inclined to entertain of him.

I am, dear Sir,
Very sincerely, and with much esteem,
Your obedient servant,
John Jay.

Lt. Col. Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Head-Quarters, 4th June, 1778.

Sir:

Mr. Loring having been sent by Sir Henry Clinton to meet Mr. Boudinot, or any other person appointed by me for the purpose of effecting an exchange of prisoners. I have therefore to desire you (Mr. Boudinot being absent from camp) to hear any proposals Mr. Loring may have to offer on this subject; and to do definitively whatever may be necessary towards the execution of a general exchange of prisoners. And I hereby assure you that your proceedings in this instance will be ratified by me.

I am, Sir, your very humble servant,
G. Washington.

Lieut. Col. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

25th June, 1778.

Sir:

We find, on our arrival here, that the intelligence received on the road is true. The enemy have all filed off from Allen Town, on the Monmouth road. Their rear is said to be a mile westward of Lawrence Taylor’s tavern, six miles from Allen Town. General Maxwell is at Hyde’s Town, about three miles from this place. General Dickinson is said to be on the enemy’s right flank; but where, cannot be told. We can hear nothing certain of General Scott; but, from circumstances, he is probably at Allen Town. We shall, agreeably to your request, consider and appoint some proper place of rendezvous for the union of our force, which we shall communicate to Generals Maxwell and Scott, and to yourself. In the mean time, I would recommend to you to move toward this place as soon as the convenience of your men will permit. I am told that Colonel Morgan is on the enemy’s right flank. We had a slight skirmish with their rear this forenoon, at Robert Montgomery’s, on the Monmouth road, leading from Allen Town. We shall see General Maxwell immediately, and you will hear from us again. Send this to the General after reading it.

I am your ob’t serv’t,
Alex. Hamilton.

Doctor Stile’s House, Cranbury Town, 9 o’clock.

We are just informed that General Scott passed by Hooper’s tavern, five miles from Allen Town, this afternoon at five o’clock.

M. De Lafayette.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

{Robin’s Tavern, 8 miles from Allen Town,
{12 o’clock, June 26, 1778.

Sir:

We have halted the troops at this place. The enemy, by our last reports, were four miles from this (that is, their rear), and had passed the road which turns off toward South Amboy, which determines their route toward Shrewsbury. Our reason for halting, is the extreme distress of the troops for want of provisions. General Wayne’s detachment is almost starving, and seems both unwilling and unable to march further till they are supplied. If we do not receive an immediate supply, the whole purpose of our detachment must be frustrated.

This morning we missed doing any thing, from a deficiency of intelligence. On my arrival at Cranbury yester-evening, I proceeded, by desire of the Marquis, immediately to Hyde’s Town and Allen Town, to take measures for co-operating with the different parts of the detachment, and to find what was doing to procure intelligence. I found every precaution was neglected; no horse was near the enemy, nor could be heard of till late in the morning: so that before we could send out parties and get the necessary information, they were in full march: and as they have marched pretty expeditiously, we should not be able to come up with them during the march of the day, if we did not suffer the impediment we do, on the score of provisions. We are entirely at a loss where the army is, which is no inconsiderable check to our enterprise. If the army is wholly out of supporting distance, we risk the total loss of the detachment in making an attack.

If the army will countenance us, we may do something clever. We feel our personal honor, as well as the honor of the army, and the good of the service, interested; and are heartily desirous to attempt whatever the disposition of our men will second, and prudence authorize. It is evident the enemy wish to avoid, not to engage us.

Desertions, I imagine, have been pretty considerable to-day. I have seen eight or ten deserters, and have heard of many more. We have had some little skirmishing by detached parties: one attacked their rear-guard with a degree of success, killed a few, and took seven prisoners.

An officer is just come in, who informs that he left the enemy’s rear five miles off, still in march, about half an hour ago. To ascertain still more fully their route, I have ordered a fresh party on their left, toward the head of their column. They have three brigades in rear of their baggage.

I am, with great respect and regard, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

June 28, 1778.

