Chapter XIII: Part 13

P.S. I wrote a long letter to the Viscount De Noailles, whom I also love. Has he received it? Is the worthy Gouvion well? Has he succeeded? How is it with our friend Gimat? How is it with General Du Portail? All those men are men of merit, and interest my best wishes.

Poor Laurens! He has fallen a sacrifice to his ardor in a trifling skirmish in South Carolina. You know how truly I loved him, and will judge how much I regret him.

I will write you again soon after my arrival at Philadelphia.

A. H.

To the Marquis De La Fayette.

HAMILTON TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND.

Philadelphia, Dec. 11, 1782.

Sir:

Congress are equally affected and alarmed by the information they have received, that the Legislature of your State, at their last meeting, have refused their concurrence in establishing a duty on imports. They consider this measure as so indispensable to the prosecution of the war, that a sense of duty, and regard to the common safety, compel them to renew their efforts to engage a compliance with it. And in this view, they have determined to send a deputation of three members to your State, as expressed in the inclosed resolution. The gentlemen they have appointed will be able to lay before you a full and just representation of public affairs, from which, they flatter themselves, will result a conviction of the propriety of their solicitude upon the present occasion. Convinced by past experience of the zeal and patriotism of the State of Rhode Island, they cannot doubt that it will yield to those urgent considerations which flow from a knowledge of our true situation.

They will only briefly observe that the increasing discontents of the army, the loud clamors of the public creditors, and the extreme disproportion between the public supplies and the demands of the public service, are so many invincible arguments for the fund recommended by Congress. They feel themselves unable to devise any other that will be more efficacious, less exceptionable, or more generally agreeable; and if this is refused, they anticipate calamities of a most menacing nature--with this consolation, however, that they have faithfully discharged their trust, and that the mischiefs which follow cannot be attributed to them.

A principal object of the proposed fund is to _procure loans abroad_. If no security can be held out to lenders, the success of these must necessarily be very limited. The last accounts on the subject were not flattering; and when intelligence shall arrive in Europe, that the State of Rhode Island has disagreed to the only fund which has yet been devised, there is every reason to apprehend it will have a fatal influence upon their future progress.

Deprived of this resource, our affairs must in all probability hasten to a dangerous crisis, and these States be involved in greater embarrassments than they have yet experienced, and from which it may be much more difficult to emerge. Congress will only add a request to your Excellency, that if the Legislature should not be sitting, it may be called together as speedily as possible, to enable the gentlemen whom they have deputed to perform the purpose of their mission.

GOVERNOR CLINTON TO HAMILTON.

Poughkeepsie, December 29, 1782.

Dear Sir:

Before I was honored by your letter of the eighteenth instant, I had received a line from Colonel Floyd on the same subject. As my answer to his is forwarded by the present conveyance, I beg leave to refer you to it for information. I hope it may prove satisfactory; and I flatter myself no further disappointment can take place. Should I, however, be mistaken, you have only to advise me of it, and I will immediately forward the cash.

Phelps, who was delayed on the road by the late heavy fall of snow, waited on me a few days since, and delivered me your official dispatches of the ninth instant. Considering the disposition heretofore discovered by Congress, on the subject of our controversy with the grants, their resolutions which you inclosed me, though short of what we are justly entitled to, exceed my expectations; and I am not without hope, if properly improved, may be the mean of leading to a just and favorable issue. The idea of many of the military being interested in the independency of Vermont, in consequence of their having taken grants of lands under them, I believe is without foundation. There was a period when the disposition of Congress, founded on political expedience, appeared so favorable to the independence of that district, as to have induced some gentlemen of the army to apply to the usurped government for grants. But when it was discovered that they were intriguing with the common enemy, the more respectable characters withdrew their applications, and relinquished all kind of connection with them; and even those who did not go so far, I imagine conceive themselves perfectly secure under our late acts. If, however, this should not be the case, any difficulty which may be apprehended from it may be easily obviated; as I am persuaded the Legislature are disposed to every liberal act that may consist with the honor of the State, and tend to facilitate a settlement of the dispute. There was a time, not long since, when Congress had only to have spoken decisively on the subject, and they would have been obeyed: nor do I believe the time is yet past, if they could be convinced that Congress were in earnest. But if force is necessary to carry their decision into execution, the longer it is delayed the more force it will require. The misfortune is, though I believe there are but few States that favor their independence, some members of those who do, take great pains to encourage the revolters in their opposition, by secret assurances that Congress will not direct any coercive measures against them: and I am not without my fears that this conduct will, in some measure, defeat the present resolutions.

I am, with great respect and esteem,
Dear Sir, your most obedient servant,
George Clinton.

To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton, Esq.

LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.

(Most Private.)

Cadix, Feb. 5, 1783.

