Chapter XVIII: Part 18

I have been partially recovered since my last, but to-day have a sort of relapse. My health is not good, and the business is wearisome beyond expression. I wish you every happiness, and

Am yours,
J. Madison, Jr.

H. LEE TO HAMILTON.

1788.

My Dear Sir:

God bless you and your efforts to save me from the manifold ---- misfortunes which have and continue to oppress me, whenever I attempt to aid human nature. You will do what you think best, and whatever you do I will confirm. * * * * has acted the part of a decided rascal, and if I fail in my right, I may not in personal revenge.

Our Convention is in full debate on the great business of the Federal Constitution. We possess, as yet, in defiance of great overtures, a majority, but very small indeed.

A correspondence has certainly been opened through a Mr. O. of Philadelphia, from the malcontents of P. and N. Y. to us. It has its operation, but I believe we are still safe, unless the question of adjournment be introduced, and love of home may induce some of our friends to abandon their principles.

Adieu,
H. Lee.

MADISON TO HAMILTON.

Richmond, June 20, 1788.

Dear Sir:

Our debates have advanced as far as the judiciary department, against which a great effort is making. The appellate cognizance of fact, and an extension of the power to causes between citizens of different States, with some lesser objections, are the topics chiefly dwelt on. The retrospection to cases antecedent to the Constitution, such as British debts, and an apprehended revival of the Fairfax, Indiana, Vandalia, &c., claims, are also brought into view in all the terrific colors which imagination can give them. A few days more will probably produce a decision, though it is surmised, that something is expected from your Convention in consequence of the mission formerly suggested to you. Delay and an adjournment will be tried, if the adverse party find their numbers inferior, and can prevail on themselves to remain here till the other side can be wearied into that mode of relieving themselves. At present, it is calculated, that we still retain a majority of three or four; and if we can weather the storm against the part under consideration, I shall hold the danger to be pretty well over. There is nevertheless a very disagreeable uncertainty in the case; and the more so, as there is a possibility that our present strength may be miscalculated.

Yours, affectionately,
J. Madison, Jr.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

Poughkeepsie, June, 1788.

Dear Sir:

Your letter of the 20th came to hand two days since. I regret that your prospects are not yet reduced to greater certainty. There is more and more reason to believe that our conduct will be influenced by yours.

Our discussions have not yet travelled beyond the power of taxation. To-day we shall probably quit this ground to pass to another. Our arguments confound, but do not convince. Some of the leaders, however, appear to be convinced by _circumstances_, and to be desirous of a retreat. This does not apply to the chief, who wishes to establish Clintonism on the basis of Anti-federalism.

I remain affectionately yours,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

Poughkeepsie, June 21, 1788.

Yesterday, my dear sir, the Convention made a House. That day and this have been spent in preliminary arrangements. To-morrow, we go into a committee of the whole on the Constitution. There is every appearance that a full discussion will take place, which will keep us together at least a fortnight. It is not easy to conjecture what will be the result. Our adversaries greatly outnumber us. The leaders gave indications of a pretty desperate disposition in private conversations previous to the meeting; but I imagine the minor partisans have their scruples, and an air of moderation is now assumed. So far the thing is not despaired of. A happy issue with you must have considerable influence upon us. I have time to add nothing more than the assurances of my sincere attachment.

A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

Poughkeepsie, June 21, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

I thank you for your letter of the 9th instant, and am glad to learn that you think the chance is in your favor. I hope no disagreeable change may appear. Yet, I own I fear something from your indisposition.

Our debate here began on the clause respecting the proportion of representation, &c., which has taken up two days. To-morrow, I imagine, we shall talk about the power over elections. The only good information I can give you is, that we shall be some time together, and take the chance of events.

The object of the party at present is undoubtedly conditional amendments. What effect events may have cannot precisely be foreseen. I believe the adoption by New Hampshire is certain.

Yours, affectionately,
A. Hamilton.

MADISON TO HAMILTON.

Richmond, June 22, 1788.

Dear Sir:

The Judiciary Department has been on the anvil for several days, and I presume will still be a further subject of disquisition. The attacks on it have apparently made less impression than was feared. But they may be secretly felt by particular interests that could not make the acknowledgment, and we choose to ground their vote against the Constitution in other motives. In the course of this week we hope for a close of the business in some form or other. The opponents will probably bring forward a bill of rights, with sundry other amendments, as conditions of ratification. Should these fail, or be despaired of, an adjournment will, I think, be attempted. And in case of disappointment here also, some predict a secession. I do not myself concur in the last apprehension, though I have thought it prudent to withhold, by a studied fairness in every step on the side of the Constitution, every pretext for rash experiments. The plan meditated by the friends of the Constitution is to preface the ratification with some plain and general truths that cannot affect the validity of the act, and to subjoin a recommendation, which may hold up amendments as objects to be pursued in the constitutional mode. These expedients are rendered prudent by the nice balance of numbers, and the scruples entertained by some who are in general well affected. Whether they will secure us a majority, I dare not positively to declare. Our calculations promise us success by three or four, or possibly five or six votes. But were there no possibility of mistaking the opinions of some, in reviewing those of so many, the smallness of the majority suggests the danger from ordinary casualties, which may vary the result. It unluckily happens that our legislature, which meets at this place to-morrow, consists of a considerable majority of Anti-federal members. This is another circumstance that ought to check our confidence. As individuals they may have some influence; and, as coming immediately from the people at large, they can give any color they please to the popular sentiments at this moment, and may in that mode throw a bias on the representatives of the people in Convention.