Sir:

The result of what I have seen and heard, concerning the enemy, is, that they have encamped with their van a little beyond Monmouth Court House, and their rear at Manalapan’s river, about seven miles from this place. Their march to-day has been very judiciously conducted;--their baggage in front, and their flying army in the rear, with a rear-guard of one thousand men about four hundred paces from the main body. To attack them in this situation, without being supported by the whole army, would be folly in the extreme. If it should be thought advisable to give the necessary support, the army can move to some position near the enemy’s left flank, which would put them in a very awkward situation, with so respectable a body in their rear; and it would put it out of their power to turn either flank, should they be so disposed. Their left is strongly posted, and I am told their right also. By some accounts, one part of their army lies on the road leading from the Monmouth road to South Amboy. It is not improbable that South Amboy may be the object.

I had written thus far when your letter to the Marquis arrived. This puts the matter on a totally different footing. The detachment will march to-morrow morning at three o’clock to English Town.

I am, with great regard and esteem,
Your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

His Excellency Gen. Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Black Point, July 20, 1778.

Sir:

Inclosed I transmit your Excellency a letter from Count D’Estaing. He has had the river sounded, and finds he cannot enter. He will sail for Rhode Island to-morrow evening. In the mean time, he is making demonstrations to deceive the enemy, and beget an opinion that he intends to operate in this quarter. He would sail immediately, but he awaits the arrival, or to hear, of a frigate which carried Mr. Gerard to Delaware, and which he appointed to meet him at Sandy Hook; so that he fears his sudden and unexpected departure, before she arrives, might cause her to be lost. He will not, however, wait longer than till to-morrow evening. We have agreed, that five cannon, fired briskly, shall be a signal of his arrival by day, and the same number, with five sky-rockets, a signal by night. In communicating this to General Sullivan, the Count wishes not a moment may be lost; and that he may be directed to have persons stationed on the coast, and intermediate expresses, to facilitate the communication between them. Pilots will be a material article. He begs every thing may be forwarded as much as possible; and as many troops collected as may be. He would be glad if a detachment could march from your army, or could be sent by water; for which purpose he would send covering ships, and some vessels he has taken, by way of transports; but he cannot think of losing so much time as seems necessary. If the water scheme could shorten it, it would be a happy circumstance. He recommends it to your attention; and that you would take measures, if the end can be better answered in this way, and meet him with information of the part he may have to act to execute the plan. I perceive he can, with difficulty, debark four thousand troops; but he will try to do it.

I hope your Excellency will excuse my not being myself the bearer of these particulars; the end may be answered by letter. Mr. Neville is anxious to get on. I just have heard of dispatches arrived from you. I don’t know but they may contain something new which may make the Count to wish a good conveyance to return an answer. My stay till to-morrow morning may answer that end. I shall not delay coming forward.

I am, Sir, your most respectful
And obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Newark, July 23, 1778, one o’clock.

Sir:

I wrote to your Excellency the evening of the 20th, by Major Neville. I remained in the neighborhood of Black Point till the afternoon following. The Count had received his expected dispatches from Congress, and was to sail, as I mentioned before, the first fair wind. At Brunswick, yesterday, Mr. Caldwell joined me. He was immediately from the Point, and brought intelligence that the fleet got under way yesterday morning. The wind, unfortunately, has been much against them; which is so much the more to be regretted, as they are rather in want of water.

I need not suggest to your Excellency, that an essential part of the Rhode Island plan, is to take every possible measure to watch the enemy’s motions, and to establish expresses from place to place, to give the Count instant information of any movement among their fleet. This will enable him to be in time to intercept them, should they attempt to evacuate New-York, while he is at Rhode Island; and will, in general, facilitate the intercourse and co-operation between him and your Excellency.

I have nothing new to communicate, beside what was sent by Major Neville, and what I now send. All the ideas interchanged between the Count and myself, were such as were familiar before I left Head Quarters. He was to go to Rhode Island, and, in conjunction with General Sullivan, endeavor to possess himself of the enemy’s ships and troops there; if, on his arrival, he had good reason to think it could be effected without further assistance. If not, he will be glad of a reinforcement from you in the most expeditious manner possible. What manner you think will be most expeditious, you will adopt; and if his aid may be useful, he will afford it as soon as he is informed of it.