Your friendship to me, my dear sir, and the affection I have for you, command my most _confidential_ communications. As public affairs have the first place with me, let me tell you that our Articles of Confederation ought to be revised, and measures immediately taken to invigorate the Continental Union; depend upon it, there lies the danger for America; this last stroke is wanting, and unless the States be strongly bound to each other, we have much to fear from British, and, indeed, from European politics. There ought to be delegates from each State, and perhaps some officers among them, one of whom I would be happy to be, who, toward next fall, would meet together, and under the presidence of General Washington, may devise upon amendments to be proposed in the Articles of Confederation--limits of States, &c., &c., &c. As to the army, I hope their country will be grateful, I hope the half pay affair may be terminated to their satisfaction. Now, my dear sir, I am going to torment you with my private concerns. First of all, I wish the people of America to know that, when I have lengthened my furlough, it was for their service, and at the request of their commissioners; that upon my embarking in a fresh expedition, it was with a view to join you in the summer, with forces adequate to every plan General Washington had directed me to promote; that, moreover, a Canadian expedition was to take place; that then, instead of sending a vessel, I was going myself to America. But that entreaties from your residence at Madrid have forced me to go there, and probably from there to Paris; but that in the month of June, I am to embark for America. I confess, my dear sir, I have a great value for my American popularity, and I want the people at large to know my affection to them and my zeal for their service. The best way to manage it is to have a resolve of Congress published, by way of answer to my letters, wherein their approbation of my conduct will comprehend the above mentioned matters.

There is another thing which would highly flatter me, and lies within your department; a ratification of the treaty will be sent by Congress to the Court of England; it is but an honorary commission, that requires only a few weeks, and even a few days’ attendance. The sedentary Minister you may send, or with me, or after me, or, what I would like better, at the time when Great Britain has sent hers to you. So many greater proofs of confidence have been bestowed upon me by Congress, that I may truly tell you my wishes upon this very pleasing mark of their esteem. Upon my leaving England, I have been considered there as an enthusiastic rebel, and, indeed, a young madman. I would well enough like to present myself there in the capacity of an Extraordinary Envoy from the United States; and though upon my committing so far the French Ambassador, I have been with him on pretty bad terms; now our friendship has revived, and I am in a situation to lead him into my measures, and to know his secrets without telling him mine.

As to the choice of a Minister, (this commission being only a compliment,) I think it is a very difficult task. I advise to take a gentleman who had no connection with the great men in England; our friend Hamilton would be a very proper choice; you ought to bring it about. Are you acquainted with Col. Harrison, who was in the General’s family; there are few men so honest and sensible; but I hope you may send Hamilton, and he knows better than all the British councils.

In case Congress were pleased to do for me what I have so much at heart, I would beg you to send Mr. McHenry to me, a member in the Maryland Senate. This, my dear sir, is entirely confidential for you, and _for you alone_; should the General be in Philadelphia, you may show it to him. Adieu. My best respects wait upon your lady and family.

Most affectionately,
I am yours,
La Fayette.

Should you think it of any use to have printed the last paragraph of my letter to Congress, I will be glad of it, as the opinion of one who knows Europe may have some weight with the people.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, February 7, 1788.

Sir:

Flattering myself that your knowledge of me will induce you to receive the observations I make, as dictated by a regard to the public good, I take the liberty to suggest to you my ideas on some matters of delicacy and importance. I view the present juncture as a very interesting one. I need not observe how far the temper and situation of the army make it so. The state of our finances was perhaps never more critical. I am under injunctions which will not permit me to disclose some facts that would at once demonstrate this position; but I think it probable you will be possessed of them through another channel. It is, however, certain, that there has scarcely been a period of the revolution which called more for wisdom and decision in Congress. Unfortunately for us, we are a body not governed by reason or foresight, but by circumstances. It is probable we shall not take the proper measures; and if we do not, a few months may open an embarrassing scene. This will be the case, whether we have peace or a continuance of the war.

If the war continues, it would seem that the army must, in June, subsist itself, _to defend the country_. If peace should take place, it _will_ subsist itself, _to procure justice to itself_. It appears to be a prevailing opinion in the army, that the disposition to recompense their services, will cease with the necessity for them; and that if they once lay down their arms, they part with the means of obtaining justice. It is to be lamented that appearances afford too much ground for their distrust.

It becomes a serious inquiry, What is the true line of policy? The claims of the army, urged with moderation, but with firmness, may operate on those weak minds which are influenced by their apprehensions more than by their judgments, so as to produce a concurrence in the measures which the exigencies of affairs demand. They may add weight to the applications of Congress to the several States. So far a useful turn may be given to them. But the difficulty will be, to keep a _complaining_ and _suffering army_ within the bounds of moderation.

This your Excellency’s influence must effect. In order to it, it will be advisable not to discountenance their endeavors to procure redress, but rather, by the intervention of confidential and prudent persons, _to take the direction of them_. This, however, must not appear. It is of moment to the public tranquillity, that your Excellency should preserve the confidence of the army without losing that of the people. This will enable you, in case of extremity, to guide the torrent, and to bring order, perhaps even good, out of confusion. ’Tis a part that requires address; but ’tis one which your own situation, as well as the welfare of the community, points out.

