Chapter XIV: Part 14

I will add, that your Excellency’s exertions are as essential to accomplish this end, as they have been to establish independence. I will, upon a future occasion, open myself upon this subject.

Your conduct in the affair of the officers is highly pleasing here. The measures of the army are such as I could have wished them, and will add new lustre to their character, as well as strengthen the hands of Congress.

I am, with great truth and respect,
Your Excellency’s
Most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

To his Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, March 25, 1783.

Sir:

I wrote to your Excellency a day or two ago by express. Since that, a committee, appointed on the communications from you, have had a meeting, and find themselves embarrassed. They have requested me to communicate our embarrassments to you in confidence, and to ask your private opinion. The army, by their resolutions, express an expectation that Congress will not disband them previous to a settlement of accounts, and the establishment of funds. Congress may resolve upon the first, but the general opinion is, that they cannot constitutionally declare the second. They have no right, by the Confederation, to _demand_ funds; they can only recommend: and to determine, that the army shall be continued in service till the States grant them, would be to determine, that the whole present army shall be a standing army during peace, unless the States comply with the requisition for funds. This, it is supposed, would excite the alarms and jealousies of the States, and increase, rather than lessen, the opposition to the funding scheme. It is also observed, that the longer the army is kept together, the more the payment of past dues is procrastinated; the abilities of the States being exhausted for their immediate support, and a new debt every day incurred. It is further suggested, that there is danger in keeping the army together, in a state of inactivity, and that a separation of the several lines would facilitate the settlement of accounts, diminish present expense, and avoid the danger of union. It is added, that the officers of each line, being on the spot, might, by their own solicitations, and those of their friends, forward the adoption of funds in the different States.

A proposition will be transmitted to you by Colonel Bland, in the form of a resolution, to be adopted by Congress, framed upon the principles of the foregoing reasoning.

Another proposition is contained in the following resolution:

“That the Commander-in-Chief be informed, it is the intention of Congress to effect the settlement of the accounts of the respective lines previous to their reduction; and that Congress are doing, and will continue to do, every thing in their power towards procuring satisfactory securities for what shall be found due on such settlement.”

The scope of this your Excellency will perceive without comment.

I am to request you will favor me with your sentiments on both the propositions; and, in general, with your ideas of what had best be done with reference to the expectation expressed by the officers; taking into view the situation of Congress. On one side, the army expect they will not be disbanded till accounts are settled and funds established. On the other hand, they have no constitutional power of doing any thing more than to recommend funds, and are persuaded that these will meet with mountains of prejudice in some of the States.

A considerable progress has been made in a plan for funding the public debts; and it is to be hoped it will ere long go forth to the States, with every argument that can give it success.

I have the honor to be,
With sincere respect,
Your Excellency’s
Most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

To his Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, March 25, 1783.

Sir:

The inclosed I write more in a public than in a private capacity. Here I write as a citizen, zealous for the true happiness of this country; as a soldier who feels what is due to an army which has suffered every thing, and done much for the safety of America.

I sincerely wish _ingratitude_ was not so natural to the human heart as it is. I sincerely wish there were no seeds of it in those who direct the councils of the United States. But while I urge the army to moderation, and advise your Excellency to take the direction of their discontents, and endeavor to confine them within the bounds of duty, I cannot, as an honest man, conceal from you, that I am afraid their distrusts have too much foundation. Republican jealousy has in it a principle of hostility to an army, whatever be their merits, whatever be their claims to the gratitude of the community. It acknowledges their services with unwillingness, and rewards them with reluctance. I see this temper, though smothered with great care, involuntarily breaking out upon too many occasions. I often feel a mortification, which it would be impolitic to express, that sets my passions at variance with my reason. Too many, I perceive, if they could do it with safety or color, would be glad to elude the just pretensions of the army. I hope this is not the prevailing disposition.

But supposing the country ungrateful, what can the army do? It must submit to its hard fate. To seek redress by its arms would end in its ruin. The army would moulder by its own weight, and for want of the means of keeping together: the soldiery would abandon their officers: there would be no chance of success, without having recourse to means that would reverse our revolution. I make these observations, not that I imagine your Excellency can want motives to continue your influence in the path of moderation; but merely to show why I cannot, myself, enter into the views of coercion which some gentlemen entertain. For I confess, could force avail, I should almost wish to see it employed. I have an indifferent opinion of the honesty of this country, and ill forebodings as to its future system.

Your Excellency will perceive I have written with sensations of chagrin, and will make allowance for coloring: but the general picture is too true. God send us all more wisdom.

I am, with very sincere respect,
Your Excellency’s
Obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

To his Excellency General Washington.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Newburgh, March 31, 1783.