This being the case, my immediate presence at Head Quarters is the less necessary as to this business; and I hope your Excellency will indulge me, if I do not make all the dispatch back which a case of emergency would require; though I do not mean to delay, more than a moderate attention to my frail constitution may make not improper. I have, &c.,

A. Hamilton.

His Excellency Gen. Washington.

COL. LAURENS TO HAMILTON.

My Dear Hamilton:

You have seen, and by this time considered, General Lee’s infamous publication. I have collected some hints for an answer; but I do not think, either that I can rely upon my own knowledge of facts and style to answer him fully, or that it would be prudent to undertake it without counsel. An affair of this kind ought to be passed over in total silence, or answered in a masterly manner.

The ancient secretary is the Recueil of modern history and anecdotes, and will give them to us with candor, elegance, and perspicuity. The pen of Junius is in your hand; and I think you will, without difficulty, expose, in his defence, letters, and last production, such a tissue of falsehood and inconsistency, as will satisfy the world, and put him for ever to silence.

I think the affair will be definitively decided in Congress this day. He has found means to league himself with the _old faction_, and to gain a great many partisans.

Adieu, my dear boy. I shall set out for camp to-morrow.

John Laurens.

LAFAYETTE TO HAMILTON.

A Yorctown, 1er Septembre, 1778.

Ne suis-je pas bien malheureux, cher Colonel. On me pousse pour aller à Boston, on me chasse de Rhode Island, ils n’ont ni repos, ni patience que je ne sois parti, et le même jour que je m’absente est le seul où j’aurais dû, où j’avais voulu être dans l’île. Le diable en veut dans ce moment à tous les français; heureusement que je viens de l’attraper, car à force de courir je suis arrivé à temps pour l’évacuation dont il voulait encore me priver. Le malheur de ne pas être à la première affaire m’a fait la peine la plus vive, et je ne m’en consolerai jamais, quoique ce soit bien loin d’être ma faute. Les deux retraites font honneur aux troupes et au général Sullivan, qui s’y est conduit parfaitement, elles en font rue aux Anglais et à leur généraux qui n’ont montré ni activité, ni génie, du moins à ce qu’il me paraît.

Le malheureux Mr. Tousard a eu le bras emporté au milieu d’une des actions les plus valeureuses qui ait été faite. C’est un homme aussi brave qu’il est honnête. Je crains d’embarrasser le général en lui mandant ce que je voudrais qu’on fît pour lui; mais la commission de Major ne pouvait-elle pas se changer en celle de lieutenant Colonel; il avait fait un arrangement avant de partir _le grand arrangement de Mr. du Coudray_, où en cas de la perte d’un membre, ils devaient avoir une pension de tant, cet arrangement-là qui comme vous savez n’a pas été accepté, ne pouvait-il pas se renouveler en sa faveur.

Il faut que vous me rendiez un grand service; c’est de me mander le plus de détails possibles sur la flotte de Lord Howe,--les moyens qui existent à New-York, etc. etc. Mr. D’Estaing a beaucoup de raisons de croire qu’il est arrivé quelques vaisseaux d’Angleterre, autres le Cornwall. Mandez-moi dans une longue lettre, Mon Cher Hamilton, ce que vous pensez sur ce qui a été fait, ce qui va se faire, et ce qui pouvait être fait dans la suite. Votre dépêche me trouvera à Warren, petite ville près de la Providence, où je vais m’occuper à garder beaucoup de pays avec peu de troupes, et où sans répondre d’empêcher une descente des ennemis, je ferai le moins mal possible; si forces égales, je tâcherai de les battre. On me flatte que le Général viendra ici lui-même; Dieu le veuille. Les affaires sur lesquelles je vous ai écrit mes complaintes, l’appaisent un peu, mais pour prendre Rhode Island il nous faut le Général Washington.

J’attends de vos nouvelles par Mons de Pontgibault et finirai simplement ma lettre en vous assurant de mon tendre attachement.

Lafayette.

HAMILTON TO ----.

Head Quarters, Nov. 8, 1778.

Dear Sir:

I have received your favor of the 4th, and shall with pleasure communicate the intelligence we have had at Head Quarters. On the morning of the third one hundred and eight sail of vessels sailed out of the Hook,--supposed, from the best calculations, to contain seven or eight thousand men. They first steered to the eastward, but soon after changed their course and bore S. E. with the wind at N. W. The general accounts from New-York speak of three distinct embarkations--one for the West Indies--another for Halifax--another for St. Augustine. One division, which seems to be best ascertained, contains ten or twelve British regiments, and most of the new levies, which probably went in the above-mentioned fleet.