I will not conceal from your Excellency a truth which it is necessary you should know. An idea is propagated in the army, that delicacy, carried to an extreme, prevents your espousing its interests with sufficient warmth. The falsehood of this opinion no one can be better acquainted with than myself; but it is not the less mischievous for being false. Its tendency is to impair that influence which you may exert with advantage, should any commotions unhappily ensue, to moderate the pretensions of the army, and make their conduct correspond with their duty.

The great _desideratum_ at present, is the establishment of general funds, which alone can do justice to the creditors of the United States (of whom the army forms the most meritorious class), restore public credit, and supply the future wants of government. This is the object of all men of sense. In this, the influence of the army, properly directed, may co-operate.

The intimations I have thrown out, will suffice to give your Excellency a proper conception of my sentiments. You will judge of their reasonableness or fallacy; but I persuade myself you will do justice to my motives.

I have the honor to be,
With great respect,
Your Excellency’s
Most obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

General Knox has the confidence of the army, and is a man of sense. I think he may be safely made use of. Situated as I am, your Excellency will feel the confidential nature of these observations.

His Excellency General Washington.

DUANE TO HAMILTON.

Newburgh, 17th February, 1783.

Dear Sir:

I am now on a visit from the General from Kingston, where the Legislature is convened. The British King’s speech----to his Parliament, and his Secretary’s letters to the Lord Mayor of London, which we had the pleasure of meeting here, afford us the fairest prospect of a speedy peace. I have but one anxiety remaining, and that respects a better establishment of our General Government on a basis that will secure the permanent union of the States, and a punctual payment of the public debts. I do not think our Legislature will be averse to a reasonable system. The Assembly have agreed to the requisitions of Congress, and to press for the arrears of taxes; and a joint committee of both Houses have taken measures to compel the immediate production of the accounts of all who have been intrusted with public money. This last step became so necessary, that I found no difficulty in getting it adopted. I would even hazard an attempt to introduce an intendant, if I had proper materials; but I am disappointed in not receiving the Maryland plan, which was promised me by Mr. Wright and Mr. Homsly. If possible, I still wish you would forward this act on this subject, and for the collection of taxes. The example of a State may be adopted, when any plan of my own might be rejected. There is such confusion in the present administration of our State finances, and the weight of our debts is so burthensome, that a remedy must be provided; and I apprehend the production of the public accounts, before alluded to, will furnish us with sufficient arguments to prove its necessity.

We are in want of the report, and of the evidence and arguments in support of our Territorial rights. If, as you proposed, you have taken the trouble to copy it, be so obliging as to transmit your copy. Should your leisure not have been sufficient for the undertaking, be pleased to get it transcribed and forwarded. It is a collection of great importance to the State, and if it should be lost, I do not know who would submit to the labor of a second effort.

General Schuyler was sent for a week ago to pay the last duties to your grandfather. He wrote me the tenth, that there was no hopes of his surviving many days, but I learn that he was still living four days ago, without the least prospect of recovery. From your known punctuality, I take it for granted that you have written to me agreeably to your promise, and that your letters have miscarried. Any communication, while the Legislature are convened, would be peculiarly acceptable, and probably useful.

Be pleased to present my respectful compliments to Colonel Floyd, to Mrs. Hamilton, and Mr. and Mrs. Carter, and to the gentlemen of our family, etc.

With the utmost regard, I remain, dear Sir,
Your affectionate and most
Obedient humble servant,
Jas. Duane.

Colonel Alexander Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.

February, 24, 1783

Sir:

In my letter of the fourteenth I informed your Excellency, that Congress were employed in devising a plan for carrying the eighth article of the Confederation into execution. This business is at length brought to a conclusion. I inclose, for the information of the Legislature, the proceedings upon it in different stages, by which they will see the part I have acted. But as I was ultimately left in a small minority, I think it my duty to explain the motives upon which my opposition to the general course of the House was founded.

I am of opinion, that the article of the Confederation itself was ill-judged. In the first place, I do not believe there is any general representative of the wealth of a nation, the criterion of its ability to pay taxes. There are only two that can be thought of, _land_ and _numbers_.

The revenues of the United Provinces (general and particular) were computed, before the present war, to more than half as much as those of Great Britain. The extent of their territory is not one-fourth part as great; their population less than a third. The comparison is still more striking between those Provinces and the Swiss Cantons; in both of which, extent of territory and population are nearly the same; and yet the revenues of the former are five times as large as those of the latter; nor could any efforts of taxation bring them to any thing like a level. In both cases, the advantages for agriculture are superior in those countries which afford least revenue in proportion. I have selected these examples because they are most familiar; but whoever will extend the comparison between the nations of the world, will perceive that the position I have laid down is supported by universal experience.