Dear Sir:

I have duly received your favors of the seventeenth and twenty-fourth ultimo. I rejoice, most exceedingly, that there is an end to our warfare; and that such a field is opening to our view, as will, with wisdom to direct the cultivation of it, make us a great, a respectable, and happy people: but it must be improved by other means than State politics and unreasonable jealousies and prejudices; or (it requires not the second sight to see that) we shall be instruments in the hands of our enemies, and those European powers who may be jealous of our greatness in union, to dissolve the Confederation. But to attain this, although the way seems extremely plain, is not so easy.

My wish to see the union of these States established upon liberal and permanent principles, and inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out the defects of the present constitution, are equally great. All my private letters have teemed with these sentiments; and whenever this topic has been the subject of conversation, I have endeavored to diffuse and enforce them; but how far any further essay, by me, might be productive of the wished for end, or appear to arrogate more than belongs to me, depends so much upon popular opinion, and the temper and disposition of people, that it is not easy to decide. I shall be obliged to you, however, for the thoughts which you have promised me on this subject, and as soon as you can make it convenient.

No man in the United States, is, or can be, more deeply impressed with the necessity of a reform in our present Confederation, than myself; no man, perhaps, has felt the bad effects of it more sensibly: for, to the defects thereof; and want of powers in Congress, may justly be ascribed the prolongation of the war, and, consequently, the expenses occasioned by it. More than half the perplexities I have experienced in the course of my command, and almost the whole of the difficulties and distress of the army, have their origin here: but still, the prejudices of some, the designs of others, and the mere machinery of the majority, make address and management necessary, to give weight to opinions which are to combat the doctrines of these different classes of men, in the field of politics.

I would have been more full on this subject, but the bearer (in the clothing department) is waiting. I wish you may understand what I have written.

I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.

To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Newburgh, April 4, 1783.

Dear Sir:

The same post which gave me your two letters of the twenty-fifth of March, handed me one from Colonel Bland on the same point.

Observing that both have been written at the desire of a committee of which you are both members, I have made a very full reply to their subject in my letter which is addressed to Colonel Bland; and, supposing it unnecessary to enter into a complete detail to both, I must beg leave to refer you to Colonel Bland’s (a sight of which I have desired him to give you), for a full explanation of my ideas and sentiments.

I read your private letter of the twenty-fifth with pain, and contemplated the picture it had drawn with astonishment and horror: but I will yet hope for the best. The idea of redress, by force, is too chimerical to have had a place in the imagination of any serious mind in this army; but there is no telling what unhappy disturbances may result from distress, and distrust of justice: and as the fears and jealousies of the army are alive, I hope no resolution will be come to, for disbanding or separating the lines, till the accounts are liquidated. You may rely upon it, sir, that unhappy consequences would follow the attempt. The suspicions of the officers are afloat, notwithstanding the resolutions which have passed on both sides. Any act, therefore, which can be construed into an attempt to separate them before the accounts are settled, will convey the most unfavorable ideas of the rectitude of Congress: whether well or ill founded, matters not; the consequences will be the same.

I will now, in strict confidence, mention a matter which may be useful for you to be informed of. It is, that some men (and leading ones, too) in this army, are beginning to entertain suspicions that Congress, or some members of it, regardless of the past sufferings and present distress, maugre the justice which is due to them, and the returns which a grateful people should make to men who certainly have contributed, more than any other class, to the establishment of Independency, are to be made use of as mere puppets to establish Continental funds; and that, rather than not succeed in this measure, or weaken their ground, they would make a sacrifice of the army and all its interests.

I have two reasons for mentioning this matter to you: the one is, that the army (considering the irritable state it is in, its sufferings, and composition) is a dangerous instrument to play with; the other, that every possible means, consistent with their own views (which certainly are moderate), should be essayed to get it disbanded without delay. I might add a third: it is, that the Financier is suspected to be at the bottom of this scheme. If sentiments of this sort should become general, their operation will be opposed to this plan, at the same time that it would increase the present discontents. Upon the whole, disband the army as soon as possible, but consult the wishes of it, which really are moderate in the mode, and perfectly compatible with the honor, dignity, and justice, which is due from the country to it.

I am, with great esteem and regard,
Dear Sir, your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.

To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

April 11, 1783.

Sir:

I have received your Excellency’s letters of the thirty-first of March, and fourth of April; the last to-day. The one to Colonel Bland, as member of the committee, has been read in committee confidentially, and gave great satisfaction. The idea of not attempting to separate the army before the settlement of accounts, corresponds with my proposition. That of endeavoring to let them have some pay, had also appeared to me indispensable. The expectations of the army, as represented by your Excellency, are moderation itself. To-morrow we confer with the Superintendent of Finance on the subject of money. There will be difficulty, but not, we hope, insurmountable.

I thank your Excellency for the hints you are so obliging as to give me in your private letter. I do not wonder at the suspicions that have been infused; nor should I be surprised to hear, that I have been pointed out as one of the persons concerned in playing the game described. But facts must speak for themselves. The gentlemen who were here from the army, General McDougal, who is still here, will be able to give a true account of those who have supported the just claims of the army, and of those who have endeavored to elude them.