This much is pretty certain, that the embarkation has continued since the departure of that fleet, which is a strong circumstance in favor of a general evacuation. All their vessels the least out of repair are drawn up to the different ship-yards, and their repairs are going on with all possible vigor. Whether the merchants are packing up or not, is a point still much _in dubio_; though we have several accounts that look like it, but they are not so precise and certain as could be wished. Several bales of goods have been seen on the wharves, marked for particular ships. A deserter, indeed, lately from the city, insists that he saw Coffin and Anderson packing up. This, if true, would be decisive, for this is a very considerable house particularly attached to the army. One of our spies, a trusty one too, writes the 31st of October that the principal part of the sick from the hospitals had embarked; but this stands almost wholly upon its own bottom. The capture of Jamaica seems to be a mere rumor. There are several others, respecting St. Kitts, Monserat, and Grenada. The two former are said to have been taken by surprise on a temporary absence of their guard-ships, but these stories were not improbably suggested by a late sudden and very considerable rise in the prices of rum and molasses. The former being as high as fourteen or fifteen shillings per gallon. Large purchases have been made of these articles as sea stores for the troops, and the speculators in the city have been bidding against the Commissaries, which better accounts for the increased prices.

It is a question very undecided in my mind whether the enemy will evacuate or not. Reasoning _a priori_, the arguments seem to be strongest for it--from the exhausted state of the British resources--the naked condition of their dominions every where--and the possibility of a Spanish war. But on the other hand naval superiority must do a great deal in the business. This, I think, considering all things, appears clearly enough to be on the side of Britain. The sluggishness of Spain affords room to doubt her taking a decisive part. The preserving posts in these States will greatly distress our trade, and give security to the British West India trade. They will also cover the West Indies, and restrain any operations of ours against the British dominions on the continent. These considerations, and the depreciated state of our currency, will be strong inducements to keep New-York and Rhode Island, if not with a view to conquest, with a view to temporary advantages, and making better terms in a future negotiation.

From appearances, the great delay which attends the embarkation, the absolute tranquillity of the post at Rhode Island, where there is no kind of preparation for leaving it, and some other circumstances, seem to indicate an intention to remain. On the other hand, besides the general appearances I have already mentioned, their inattention to the petition of the refugees, and the not raising new works, are strong additional reasons for going away. I think it most probable, if they were determined to continue a garrison, that they would give most explicit assurances to their friends, in order to encourage their proposal, and engage them to aid in maintaining it. I think also they would contract their works, to be better proportioned to the number of the garrison, and of course more defensible, by throwing a chain of fortifications across the narrow part of the island.

Nothing has yet been decided, that we know of, with respect to the sentences you mention. General Lee’s case, by our last advices, was on the eve of a final decision. It seems he has made a strong party in Congress, and is very confident of having the sentence annulled. St. Clair’s trial was ordered to be printed for the separate consideration of the members.

The depreciation of our currency really casts a gloom on our prospects, but my sentiments on this subject are rather peculiar. I think, bad as it is, it will continue to draw out the resources of the country a good while longer, and especially if the enemy make such detachments, of which there is hardly a doubt, as will oblige them to act on the defensive. This will make our public expenditures infinitely less--and will allow the States leisure to attend to the arrangements of their finances, as well as the country tranquillity to cultivate its resources.

Any letters that may come to Head Quarters for you will be carefully forwarded.

I am, with the most respectful attachment,
Dear Sir, your obed’t servant,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.

Head Quarters, 19th Dec., 1778.