The truth is, the ability of a country to pay taxes depends on infinite combinations of physical and moral causes, which can never be accommodated to any general rule; climate, soil, productions, advantages for navigation, government, genius of the people, progress of arts and industry, and an endless variety of circumstances. The diversities are sufficiently great, in these States, to make an infinite difference in their relative wealth; the proportion of which can never be found by any common measure whatever.

The only possible way, then, of making them contribute to the general expense, in an equal proportion to their means, is by general taxes imposed under Continental authority.

In this mode, there would, no doubt, be inequalities, and, for a considerable time, material ones; but experience, and the constant operation of a general interest, which, by the very collision of particular interests, must, in the main, prevail in a Continental deliberative, would at length correct those inequalities, and balance one tax that should bear hard upon one State, by another that should have proportional weight in others. This idea, however, was not, at the period of framing the Confederation, and is not yet, agreeable to the spirit of the time. To futurity we must leave the discovery, how far this spirit is wise or foolish. One thing only is now certain; that Congress, having the discretionary power of determining the quantum of money to be paid into the general treasury towards defraying the common expenses, have, in effect, the constitutional power of general taxation.

The restraints upon the exercise of this power, amount to perpetuating a rule for fixing the proportions, which must of necessity produce inequality, and, by refusing the Federal Government a power of specific taxation and of collection, without substituting any other adequate means of coercion, do, in fact, leave the compliance with Continental requisitions to the good will of the respective States. Inequality is inherent in the theory of the Confederation; and, in the practice, that inequality must increase in proportion to the honesty or dishonesty of the component parts. This vice will either, in its consequences, reform the Federal Constitution, or dissolve it.

If a general standard must be fixed, numbers were preferable to land. Modes might be devised to ascertain the former with tolerable precision; but I am persuaded the experiment will prove, that the value of all the land in each State cannot be ascertained with any thing like exactness. Both these measures have the common disadvantage of being no equal representative of the wealth of the people; but one is much more simple, definite, and certain than the other.

I have indulged myself in these remarks, to show that I have little expectation of success from any mode of carrying the article in question into execution upon equitable principles. I owe it, however, to myself, to declare, that my opposition did not arise from this source. The Confederation has pointed out this mode; and, though I would heartily join in a representation of the difficulties (of which every man of sense must be sensible on examination) that occur in the execution of the plan, to induce the States to consent to a change, yet, as this was not the disposition of a majority of Congress, I would have assented to any mode of attempting it which was not either obviously mischievous or impracticable.

The first plan proposed, as your Excellency will see, was an actual valuation of each State by itself. This was evidently making the interested party judge in his own cause. Those who have seen the operation of this principle between the counties in the same State, and the districts in the same county, cannot doubt a moment that the valuations on this plan would have been altogether unequal and unjust. Without supposing more liberality in one State than another, the degree of care, judgment, and method, employed in the execution, would alone make extreme differences in the results.

This mode has, also, the further inconvenience of awakening all the jealousies of the several States against each other. Each would suspect that its neighbor had favored itself, whether the partiality appeared or not. It would be impossible to silence these distrusts, and to make the States sit down satisfied with the justice of each other. Every new requisition for money would be a new signal for discussion and clamor; and the seeds of disunion, already sown too thick, would not be a little multiplied.

To guard against these evils, the plan proposes a revision by Congress; but it is easy to be seen that such a power could not be exercised. Should any States return defective valuations, it would be difficult to find sufficient evidence to determine them such. To alter would not be admissible; for Congress could have no data which could be presumed equivalent to those which must have governed the judgment of commissioners under oath, or an actual view of the premises. To do either this, or to reject, would be an impeachment of the honor of the States, which it is not probable there would be decision enough to hazard; and which, if done, could not fail to excite serious disgusts. There is a wide difference between a single State exercising such a power over its own counties, and a Confederated Government exercising it over sovereign States which compose the Confederacy. It might also happen, that too many States would be interested in the defective valuations, to leave a sufficient number willing, either to alter or to reject.

These considerations prevailed to prevent the plan being adopted by a majority.

The last plan may be less mischievous than the first; but it appears to me altogether ineffectual. The mere quantity of land granted and surveyed, with the general species of buildings upon them, can certainly be no criteria to determine their value. The plan does not even distinguish the improved from the unimproved land; the qualities of soil, or degrees of improvement: the quantities of the houses and other buildings, are entirely omitted. These, it seems, are to be judged of by the commissioners to be appointed by each State. But I am unable to conceive, how any commissioner can form the least estimate of these circumstances with respect even to his own State, much less with respect to other States, which would be necessary to establish a just relative value. If even there was a distinction of improved from unimproved land, by supposing an intrinsic value in the land, and adopting general rates, something nearer the truth might be attained; but it must now be all conjecture and uncertainty.

The numbers of inhabitants, distinguishing white from black, are called for. This is not only totally foreign to the Confederation, but can answer no reasonable purpose. It has been said, that the proportion of numbers may guide and correct the estimates. An assertion, purely verbal, has no meaning. A judgment must first be formed of the value of the lands upon some principles. If this should be altered by the proportion of numbers, it is plain numbers would be substituted to land.