There are two classes of men, sir, in Congress, of very different views: one attached to State, the other to Continental politics. The last have been strenuous advocates for funding the public debt upon solid securities; the former have given every opposition in their power; and have only been dragged into the measures which are now near being adopted, by the clamors of the army and other public creditors.

The advocates for Continental funds, have blended the interests of the army with other creditors, from a conviction, that no funds, for partial purposes, will go through those States to whose citizens the United States are largely indebted; or if they should be carried through, from impressions of the moment, would have the necessary stability: for the influence of those unprovided for, would always militate against a provision for others, in exclusion of them. It is in vain to tell men, who have parted with a large part of their property on the public faith, that the services of the army are entitled to a preference: they would reason from their interest and their feelings: these would tell them, that they had as great a title as any other class of the community to public justice; and that while this was denied to them, it would be unreasonable to make them bear their part of a burthen for the benefit of others. This is the way they would reason; and as their influence in some of the States was considerable, they would have been able to prevent any partial provision.

But the question was not merely how to do justice to the creditors, but how to restore public credit. Taxation, in this country, it was found, would not supply a sixth part of the public necessities. The loans in Europe were far short of the balance, and the prospect every day diminishing; the Court of France telling us, in plain terms, she could not even do as much as she had done; individuals in Holland, and every where else, refusing to part with their money, on the precarious tenure of the mere faith of this country, without any pledge for the payment either of principal or interest.

In this situation what was to be done? It was essential to our cause, that vigorous efforts should be made to restore public credit; it was necessary to combine all the motives to this end, that could operate upon different descriptions of persons in the different States: the necessities and discontents of the army presented themselves as a powerful engine.

But, sir, these gentlemen would be puzzled to support their insinuations by a single fact. It was, indeed, proposed to appropriate the intended impost on trade to the army debt; and, what was extraordinary, by gentlemen who had expressed their dislike to the principle of the fund. I acknowledge I was one that opposed this, for the reasons already assigned, and for these additional ones: _That_ was the fund on which we most counted; to obtain further loans in Europe, it was necessary we should have a fund sufficient to pay the interest of what had been borrowed, and what was to be borrowed. The truth was, these people, in this instance, wanted to play off the army against the funding system.

As to Mr. Morris, I will give your Excellency a true explanation of his conduct. He had been for some time pressing Congress to endeavor to obtain funds, and had found a great backwardness in the business. He found the taxes unproductive in the different States; he found the loans, in Europe, making a very slow progress; he found himself pressed on all hands for supplies; he found himself, in short, reduced to this alternative, either of making engagements which he could not fulfil, or declaring his resignation in case funds were not established by a given time. Had he followed the first course, the bubble must soon have burst; he must have sacrificed his credit and his character: and public credit, already in a ruinous condition, would have lost its last support.

He wisely judged it better to resign: this might increase the embarrassments of the moment; but the necessity of the case, it was to be hoped, would produce the proper measures; and he might then resume the direction of the machine with advantage and success.

He also had some hope that his resignation would prove a stimulus to Congress.

He was, however, ill advised in the publication of his letters of resignation. This was an imprudent step, and has given a handle to his personal enemies, who, by playing upon the passions of others, have drawn some well-meaning men into the cry against him. But Mr. Morris certainly deserves a great deal from his country. I believe no man in this country, but himself, could have kept the money machine agoing during the period he has been in office. From every thing that appears, his administration has been upright as well as able.

The truth is, the old leaven of Deane and Lee, is, at this day, working against Mr. Morris. He happened, in that dispute, to have been on the side of Deane; and certain men can never forgive him. A man whom I once esteemed, and whom I will rather suppose _duped_ than wicked, is the second actor in this business.

The matter, with respect to the army, which has occasioned most altercation in Congress, and most dissatisfaction in the army, has been the half pay. The opinions on this head have been two: one party was for referring the several lines to their States, to make such commutation as they should think proper; the other, for making the commutation by Congress, and funding it on Continental security. I was of this last opinion; and so were all those who will be represented as having made use of the army as puppets. Our principal reasons were, _Firstly_: By referring the lines to their respective States, those which were opposed to the half pay, would have taken advantage of the officers’ necessities, to make the commutation far short of an equivalent. _Secondly_: The inequality which would have arisen in the different States when the officers came to compare (as has happened in other cases), would have been a new source of discontent. _Thirdly_: Such a reference was a continuance of the old wretched State system, by which the ties between Congress and the army have been nearly dissolved; by which the resources of the States have been diverted from the common treasury, and wasted; a system which your Excellency has often justly reprobated.