I snatch a hasty moment, my dear Baron, to acknowledge the receipt of your obliging favor of the sixth. It came here while I was absent in an interview with some British Commissioners on the subject of an exchange of prisoners, and was not delivered to me till two days ago. I am sorry that your business does not seem to make so speedy a progress as we all wish; but I hope it will soon come to a satisfactory termination. I wish you to be in a situation to employ yourself usefully and agreeably, and to contribute to giving our military constitution that order and perfection it certainly wants. I have not time now to enter upon some matters which I shall take another opportunity to give you my sentiments concerning. I have read your letter to Lee with pleasure. It was conceived in terms which the offence merited; and if he had had any feeling, must have been felt by him. Considering the pointedness and severity of your expressions, his answer was certainly a very modest one, and proved that he had not a violent appetite for so close a _tête-à-tête_ as you seem disposed to insist upon. This evasion, if known to the world, would do him very little honor. I don’t know but I shall be shortly at Philadelphia: if so, I shall have the honor of personally assuring you of the perfect respect and esteem with which I am,

My dear Baron,
Your most obed’t servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

NARRATIVE OF AN AFFAIR OF HONOR BETWEEN GENERAL LEE AND COL. LAURENS.

24th December, 1778.

General Lee, attended by Major Edwards and Col. Laurens attended by Col. Hamilton, met agreeable to appointment on Wednesday afternoon half past three, in a wood, situate near the four mile stone on the Point-no-Point Road. Pistols having been the weapons previously fixed upon, and the combatants being provided with a brace each, it was asked in what manner they were to proceed. General Lee proposed to advance upon one another, and each fire at what time and distance he thought proper. Col. Laurens expressed his preference of this mode, and agreed to the proposal accordingly.

They approached each other within about five or six paces, and exchanged a shot almost at the same moment. As Col. Laurens was preparing for a second discharge, General Lee declared himself wounded. Col. Laurens, as if apprehending the wound to be more serious than it proved, advanced towards the General to offer his support. The same was done by Col. Hamilton and Major Edwards under a similar apprehension. General Lee then said the wound was inconsiderable; less than he had imagined at the first stroke of the ball, and proposed to fire a second time. This was warmly opposed both by Col. Hamilton and Major Edwards, who declared it to be their opinion, that the affair should terminate as it then stood. But General Lee repeated his desire, that there should be a second discharge, and Col. Laurens agreed to the proposal. Col. Hamilton observed that, unless the General was influenced by motives of personal enmity, he did not think the affair ought to be pursued any further; but as Gen. Lee seemed to persist in desiring it, he was too tender of his friend’s honor to persist in opposing it. The combat was then going to be renewed; but Major Edwards again declaring his opinion, that the affair ought to end where it was, Gen. Lee then expressed his confidence in the honor of the gentlemen concerned as seconds, and said he should be willing to comply with whatever they should coolly and deliberately determine. Col. Laurens consented to the same.

Col. Hamilton and Major Edwards withdrew, and conversing awhile on the subject, still concurred fully in the opinion, that for the most urgent reasons, the affair should terminate as it was then circumstanced. This decision was communicated to the parties and agreed to by them, upon which they immediately returned to town; General Lee slightly wounded in the right side.

During the interview a conversation to the following purport passed between General Lee and Col. Laurens. On Col. Hamilton’s intimating the idea of personal enmity, as before mentioned--Gen. Lee declared he had none, and had only met Col. Laurens, to defend his own honor--that Mr. Laurens best knew whether there was any on his part. Col. Laurens replied, that General Lee was acquainted with the motives that had brought him there, which were, that he had been informed from what he thought good authority, that Gen. Lee had spoken of General Washington in the grossest and most opprobrious terms of personal abuse, which he, Col. Laurens, thought himself bound to resent, as well on account of the relation he bore to General Washington, as from motives of personal friendship and respect for his character. General Lee acknowledged that he had given his opinion against General Washington’s military character to his particular friends, and might perhaps do it again. He said every man had a right to give his sentiments freely of military characters, and that he did not think himself personally accountable to Col. Laurens for what he had done in that respect. But he said he never had spoken of General Washington in the terms mentioned, which he could not have done; as well because he had always esteemed General Washington as a man, as because such abuse would be incompatible with the character he would ever wish to sustain as a gentleman.

Upon the whole, we think it a piece of justice to the two gentlemen to declare, that after they met, their conduct was strongly marked with all the politeness, generosity, coolness and firmness, that ought to characterize a transaction of this nature.

Alexander Hamilton.
Ev. Edwards.

Philadelphia, December 24th, 1778.

DUPLESSIS TO HAMILTON.