Another objection to this plan is, that it lets in the particular interests of the States, to operate in the returns of the quantities of land, number of buildings, and number of inhabitants. But the principle of this objection applies less forcibly here than against the former plan.

Whoever will consider the plain import of the eighth article of the Confederation, must be convinced, that it intended an _actual_ and _specific_ valuation of land, buildings, and improvements, not a mere general estimate, according to the present plan. While we insist, therefore, upon adhering to the Confederation, we should do it in reality, not barely in appearance.

Many of those who voted for this scheme, had as bad an opinion of it as myself; but they were induced to accede to it, by a persuasion that some plan for the purpose was expected by the States; and that none better, in the present circumstances of the country, could be fallen upon.

A leading rule which I have laid down for the direction of my conduct, is this: that while I would have a just deference for the expectations of the States, I would never consent to amuse them by attempts which must either fail in the execution, or be productive of evil. I would rather incur the negative inconveniences of delay than the positive mischiefs of injudicious expedients. A contrary conduct serves to destroy confidence in the government, the greatest misfortune that can befall a nation. There should, in my opinion, be a character of wisdom and efficiency in all the measures of the Federal Council, the opposite of a spirit of temporizing concession.

I would have sufficient reliance on the judgments of the several States, to hope that good reasons for not attempting a thing, would be more satisfactory to them than precipitate and fruitless attempts.

My idea is, that, taking it for granted the States will expect an experiment on the principle of the Confederation, the best plan will be to make it by commissioners appointed by Congress, and acting under their authority. Congress might, in the first instance, appoint three or more of the principal characters in each State for probity and abilities, with a power to nominate other commissioners under them, in each subdivision of the State. General principles might be laid down for the regulation of their conduct, by which uniformity in the manner of conducting the business would obtain. Sanctions of such solemnity might be prescribed, and such notoriety given to every part of the transaction, that the commissioners could neither be careless nor partial without a sacrifice of reputation.

To carry this plan, however, into effect, with sufficient care and accuracy, would be a work both of time and expense; and, unfortunately, we are so pressed to find money for calls of immediate necessity, that we could not, at present, undertake a measure which would require so large a sum.

To me it appears evident, that every part of a business which is of so important and universal concern, should be transacted on uniform principles, and under the direction of that _body_ which has a common interest.

In general, I regard the present moment, probably the dawn of peace, as peculiarly critical; and the measures which it shall produce, as of great importance to the future welfare of these States. I am, therefore, scrupulously cautious of assenting to plans which appear to me founded on false principles.

Your Excellency will observe, that the valuation of the lands is to be the standard for adjusting the accounts, for past supplies, between the United States and the particular States. This, if adhered to, without allowance for the circumstances of those States which have been more immediately the theatre of the war, will charge our State for the past, according to its _future ability_, when in an entire condition, if the valuation should be made after we regain possession of the parts of the State now in the power of the enemy.

I have heretofore introduced a motion for repeating the call, in a more earnest manner, upon the States, to vest Congress with a power of making equitable abatements, agreeably to the spirit of the Resolution of the twentieth of February last, which few of the States have complied with. This motion has been committed. I know not what will be its fate.

Notwithstanding the opposition I have given, now the matter has been decided in Congress, I hope the State will cheerfully comply with what is required. Unless each State is governed by this principle, there is an end of the Union. Every State will, no doubt, have a right, in this case, to accompany its compliance with such remarks as it may think proper.

I have the honor to be,
Your Excellency’s most ob’t servant,
A. Hamilton.

P. S. After the plan was agreed upon, it was committed to be put into form; and, when reported, instead of commissioners, an alteration was carried for making the estimate by a Grand Committee.

February 27.

Mr. Morris has signified to Congress, his resolution to resign by the first of June, if adequate funds are not by that time provided. This will be a severe stroke to our affairs. No man, fit for the office, will be willing to supply his place, for the very reason he resigns.

’Tis happy for us we have reasons to expect a peace. I am sorry that, by different accounts, it appears not to have been concluded late in December.

To His Excellency Governor Clinton.

GOVERNOR CLINTON TO HAMILTON.

Kingston, February 24, 1783.