I have gone to these details, to give you a just idea of the parties in Congress. I assure you, upon my honor, sir, I have given you a candid state of facts, to the best of my judgment. The men against whom the suspicions you mention must be directed, are, in general, the most sensible, the most liberal, the most independent, and the most respectable characters in our body, as well as the most unequivocal friends to the army. In a word, they are the men who think continentally.

I have the honor to be,
With sincere respect and esteem,
Your Excellency’s
Most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

P. S. I am chairman of a committee for peace arrangements. We shall ask your Excellency’s opinion at large, on a proper military peace establishment. I will just hint to your Excellency, that our prejudices will make us wish to keep up as few troops as possible.

We this moment learn, an officer is arrived from Sir Guy Carleton with dispatches; probably official accounts of peace.

A. H.

To His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, April 15, 1783.

Sir:

There are two resolutions passed relative to the restoration of the British prisoners, and to making arrangements for the surrender of the posts in the possession of the British troops; the first of which is to be transacted by you in conjunction with the Secretary at War; the latter by yourself alone. I will explain to you some doubts which have arisen in Congress, with regard to the true construction of the provisional treaty; which may be of use to you in transacting the business above-mentioned.

The sixth article declares, that there shall be no future confiscations, etc., after the _ratification of the Treaty in America_; and the seventh article makes the surrender of prisoners, evacuation of posts, cessation of hostilities, etc., to depend on that event, to wit, _the ratification of the treaty in America_.

Now the doubt is, whether _the treaty_ means the provisional treaty _already concluded_, or the _definitive_ treaty _to be concluded_. The last construction is most agreeable to the letter of the provisional articles; the former, most agreeable to the usual practice of nations: for hostilities commonly cease on the ratification of the preliminary treaty.

There is a great diversity of opinion in Congress. It will be, in my opinion, advisable, at the same time that we do not communicate our doubts to the British, to extract their sense of the matter from them.

This may be done by asking them, at what periods they are willing to stipulate the surrender of posts; at the same time that they are asked, in what manner it will be the most convenient to them to receive the prisoners.

If they postpone the evacuation of the different posts to the definitive treaty, we shall then be justified in doing the same with respect to prisoners. The question will then arise, Whether, on principles of humanity, economy, and liberality, we ought not to restore the prisoners, at all events, without delay? Much may be said on both sides. I doubt the expedience of a total restoration of prisoners, till they are willing to fix the epochs at which they will take leave of us. It will add considerably to their strength; and accidents, though improbable, may happen.

I confess, however, I am not clear in my opinion.

I have the honor to be,
Your Excellency’s
Most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

P.S. The provisional or preliminary treaty, is ratified by us--for the greater caution.

A. H.

To His Excellency General Washington.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Newborgh, April 16, 1783.

Dear Sir:

My last letter to you was written in a hurry, when I was fatigued by the more public, yet confidential, letter, which (with several others) accompanied it. Possibly, I did not, on that occasion, express myself (in what I intended as a hint) with so much perspicuity as I ought: possibly, too, what I then dropped, might have conveyed more than I intended; for I do not, at this time, recollect the force of my expression.

My meaning, however, was only to inform, that there were different sentiments in the army, as well as in Congress, respecting Continental and State funds: some wishing to be thrown upon their respective States, rather than the Continent at large, for payment; and that, if an idea should prevail, generally, that Congress, or part of its members, or ministers, bent upon the latter, should _delay_ doing them justice, or _hazard_ it in pursuit of their favorite object; it might create such divisions in the army, as would weaken, rather than strengthen, the hands of those who were disposed to support Continental measures; and might _tend_ to defeat the end they themselves had in view by endeavoring to involve the army.

For these reasons I said, or meant to say, the army was a dangerous engine to work with, as it might be made to cut both ways; and, considering the sufferings of it, would, more than probably, throw its weight into that scale which seemed most likely to preponderate towards its immediate relief, without looking forward (under the pressure of present wants) to future consequences with the eyes of politicians. In this light, also, I meant to apply my observations to Mr. Morris, to whom, or rather to Mr. G---- M----, is ascribed, in a great degree, the groundwork of the superstructure which was intended to be raised in the army by the anonymous addresses.

That no man can be more opposed to State funds and local prejudices than myself, the whole tenor of my conduct has been one continual evidence of. No man, perhaps, has had better opportunities to _see_, and to _feel_, the pernicious tendency of the latter than I have; and I endeavor (I hope not altogether ineffectually) to inculcate them upon the officers of the army, upon all proper occasions: but their feelings are to be attended to and soothed; and they assured, that if Continental funds cannot be established, they will be recommended to their respective States for payment. Justice must be done them.