11 Janvier, 1779.

Je n’ai point reçu, mon cher Hamilton, les papiers que vous deviez m’envoyer avec Les Signes en chiffres.

Si vous désirez ce dont nous étions convenu, lorsqueje partis du quartier Général, remettez le tout à M. De la Colombe, qui dans deux mois part pour France. Je vous promets beaucoup de vérité et jeu d’esprit dans la narration.

Dans peu de minutes, nous voguerons; présentez mon respect à son Excellence, et mes amitiés à toute votre famille. Souvenez-vous de tout ce que je vous ai dit à mon départ et soyez homme de parole.

Adieu, soyez sûr que vous avez en moi un bon et vrai ami; n’en doutez point, et vous rendrez justice.

Le Chevalier Duplessis.

Col. Hamilton,
Aid-de-Camp of
His Excellency General Washington,
Head Quarters.

HAMILTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Head Quarters, March 14, 1779.

Dear Sir:

Colonel Laurens, who will have the honor of delivering you this letter, is on his way to South Carolina, on a project which I think, in the present situation of affairs there, is a very good one, and deserves every kind of support and encouragement. This is, to raise two, three, or four battalions of negroes, with the assistance of the government of that State, by contributions from the owners, in proportion to the number they possess. If you should think proper to enter upon the subject with him, he will give you a detail of his plan. He wishes to have it recommended by Congress to the State; and, as an inducement, that they would engage to take their battalions into Continental pay.

It appears to me, that an expedient of this kind, in the present state of Southern affairs, is the most rational that can be adopted, and promises very important advantages. Indeed, I hardly see how a sufficient force can be collected in that quarter without it: and the enemy’s operations there are growing infinitely serious and formidable. I have not the least doubt, that the negroes will make very excellent soldiers, with proper management: and I will venture to pronounce, that they cannot be put in better hands than those of Mr. Laurens. He has all the zeal, intelligence, enterprise, and every other qualification, requisite to succeed in such an undertaking. It is a maxim with some great military judges, that, with sensible officers, soldiers can hardly be too stupid: and, on this principle, it is thought that the Russians would make the best soldiers in the world, if they were under other officers than their own. The King of Prussia is among the number who maintains this doctrine, and has a very emphatic saying on the occasion, which I do not exactly recollect. I mention this because I have frequently heard it objected to the scheme of embodying negroes, that they are too stupid to make soldiers. This is so far from appearing to me a valid objection, that I think their want of cultivation (for their natural faculties are as good as ours), joined to that habit of subordination which they acquire from a life of servitude, will enable them sooner to become soldiers than our white inhabitants. Let officers be men of sense and sentiment; and the nearer the soldiers approach to machines, perhaps the better.

I foresee that this project will have to combat much opposition from prejudice and self-interest. The contempt we have been taught to entertain for the blacks, makes us fancy many things that are founded neither in reason nor experience; and an unwillingness to part with property of so valuable a kind, will furnish a thousand arguments to show the impracticability, or pernicious tendency, of a scheme which requires such sacrifices. But it should be considered, that if we do not make use of them in this way, the enemy probably will; and that the best way to counteract the temptations they will hold out, will be, to offer them ourselves. An essential part of the plan is, to give them their freedom with their swords. This will secure their fidelity, animate their courage, and, I believe, will have a good influence upon those who remain, by opening a door to their emancipation. This circumstance, I confess, has no small weight in inducing me to wish the success of the project; for the dictates of humanity, and true policy, equally interest me in favor of this unfortunate class of men.

While I am on the subject of southern affairs, you will excuse the liberty I take in saying, that I do not think measures sufficiently vigorous are pursuing for our defence in that quarter. Except the few regular troops of South Carolina, we seem to be relying wholly on the militia of that and the two neighboring States. These will soon grow impatient of service, and leave our affairs in a miserable situation. No considerable force can be uniformly kept up by militia; to say nothing of the many obvious and well-known inconveniences that attend this kind of troops. I would beg leave to suggest, Sir, that no time ought to be lost in making a draught of militia to serve a twelvemonth, from the States of North and South Carolina and Virginia. But South Carolina, being very weak in her population of whites, may be excused from the draught, on condition of furnishing the black battalions. The two others may furnish about three thousand five hundred men, and be exempted, on that account, from sending any succors to this army. The States to the northward of Virginia, will be fully able to give competent supplies to the army here; and it will require all the force and exertions of the three States I have mentioned, to withstand the storm which has arisen, and is increasing in the South.