Sir:

I have been honored by your letter of the twelfth of January. You may remember, that in July last, I submitted to the consideration of our Legislature, certain Resolutions of the Assembly of New Hampshire, making overtures for an amicable settlement of a boundary line between the two States; which were read and committed: but as the session was short, and devoted principally to the particular business for which they were convened, no determination was had on the subject. I had some reason to expect a consideration of these Resolutions would have taken place at the present meeting. This induced me to defer answering your letter until I could inform you of the result. I cannot, however, discover any disposition to take up this business. It seems to be the prevailing opinion, that as Congress has engaged to make a final decision of the controversy respecting the district called the Grants, a partial compromise of the matter would be improper; as any measures for the purpose, might alienate the affections of our most zealous subjects in that quarter, and be attended with other dangerous consequences. Besides, doubts exist whether the Legislature have authority, by any act of theirs, to consent to such a dismemberment of the State as would probably be insisted upon, on a compromise with New Hampshire. I am, nevertheless, still persuaded, should Congress determine the summit of the mountains to be the boundary between the two States, this State (whatever our sentiments might be of the equity of the decision) would, for the sake of peace, submit to it: and there cannot be a doubt, but that New Hampshire would be perfectly satisfied with the jurisdiction of so extensive and valuable a territory. I take it for granted, that, whatever may be the decision, equitable measures will be adopted for securing the property of individuals.

I congratulate you, most sincerely, on the promising prospects of peace. I pray nothing may prevent the desirable event soon taking place. Our friends from the city, and Long Island, anxiously wait for the moment in which they may return to their homes. The expectations of all are so much raised as to obstruct public business not a little. Please to offer my best respects to Mrs. Hamilton, and believe me,

With great respect and esteem,
Sir, your most obedient servant,
Geo. Clinton.

P. S. It is with great concern I mention, that since writing the above, I am informed of the death of your relation, Colonel John Van Rensselaer. He departed this life on Friday last. General Schuyler, who was sent for when his recovery was despaired of, is to set out from Albany on his return to this place on Wednesday next.

G. C.

To Alexander Hamilton, Esq.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Newburgh, March 4, 1783.

Dear Sir:

I have received your favor of February, and thank you for the information and observations it has conveyed to me. I shall always think myself obliged by a free communication of sentiments, and have often thought (but suppose I thought wrong, as it did not accord with the practice of Congress), that the public interest might be benefited, if the Commander-in-Chief of the army was let more into the political and pecuniary state of our affairs than he is. Enterprises, and the adoption of military and other arrangements that might be exceedingly proper in some circumstances, would be altogether improper in others. It follows, then, by fair deduction, that where there is a want of information, there must be chance-medley; and a man may be upon the brink of a precipice before he is aware of his danger, when a little foreknowledge might enable him to avoid it. But this by the by.

The hint contained in your letter, and the knowledge I have derived from the public gazettes, respecting the non-payment of taxes, contain all the information I have received of the danger that stares us in the face on account of our funds; and so far was I from conceiving that our finances were in so deplorable a state, _at this time_, that I had imbibed ideas from some source or other, that, with the prospect of a loan from Holland, we should be able to rub along.

To you, who have seen the danger to which the army has been exposed to a political dissolution for want of subsistence, and the unhappy spirit of licentiousness which it imbibed by becoming, in one or two instances, its own proveditors, no observations are necessary to evince the fatal tendency of such a measure; but I shall give it as my opinion, that it would at this day be productive of civil commotions and end in blood. Unhappy situation this! God forbid we should be involved in it.

The predicament in which I stand, as citizen and soldier, is as critical and delicate as can well be conceived. It has been the subject of many contemplative hours. The sufferings of a complaining army on one hand, and the inability of Congress, and tardiness of the States on the other, are the forebodings of evil, and may be productive of events which are more to be deprecated than prevented: but I am not without hope, if there is such a disposition shown as prudence and policy dictate, to do justice, your apprehensions, in case of peace, are greater than there is cause for. In this, however, I may be mistaken, if those ideas which you have been informed are propagated in the army, should be extensive, the source of which may be easily traced; as the old leaven, _it is said_, for I have no proof of it, is again beginning to work, under the mask of the most perfect dissimulation and apparent cordiality.

Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the same steady line of conduct which has governed me hitherto; fully convinced, that the sensible and discerning part of the army cannot be unacquainted (although I never took pains to inform them) of the services I have rendered it on more occasions than one. This, and pursuing the suggestions of your letter, which I am happy to find coincide with my own practice for several months past, and which was the means of directing the business of the army into the channel it now is, leave me under no _great_ apprehension of its exceeding the bounds of reason and moderation; notwithstanding the prevailing sentiment in the army is, that the prospect of compensation for past services will terminate with the war.

The just claims of the army ought, and it is to be hoped will, have their weight with every sensible Legislature in the Union, if Congress point to their demands; show (if the case is so) the reasonableness of them; and the impracticability of complying without their aid. In any other point of view, it would, in my opinion, be impolitic to introduce the army on the tapis, lest it should excite jealousy and bring on its concomitants. The States cannot, surely, be so devoid of common sense, common honesty, and common policy, as to refuse their aid, on a full, clear, and candid representation of facts from Congress; more especially, if these should be enforced by members of their own body, who might demonstrate what the inevitable consequences of failure must lead to.

In my opinion it is a matter worthy of consideration, how far an adjournment of Congress for a few months is advisable. The delegates, in that case, if they are in unison themselves respecting the great defects of their Constitution, may represent them fully and boldly to their constituents. To me, who know nothing of the business which is before Congress, nor of the arcanum, it appears that such a measure would tend to promote the public weal: for it is clearly my opinion, unless Congress have powers competent to all _general_ purposes, that the distresses we have encountered, the expenses we have incurred, and the blood we have spilt, in the course of an eight years’ war, will avail us nothing.