I should do injustice to reports, and what I believe to be the opinion of the army, were I not to inform you, that they consider you as a friend, zealous to serve them, and one who has espoused their interests in Congress, upon every proper occasion. It is to be wished, as I observed in my letter to Colonel Bland, that Congress would send a committee to the army with plenipotentiary powers. The matters requested of me, in your letter of the , as chairman of a committee, and many other things, might then be brought to a close, with more despatch, and in a happier manner, than it is likely they will be by an intercourse of letters at the distance of one hundred and fifty miles: which takes _our_ Expresses, a week, _at least_, to go and come. At this moment, being without any instructions from Congress, I am under great embarrassment with respect to the soldiers for the war; and shall be obliged, more than probably, from the necessity of the case, to exercise my own judgment without waiting for orders, as to the discharge of them. If I should adopt measures which events may approve, all will be well. If otherwise, Why and by what authority did you do so?

How far a _strong_ recommendation from Congress, to observe _all_ the Articles of Peace, as well as the , may imply a suspicion of good faith in the people of this country, I pretend not to judge: but I am much mistaken, if something of the kind will not be found wanting; as I already perceive a disposition to carp at, and to elude, such parts of the treaty as affect their different interests; although you do not find a man, who, when pushed, will not acknowledge, that, upon the _whole_, it is a more advantageous Peace than we could possibly have expected.

I am, dear Sir,
With great esteem and regard,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.

To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Newburgh, April 22, 1783.

Dear Sir:

I did not receive your letter of the fifteenth, till after my return from Ringwood, where I had a meeting with the Secretary at War, for the purpose of making arrangements for the release of our prisoners, agreeably to the resolve of Congress of the fifteenth instant.

Finding a diversity of opinion respecting the treaty, and the line of conduct we ought to observe with the prisoners, I requested, in precise terms, to know from General Lincoln (before I entered on the business), whether we were to exercise our own judgment with respect to the _time_, as well as the _mode_, of releasing them; or were to be confined to the latter: being informed that we had no option in the first, Congress wishing to be eased of the expense as soon as possible, I acted _solely_ on that ground.

At the same time, I scruple not to confess to you, that if this measure was not dictated by necessity, it is, in my opinion, an impolitic one; as we place ourselves in the power of the British, before the treaty is definitive. The manner in which Peace was first announced, and the subsequent declarations of it, have led the country and army into a belief, that it was final. The ratification of the preliminary articles, on the third of February, so far confirmed this, that one consequence resulting from it, is, the soldiers for the war, conceive the term of their services has actually expired; and I believe it is not in the power of Congress, or their officers, to hold them much, if any, longer; for we are obliged, at this moment, to increase our guards, to prevent rioting, and the insults which the officers meet with, in attempting to hold them to their duty. The proportion of these men, amount to seven-elevenths of this army: these we shall lose at the moment the British army will receive, by their prisoners, an augmentation of five or six thousand men.

It is not for me to investigate the causes which induced this measure; nor the policy of those letters (from authority) which gave the _ton_ to the present sentiment; but since they have been adopted, we ought, in my opinion, to put a good face upon matters; and, by a liberal conduct throughout, on our part (freed from appearances of distrust) try if we cannot excite similar dispositions on theirs. Indeed, circumstanced as things _now_ are, I wish, most fervently, that all the troops which are not retained for a Peace Establishment, were to be discharged immediately, or such of them, at least, as do not incline to await the settlement of their accounts. If they continue here, their claims, I can plainly perceive, will increase; and our perplexities multiply. A petition is this moment handed to me, from the non-commissioned officers of the Connecticut line, soliciting half pay. It is well drawn, I am told, but I did not read it. I sent it back, without appearing to understand the contents, because it did not come through the channel of their officers. This may be followed by others: and I mention it, to show the necessity, the absolute necessity, of discharging the _Warsmen_ as soon as possible.

I have taken much pains to support Mr. Morris’s administration in the army; and, in proportion to its numbers, I believe he had not more friends any where: but if he will neither adopt the mode which has been suggested, point out any other, nor show cause why the first is either impracticable or impolitic (I have heard he objects to it), they will certainly attribute their disappointment to a lukewarmness in him, or some design incompatible with their interests. And here, my dear Colonel Hamilton, let me assure you, that it would not be more difficult to still the raging billows in a tempestuous gale, than to convince the officers of this army, of the justice, or policy, of paying men, in civil offices, full wages, when _they_ cannot obtain a sixtieth part of their dues.

I am not unapprised of the arguments which are made use of, upon this occasion, to discriminate the cases: but they really are futile; and may be summed up in this: that though both are contending for the same rights, and expect equal benefits, yet, both cannot submit to the same inconveniences to obtain them: otherwise, to adopt the language of simplicity and plainness, a ration of salt pork, with or without pease, as the case often is, would support the one as well as the other; and, in such a struggle as ours, would, in my opinion, be alike honorable in both.

My anxiety to get home, increases with the prospect of it. But when is it to happen? I have not heard that Congress have yet had under consideration, the lands, and other gratuities, which, at different periods of the war, have been promised to the army. Do not these things evince the necessity of a committee’s repairing to camp, in order to arrange and adjust matters without spending time in a tedious exchange of letters? Unless something of this kind is adopted, business will be delayed, and expenses accumulated; or the army will break up in disorder, go home enraged, complaining of injustice, and committing enormities on the innocent inhabitants in every direction.