The troops draughted, must be thrown into battalions, and officered in the best possible manner. The supernumerary officers may be made use of as far as they will go. If arms are wanted for their troops, and no better way of supplying them is to be found, we should endeavor to levy a contribution of arms upon the militia at large. Extraordinary exigencies demand extraordinary means. I fear this southern business will become a very _grave_ one.

With the truest respect and esteem,
I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

His Excell’y John Jay,
President of Congress.

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.

May 26, 1779.

The General, on reflection, is a little uneasy about the route you intend to take. He thinks it not quite safe, as the enemy have troops on Long Island and may easily throw a party across the Sound, so that you would be in danger of having your agreeable dreams interrupted, if you should sleep any where from New Haven to Fairfield.

It is probable, one of the Count’s motives in coming this way may be to see the ruins of those places; and if he could do it without risk, it would be desirable; but he would not probably be at his ease, if in consequence of it, he should be obliged to attend the levee of Sir Henry Clinton. This may happen if he continues his intention, unless very good precautions are taken to avoid the danger. The General recommends it to you, at least to be very vigilant upon your post, and not to suffer yourself to be surprised. You will be so good as to let us have timely notice of your approach, as we shall, at least, meet you at Fishkill Landing, with boats to take you down to Head Quarters.

I have the honor to be,
Your affectionate and respectful friend,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO OTHO H. WILLIAMS.

11th June, 1779.

Dear Williams:

The General sends you four fresh horsemen to enable you to transmit him intelligence. The General will take the road you marched to your quarters.

Mind your eye, my dear boy, and if you have an opportunity, fight hard.

Your friend and servant,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO MAJOR LEE, OR IN HIS ABSENCE, CAPT. McLANE.

July, 1779.

Sir:

There is an encampment of the enemy, or a demonstration of one, which appears on the other side of the river, considerably on this side of Tarry Town. You will be pleased in consequence to have patrols kept from this till morning, seven or eight miles down along the shore and on the roads leading to this place on our right. This might be a critical night, and demands the greatest vigilance.

I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton,
Aid-de-Camp.

HENRY LAURENS TO HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 29th July, 1779.

Dear Sir:

In addition to the lines which I troubled you with the day before yesterday by Colonel, or I should say Doctor McHenry; he is an honest man with either, or without any title, permit me to inform you. I presented to Congress this morning, Colonel Fleury’s earnest request for the flag which he had the glory of lowering at Stony Point, but there was not a single voice heard in second to my motion. In truth, I had spoken to several of the members on the subject before the meeting of Congress; these discovered not only no inclination, but rather an aversion to parting with so high a testimony of a great and brilliant victory; nevertheless, I determined to fulfil my promise; you see the success. Fancy often fills up the chasms made by disappointments of this kind; many of the most celebrated Italian originals in the cabinets of curious fanciful men in England, are good copies. Suppose in the present instance the Colonel should order an accurate likeness of the first flag to be made, and content himself with that, or that by a very trifling practice of ambidexterity, he should exchange the copy for the original; or suppose he should take a much better and less exceptionable method for accomplishing his wishes, that he should arm himself with one of Dunlap’s Packets, in which his gallant behavior and the particular feat of cutting the halliards, stand upon record by authority of Congress; this might be kept in the tin case with commissions and testimonials, answer every purpose of display, and save the trouble and expense of lugging sixty or eighty yards of bunting round the Globe.

I have executed my commission; have added my best consolatory advice to a disappointed client, and trust the Colonel will do me the justice to assure himself, my own opinion on the propriety of his suit was not disclosed fully or partially to any body before I had received a modest denial by a profound silence.

Nothing new from South Carolina, excepting a delegate, who left Charleston one day before the date of our late letters.

I have the honor to be,
With great esteem and respect,
Dear Sir,
Your ob’t and humble serv’t,
Henry Laurens.

Col. A. Hamilton, Head Quarters, North River.

COLONEL FLEURY TO HAMILTON.

L’Infantery Camp, 18th August, 1779.