The contents of your letter is known only to myself; and your prudence will direct what should be done with this.

With great esteem and regard,
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.

To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton, Esq.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, March 5, 1783.

Sir:

I had the honor of writing to your Excellency lately on a very confidential subject, and shall be anxious to know, as soon as convenient, whether the letter got safe to hand.

The bearer, Shattuck, thinks he can point out means of apprehending Wells and Knowlton, the two persons whom your Excellency was authorized to have taken into custody. I have desired him to call upon you to disclose the plan.

I will not trouble your Excellency with any observation on the importance of getting hold of those persons.

The surmise that Mr. Arnold, a member of Congress, gave intelligence to them of the design to take them, makes it peculiarly important.

I have the honor to be,
Your Excellency’s most ob’t serv’t,
A. Hamilton.

To His Excellency General Washington.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Newburgh, March 12, 1783.

Dear Sir:

When I wrote to you last, we were in a state of tranquillity; but after the arrival of a certain gentleman, who shall be nameless at present, from Philadelphia, a storm very suddenly arose, with unfavorable prognostics; which, though diverted for a moment, is not yet blown over; nor is it in my power to point to the issue.

The papers which I send officially to Congress, will supersede the necessity of my remarking on the tendency of them. The notification and address, both, appeared at the same instant, on the day preceding the intended meeting. The first of these I got hold of the same afternoon; the other not till next morning.

There is something very mysterious in this business. It appears reports have been propagated in Philadelphia, that dangerous combinations were forming in the army; and this at a time when there was not a syllable of the kind in agitation in camp. It also appears, that upon the arrival in camp of the gentleman above alluded to, such sentiments as these were immediately circulated: That it was universally expected the army would not disband until they had obtained justice; that the public creditors looked up to them for redress of their own grievances; would afford them every aid, and even join them in the field, if necessary; that some members of Congress wished the measure might take effect, in order to compel the public, particularly the delinquent States, to do justice; with many other suggestions of a similar nature.

From this, and a variety of other considerations, it is firmly believed by _some_, the scheme was not only planned, but also digested and matured, in Philadelphia;[19] but my opinion shall be suspended till I have better ground to found one on. The matter was managed with great art; for as soon as the minds of the officers were thought to be prepared for the transaction, the anonymous invitations and addresses to the officers were put in circulation through every State line in the army. I was obliged, therefore, in order to arrest on the spot, the feet that stood wavering on a tremendous precipice, to prevent the officers from being taken by surprise, while the passions were all inflamed, and to rescue them from plunging themselves into a gulf of civil horror from which there might be no receding, to issue the order of the eleventh.

This was done upon the principle that it is easier to divert from a wrong, and point to a right path, than it is to recall the hasty and fatal steps which have been already taken.

It is commonly supposed, if the officers had met agreeably to the anonymous summons, with their feelings all alive, resolutions might have been formed, the consequences of which may be more easily conceived than described. Now they will have leisure to view the matter more calmly, and will act more seriously. It is to be hoped they will be induced to adopt more rational measures, and wait a while longer a settlement of their accounts, the postponing of which appears to be the most plausible, and almost the only article of which designing men can make an improper use, by insinuating (which they really do) that it is done with design that peace may take place, and prevent any adjustment of accounts; which, say they, would inevitably be the case, if the war was to cease to-morrow: or, supposing the best, you would have to dance attendance at public offices, at great distances, perhaps, and equally great expenses, to obtain a settlement, which would be highly injurious, nay, ruinous to you. This is their language.

Let me beseech you, therefore, my good sir, to urge this matter earnestly, and without further delay. The situation of these gentlemen, I do verily believe, is distressing beyond description. It is affirmed to me, that a large part of them have no better prospect before them than a jail, if they are turned loose without liquidation of accounts, and an assurance of that justice to which they are so worthily entitled. To prevail on the delegates of those States, through whose means these difficulties occur, it may, in my opinion, with propriety be suggested to them, if any disastrous consequences should follow, by reason of their delinquency, that they must be answerable to God and their Country for the ineffable horrors which may be occasioned thereby.

I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.

P. S. I have received your letter of the fifth, and have put that matter in train which was mentioned in it.

G. W.

I am this instant informed, that a second address to the officers, distinguished No. 2, is thrown into circulation. The contents evidently prove, that the author is in, or near, camp; and that the following words, erased in the second page of this letter, ought not to have met with this treatment, viz.--“By others, that it is the illegitimate offspring of a person in the army.”

[19] The words, “By others, that it is the illegitimate offspring of a person in the army,” which came in here, are obliterated in the original, but were restored by Washington in the _postscript_.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, March 17, 1783.