I write to you unreservedly. If, therefore, contrary to my apprehension, all these matters are in a proper train, and Mr. Morris has devised means to give the army three months’ pay, you will, I am persuaded, excuse my precipitancy and solicitude, by ascribing it to an earnest wish to see the war happily and honorably terminated; to my anxious desire of enjoying some repose; and the necessity of my paying a little attention to my private concerns, which have suffered considerably in eight years’ absence.

M’Henry, expressing, in a letter I have lately received from him, a wish to be appointed official Secretary to the Court of Versailles, or London, I have, by this opportunity, written to Mr. Livingston, and Mr. Madison, speaking of him in warm terms; and wish him success with all my heart.

I am, dear Sir,
With great esteem and regard,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.

Colonel Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO GOV. CLINTON.

Philadelphia, May 14, 1783.

Sir:

The President of Congress will of course have transmitted to your Excellency, the plan lately adopted by Congress for funding the public debt. This plan was framed to accommodate it to the objections of some of the States; but this spirit of accommodation will only serve to render it less efficient, without making it more palatable. The opposition of the State of Rhode Island, for instance, is chiefly founded upon these two considerations: the merchants are opposed to any revenue from trade; and the State, depending almost wholly on commerce, wants to have credit for the amount of the duties.

Persuaded that the plan now proposed will have little more chance of success than a better one; and that, if agreed to by all the States, it will, in a great measure, fail in the execution, it received my negative. My principal objections were,

_Firstly_: That it does not designate the funds (except the impost) on which the whole interest is to arise; and by which (selecting the capital articles of visible property) the collection would have been easy, the funds productive, and necessarily increasing with the increase of the country.

_Secondly_: That the duration of the funds is not coextensive with the debt, but limited to twenty-five years; though there is a moral certainty, that, in that period, the principal will not, by the present provision, be fairly extinguished.

_Thirdly_: That the nomination and appointment of the collectors of the revenue are to reside in each State, instead of, at least the nomination, being in the United States; the consequence of which will be, that those States which have little interest in the funds, by having a small share of the public debt due to their own citizens, will take care to appoint such persons as are least likely to collect the revenue.

The evils resulting from these defects, will be, that in many instances the objects of the revenues will be improperly chosen, and will consist of a multitude of little articles, which will, on experiment, prove insufficient; that for want of a vigorous collection in each State, the revenue will be unproductive in many, and will fall chiefly upon those States which are governed by most liberal principles; that for want of an adequate security, the evidences of the public debt, will not be transferable for any thing like their value; that this not admitting an incorporation of the creditors in the nature of Banks, will deprive the public of the benefit of an increased circulation, and of course will disable the people from paying the taxes for want of a sufficient medium.

I shall be happy to be mistaken in my apprehensions; but the experiment must determine.

I hope our State will consent to the plan proposed; because it is her interest, at all events, to promote the payment of the public debt on Continental funds (independent of the general considerations of union and propriety).

I am much mistaken if the debts due from the United States to the citizens of the State of New-York, do not considerably exceed its proportion of the necessary funds: of course it has an immediate interest that there should be a Continental provision for them. But there are superior motives that ought to operate in every State; the obligations of national faith, honor, and reputation.

Individuals have been already too long sacrificed to public convenience. It will be shocking, and indeed an eternal reproach to this country, if we begin the peaceable enjoyment of our independence by a violation of all the principles of honesty and true policy.

It is worthy of remark, that at least four-fifths of the domestic debt, are due to the citizens of the States (from Pennsylvania inclusively) northward.

I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

P. S. It is particularly interesting that the State should have a representation here. Not only many matters are depending which require a full representation in Congress (and there is now a thin one), but those matters are of a nature so particularly interesting to our State, that we ought not to be without a voice in them. I wish two other gentlemen of the delegation may appear as soon as possible; for it would be very injurious for me to remain much longer here. Having no future views in public life, I owe it to myself, without delay to enter upon the care of my private concerns in earnest.

A. H.

To His Excellency Governor Clinton.

HAMILTON TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.

Philadelphia, June 1, 1783.

Sir:

In my last letter to your Excellency, I took occasion to mention, that it was of great importance to the State, at this time, to have a representation here, as points in which, by its present situation, it is particularly interested, are daily, and will be daily, agitated.

It is also of importance, at this moment, to the United States; (not only from general considerations, but) because we have a very thin representation in Congress, and are frequently unable to transact any of those matters which require nine States. I wish your Excellency would urge a couple of gentlemen to come on, as it becomes highly inconvenient to me to remain here, and as I have staid the full time to be expected.

I observe, with great regret, the intemperate proceedings among the people in different parts of the State, in violation of a treaty, the faithful observance of which so deeply interests the United States.