Dear Colonel:

The officers of the two A Battalions of l’Infantery, which I actually command, have applied to me for ceasing to run over those craggy mountains barefooted, and beg that I would write to head quarters to have an order from his Excellency to get one pair of shoes for each; the shoes they hint to are at New Windsor, and their intention is to pay for.

Do not be so greedy for shoes as for my blanket, and think that the most urgent necessity has determined their application; they are quite barefooted.

I am very respectfully, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
L. Fleury.

N. B. As his Excellency could form a very advantageous idea of our being lucky in shoes by the appearance of the officers who dined to-day at head quarters, and were not quite without, I beg you would observe to him, if necessary, that each company had furnished a shoe for their dressing.

Camp l’Infantery, 19th August, 1779.

Si vous savez un mot de M. De La Luzerne dites le moi.

HAMILTON TO JAMES DUANE.

August 28th, 1779.

Dear Sir:

I with pleasure snatch a moment, agreeable to your request, to inform you of the events which have taken place since you left us. A York paper of the 24th, announces the arrival of the Russell of 74, which parted three days before from Arbuthnot’s fleet, which was of course momently expected. Subsequent intelligence gives us the arrival of the whole fleet. This comes through different channels, and is believed; but we have no particulars. _Wayne is still safe._

Northern news says that Sir George Collier, having appeared in Penobscot River, put our grand fleet to the rout. They were run ashore, abandoned, and burnt; the troops and seamen safe. Colonel Jackson’s regiment, which had been sent as a reinforcement, landed at Portsmouth. This account comes in a letter from General Gates to Colonel Hay. To counterbalance the bad in a degree, he tells me three of our Continental frigates were arrived at Boston with six sail out of ten of the Jamaica fleet which had fallen into their hands, containing 5000 hdds. of rum and sugar.

I have the honor to be,
Very faithfully and affectionately,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

Hon. Mr. Duane.

BARON STEUBEN TO HAMILTON.

August 30th, 1779.

Mr. De la Luzerne desires me to join him on his route, to accompany him to head quarters. I shall depart on Tuesday morning for Providence, where I may require three days to review the regiments; after which I shall return immediately to Hartford to join the Minister.

I promised to give you a picture of his new Excellency. He is about thirty-six years of age, though he appears younger. In the last war he was aid-de-camp to Marshal Broglio. He appears to be a man of solid sense, and less presumptuous than the people of quality in that country usually are. His manners are prepossessing; and they would be more so if he could speak English. His character appears to me to be good; and he is less reserved than European Ministers usually are. His personal appearance will not displease the ladies of Philadelphia. He is a young chevalier of Malta, who is not so much imbrowned by his crusades, but that the American beauties will take pains to teach him English in a short time. His Secretary, Mr. Marbois, is a counsellor of Parliament, from Metz in Lorraine--speaks good English; and is a man who shows much information and judgment.

Steuben.

Col. Hamilton.

DUANE TO HAMILTON.

Kingston, 4th Sept., 1779.

Dear Sir:

I have spent some days at this place with our Legislature, and have been happy in finding their zeal for the common cause undiminished. Every thing which can be asked for the army, they will most cheerfully grant, and Col. Wadsworth is gone away perfectly satisfied. It is a circumstance to their honor that amidst all their wants and distresses--flour and carriage have been supplied at 25 per cent. less than in any part of the Continent: and that by a law of the State. If it had produced the effect to be expected from so spirited an example, it must have had a powerful influence on our money: but it is to be lamented that we stood _single_, and that our citizens are impoverished by a sacrifice of a fourth of their produce and labor to little purpose.

Be kind enough to forward the inclosed to Lt. Col. Washington; and to present my respectful compliments to his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief and the family; and believe me to be, with real esteem and affection,

Dear Col.,
Your most ob’t servant,
James Duane.

Col. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.

Sept., 1779.

Dear Baron:

I am at this moment honored with your letter of the 80th ultimo, and have communicated that part of it which concerns M. De la Luzerne to the General; agreeably to which we shall take our measures on the reception of this private public gentleman. We had prepared a party of Cavalry to receive him at Fishkill, on the supposition that he would set out with an escort from Boston; but we have now sent orders to the party immediately to take the route you mention to Hartford, and there place themselves under your orders.