Sir:

I am duly honored with your Excellency’s letters of the fourth and twelfth instant. It is much to be regretted, though not to be wondered at, that steps of so inflammatory a tendency have been taken in the army. Your Excellency has, in my opinion, acted wisely. The best way is, ever, not to attempt to stem a torrent, but to divert it.

I am happy to find you coincide in opinion with me on the conduct proper to be observed by yourself. I am persuaded, more and more, it is that which is most consistent with your own reputation and the public safety. Our affairs wear a most serious aspect, as well foreign as domestic. Before this gets to hand, your Excellency will probably have seen the provisional articles between Great Britain and these States. It might, at first appearance, be concluded, that these will be the prelude to a general peace; but there are strong reasons to doubt the truth of such a conclusion. Obstacles may arise from different quarters; from the demands of Spain and Holland; from the hope, in France, of greater acquisitions in the East; and, perhaps, still more probably, from the insincerity and duplicity of Lord Shelburne, whose politics, founded in the peculiarity of his situation, as well as in the character of the man, may well be suspected of insidiousness. I am really apprehensive, if peace does not take place, that the negotiations will tend to sow distrust among the allies, and weaken the force of the common league. We have, I fear, men among us, and men in trust, who have a hankering after British connection. We have others whose confidence in France savors of credulity. The intrigues of the former, and the incautiousness of the latter, may be both, though in different degrees, injurious to the American interests, and make it difficult for prudent men to steer a proper course.

There are delicate circumstances, with respect to the late foreign transactions, which I am not at liberty to reveal; but which, joined to our internal weaknesses, disorders, follies, and prejudices, make this country stand upon precarious ground.

Some use, perhaps, may be made of these ideas, to induce moderation in the army. An opinion that their country does not stand upon a secure footing, will operate upon the patriotism of the officers against hazarding any domestic commotions.

When I make these observations, I cannot forbear adding, that if no excesses take place, I shall not be sorry that ill-humors have appeared. I shall not regret importunity, if temperate, from the army.

There are good intentions in the majority of Congress, but there is not sufficient wisdom or decision. There are dangerous prejudices, in the particular States, opposed to those measures which alone can give stability and prosperity to the Union. There is a fatal opposition to Continental views. Necessity alone can work a reform. But how produce that necessity, how apply it, and how keep it within salutary bounds? I fear we have been contending for a shadow.

The affair of accounts I considered as having been put on a satisfactory footing. The particular States have been required to settle till the first of August, ’80; and the Superintendent of Finance has been directed to take measures for settling since that period. I shall immediately see him on the subject.

We have had eight States and a half in favor of a commutation of the half pay for an average of ten years’ purchase; that is, five years’ full pay instead of half pay for life, which, on a calculation of annuities, is nearly an equivalent. I hope this will now shortly take place.

We have made considerable progress in a plan to be recommended to the several States for funding all the public debts, including those of the army; which is certainly the only way to restore public credit, and enable us to continue the war by borrowing abroad, if it should be necessary, to continue it.

I omitted mentioning to your Excellency, that, from European intelligence, there is great reason to believe, at all events, peace or war, New-York will be evacuated in the spring. It will be a pity if any domestic disturbances should change the plans of the British Court.

I have the honor to be,
With the greatest respect,
Your Excellency’s most ob’t serv’t,
A. Hamilton.

P. S. Your Excellency mentions, that it has been surmised, the plan in agitation was formed in Philadelphia; that combinations have been talked of between the public creditors and the army; and that members of Congress had encouraged the idea. This is partly true. I have myself urged, in Congress, the propriety of uniting the influence of the public creditors, and the army, as a part of them, to prevail upon the States to enter into their views. I have expressed the same sentiments out of doors. Several other members of Congress have done the same. The meaning, however, of all this, was simply, that Congress should adopt such a plan as would embrace the relief of all the public creditors, including the army; in order that the personal influence of some, the connections of others, and a sense of justice to the army, as well as the apprehension of ill consequences, might form a mass of influence, in each State, in favor of the measures of Congress. In this view, as I mentioned to your Excellency in a former letter, I thought the discontents of the army might be turned to a good account. I am still of opinion, that their earnest but respectful applications for redress will have a good effect. As to any combination of _force_, it would only be productive of the horrors of a civil war, might end in the ruin of the country, and would certainly end in the ruin of the army.

A. H.

To His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, March 24, 1783.

Sir:

Your Excellency will, before this reaches you, have received a letter from the Marquis De La Fayette, informing you, that the preliminaries of peace between all the belligerent powers have been concluded. I congratulate your Excellency on this happy conclusion of your labors. It now only remains to make solid establishments within, to perpetuate our Union, to prevent our being a ball in the hands of European powers, banded against each other at their pleasure; in fine, to make our independence truly a blessing. This, it is to be lamented, will be an arduous work; for, to borrow a figure from mechanics, the centrifugal is much stronger than the centripetal force in these States; the seeds of disunion much more numerous than those of union.