Surely, the State of New-York, with its capital and its frontier posts (on which its important fur trade depends) in the hands of the British troops, ought to take care that nothing is done to furnish a pretext on the other side, even for delaying, much less for refusing, the execution of the treaty. We may imagine that the situation of Great Britain puts her under a necessity, at all events, of fulfilling her engagements, and cultivating the good will of this country.

This is, no doubt, her true policy; but when we feel that passion makes us depart from the dictates of reason; when we have seen that passion has had so much influence in the conduct of the British Councils, in the whole course of the war; when we recollect, that those who govern them, are men like ourselves, and alike subject to passions and resentments; when we reflect, also, that all the great men in England are not united in the liberal scheme of policy with respect to this country, and that in the anarchy which prevails, there is no knowing to whom the reins of government may be committed; when we recollect how little in a condition we are, to enforce a compliance with our claims; we ought, certainly, to be cautious in what manner we act, especially when we, in particular, have so much at stake; and should not openly provoke a breach of faith on the other side, by setting the example.

An important distinction is not sufficiently attended to. The fifth article is recommendatory; the sixth positive. There is no option, on the part of the particular States, as to any future confiscations, prosecutions, or injuries of any kind, to person, liberty, or property, on account of any thing done in the war. It is matter of discretion in the States, whether they will comply with the recommendations contained in the fifth article; but no part of the sixth can be departed from by them, without a direct breach of public faith, and of the Confederation. The power of making treaties is exclusively lodged in Congress. That power includes whatever is essential to the termination of the war, and to the preservation of the general safety. Indemnity to individuals in similar cases, is a _usual_ stipulation in treaties of peace, of which many precedents are to be produced.

Should it be said, that the associations of the people, without legal authority, do not amount to a breach of the public faith; the answer is, If the government does not repress them, and prevent their having effect, it is as much a breach, as a formal refusal to comply on its part. In the eye of a foreign nation, if our engagements are broken, it is of no moment whether it is for the want of good intention in the government, or for want of power to restrain its subjects.

Suppose a violence committed by an American vessel on the vessel of another nation, upon the high seas, and after complaint made there is no redress given: Is not this a hostility against the injured nation which will justify reprisals?

But if I am not misinformed, there are violations going on in form of law. I am told that indictments continue to be brought under the former confiscation laws: A palpable infraction, if true, of the sixth article of the treaty; to which an immediate stop ought, no doubt, to be put.

It has been said by some men, that the operation of this treaty is suspended till the definitive treaty: A plain subterfuge. Whatever is clearly expressed in the provisional or preliminary treaty, is as binding from the moment it is made, as the definitive treaty; which, in fact, only developes, explains and fixes, more precisely, what may have been too generally expressed in the former.

Suppose the British should now send away, not only the negroes, but all other property, and all the public records in their possession belonging to us, on the pretence above stated: should we not justly accuse them with breaking faith? Is this not already done in the case of the negroes who have been carried away, though founded upon a very different principle, a doubtful construction of the treaty, not a denial of its immediate operation?

In fine, Is it our interest to advance this doctrine, and to countenance the position, that nothing is binding till the definitive treaty, when there are examples of _years_ intervening between the preliminary and definitive treaties?

Sir Guy Carleton, in his correspondence, has appeared to consider the treaty as immediately obligatory: and it has been the policy which I have pursued, to promote the same idea.

I am not, indeed, apprehensive of a renewal of the war, for peace is necessary to Great Britain. I think it also most probable, her disposition to conciliate this country will outweigh the resentments which a breach of our engagements is calculated to inspire. But with a treaty which has exceeded the hopes of the most sanguine; which, in the articles of boundary and the fisheries, is even better than we asked; circumstanced, too, as this country is, with respect to the means of making war; I think it the height of imprudence to run any risk. Great Britain, without recommencing hostilities, may evade parts of the treaty. She may keep possession of the frontier posts; she may obstruct the free enjoyment of the fisheries; she may be indisposed to such extensive concessions, in matters of commerce, as it is our interest to aim at. In all this she would find no opposition from any foreign power: and we are not in a condition to oblige her to any thing. If we imagine that France, obviously embarrassed herself, in her finances, would renew the war to oblige Great Britain to the restoration of frontier posts; or to a compliance with the stipulations respecting the fisheries (especially after a manifest breach of the treaty on our part); we speculate much at random. Observations might be made on the last article, which would prove, that it is not the policy of France to support our interest there. Are we prepared, for the mere gratification of our resentments, to put those great national objects to the hazard; to leave our western frontier in a state of insecurity; to relinquish the fur trade; and to abridge our pretensions to the fisheries? Do we think national character so light a thing, as to be willing to sacrifice the public faith to individual animosity? Let the case be fairly stated: Great Britain and America, two independent nations, at war. The former in possession of considerable posts and districts of territory, belonging to the latter; and also of the means of obstructing certain commercial advantages in which it is deeply interested.

But it is not uncommon, in treaties of peace, for the _uti possidetis_ to take place. Great Britain, however, in the present instance, stipulates to restore all our posts and territories in her possession. She even adds an extent, not within our original claims, more than a compensation for a small part ceded in another quarter. She agrees to re-admit us to a participation in the fisheries. What equivalent do we give for this? Congress are to recommend the restoration of property to those who have adhered to her; and expressly engage, that no future injury shall be done them, in person, liberty, or property. This is the sole condition, on our part, where there is not an immediate reciprocity (the recovery of debts, and liberation of prisoners, being mutual; the former, indeed, only declaring what the rights of private faith, which all civilized nations hold sacred, would have declared without it), and stands as the single equivalent for all the restitutions and concessions to be made by Great Britain. Will it be honest in us to violate this condition, or will it be prudent to put it in competition with all the important matters to be performed on the other side?

Will foreign nations be willing to undertake any thing with us, or for us, when they find that the nature of our governments will allow no dependence to be placed upon our engagements? I have omitted saying any thing of the impolicy of inducing, by our severity, a great number of useful citizens, whose situations do not make them a proper object of resentment, to abandon the country, to form settlements that will hereafter become our rivals, animated with a hatred to us, which will descend to their posterity. Nothing, however, can be more unwise than to contribute, as we are doing, to people the shores and wilderness of Nova Scotia; a colony which, by its position, will become a competitor with us, among other things, in that branch of commerce on which our navigation and navy will essentially depend: I mean the fisheries; in which, I have no doubt, the State of New-York will, hereafter, have a considerable share.

To your Excellency I freely deliver my sentiments, because I am persuaded you cannot be a stranger to the force of these considerations. I fear not even to hazard them to the justice and good sense of those whom I have the honor to represent. I esteem it my duty to do it, because the question is important to the interests of the State, in its relation to the United States.

Those who consult only their passions, might choose to construe what I say, as too favorable to a set of men who have been the enemies of the public liberty: but those for whose esteem I am most concerned, will acquit me of any personal considerations; and will perceive that I only urge the cause of national honor, safety, and advantage. We have assumed an independent station: we ought to feel, and to act, in a manner consistent with the dignity of that station.

I anxiously wish to see every prudent measure taken to prevent those combinations which will certainly disgrace us, if they do not involve us in other calamities. Whatever distinctions are judged necessary to be made, in the cases of those persons who have been in opposition to the common cause, let them be made by legal authority, on a fair construction of the treaty, consistent with national faith and national honor.

Your Excellency will have been informed, that Congress have instructed General Washington to garrison the frontier posts, when surrendered, with the three years’ Continental troops. This is more for the interest of the State, than to have them garrisoned at its particular expense: and I should wish that permanent provision might be made on the same principle. I wait to see whether any Continental peace establishment for garrisons, etc., will take place, before I engage the consent of Congress to a separate provision.

I cannot forbear adding a word on the subject of money. The only reliance we now have for redeeming a large anticipation on the public credit, already made, and making, for the benefit of the army, is on the taxes coming in. The collection, hitherto, is out of all proportion to the demand. It is of vast consequence, at this juncture, that every thing possible should be done to forward it. I forbear entering into details which would be very striking upon this subject. I will only say, that unless there is a serious exertion in the States, public credit must ere long receive another shock very disagreeable in its consequences.

I have the honor to be,
With perfect respect,
Your Excellency’s
Most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

To His Excellency Governor Clinton.

HAMILTON TO REED.

1783.

Sir:

Having always entertained an esteem for you personally, I could not, without reluctance, yield to impressions that might weaken that sentiment: and it is with pain I find myself drawn, by circumstances, to animadvert upon the late message from the Executive Council to the Assembly of Pennsylvania relative to the mutiny, in a manner which may seem to impeach the candor of those who were the authors of it.

But it will be impossible for persons who have read the report of the committee, and the message of the Council, however inclined to make allowances for the force of involuntary bias, not to conclude, that on one side or the other, the facts have been wilfully discolored. I decline any attempt to set the public opinion right upon this subject; because, after all that can be said, the judgments of men will eventually be determined by personal and party prepossessions. So far as I am concerned, I persuade myself those who are acquainted with me, will place entire confidence in my fairness and veracity. I doubt not your Excellency’s friends will be equally partial to you, and those of the Council to them. But though I should despair of rectifying or fixing the public opinion, by an appeal to the public; and though I have seen too much of the ridicule thrown upon such appeals, from men in official stations, and of the ill effect they have had upon the national character, not to be willing to sacrifice the desire of justifying myself to considerations of prudence and propriety; yet I cannot forbear indulging my feelings so far as to enter into a few explanations with your Excellency; submitting the justness of them to the testimony of your own mind.