Yours, affectionately,
J. Madison, Jr.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

Poughkeepsie, Friday morning, June 27, 1788.

A day or two ago, General Schuyler, at my request, sent forward to you an express with an account of the adoption of the Constitution by New Hampshire. We eagerly wait for further intelligence from you, as our chance of success depends upon you. There are some slight symptoms of relaxation in some of the leaders, which authorizes a gleam of hope, if you do well, but certainly I think not otherwise.

A. Hamilton.

To Hon. James Madison, Jr.

MADISON TO HAMILTON.

Richmond, June 27, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

This day put an end to the existence of our Convention. The inclosed is a copy of the Act of Ratification. It has been followed by a number of recommendatory alterations, many of them highly objectionable. One of the most so is an article prohibiting direct taxes where effectual laws shall be passed by the States for the purpose. It was impossible to prevent this error. The minority will sign an address to the people. The genius of it is unknown to me. It is announced as an exhortation to acquiesce in the result of the Convention. Notwithstanding the fair propositions made by some, I am so uncharitable as to suspect, that the ill-will to the Constitution will produce every peaceable effort to disgrace and destroy it. Mr. Henry declared, previous to the final question, that although he should submit as a quiet citizen, he should wait with impatience for the favorable moment of regaining, in a _constitutional way_, the lost liberties of his country. My conjecture is, that exertions will be made to engage two-thirds of the legislatures in the task of regularly undermining the Government. This hint may not be unworthy of your attention.

Yours, affectionately,
J. Madison, Jr.

MADISON TO HAMILTON.

June 31, 1788.

Inclosed is the final result of our conventional deliberations. The intended address of the minority proved to be of a nature apprehended by me. It was rejected by the party themselves, when proposed to them, and produced an auspicious conclusion to the business. As I shall set out in a few days for New-York, I postpone further explanations. I have this instant the communications from New Hampshire via Poughkeepsie; also, your two favors of the 19th and 20th.

Yours, affectionately,
J. Madison, Jr.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

July 8, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

I felicitate you sincerely on the event in Virginia, but my satisfaction will be allayed if I discover too much facility in the business of amendment-making. I fear the system will be wounded in some of its vital parts by too general a concurrence in some very injudicious recommendations. I allude more particularly to the power of taxation. The more I consider _requisition_ in any shape, the more I am out of humor with it. We yesterday passed through the Constitution. To-day some definitive proposition is to be brought forward, but what we are at a loss to judge. We have good reason to believe that our opponents are not agreed, and this affords some ground of hope. Different things are thought of--_conditions precedent_, or previous amendments; _conditions subsequent_, or the proposition of amendments, upon condition that if they are not adopted within a limited time, the State shall be at liberty to _withdraw_ from the Union; and lastly, _recommendatory amendments_. In either case, _constructive declarations_ will be carried as far as possible. We will go as far as we can in the latter without invalidating the act, and will concur in rational recommendations. The rest for our opponents. We are informed there has been a disturbance in the city of Albany, on the 4th of July, which has occasioned bloodshed. The Anti-federalists were the aggressors, and the Federalists the victors. Thus stand our accounts at present. We trust, however, the matter has passed over, and tranquillity been restored.

Yours, affectionately,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

Poughkeepsie, Saturday, July, 1788.

I thank you, my dear sir, for yours by the post. Yesterday, I communicated to Duer our situation, which I presume he will have communicated to you. It remains exactly the same. No further question having been taken, I fear the footing I mentioned to Duer is the best upon which it can be placed; but every thing possible will yet be attempted to bring the party from that stand to an unqualified ratification. Let me know your idea upon the possibility of our being received on that plan. You will understand that the only qualification will be the _reservation_ of a right to recede, in case our amendments have not been decided upon in one of the modes pointed out by the Constitution within a certain number of years, perhaps five or seven. If this can in the first instance be admitted as a ratification, I do not fear any further consequences. Congress will, I presume, recommend certain amendments to render the _structure_ of the Government more secure. This will satisfy the more considerate and honest opposers of the Constitution, and with the aid of them will break up the party.

Yours, affectionately,
A. Hamilton.

MADISON TO HAMILTON.

New-York, Sunday evening.

My Dear Sir:

Yours, of yesterday, is this instant come to hand, and I have but a few minutes to answer it. I am sorry that your situation obliges you to listen to propositions of the nature you describe. My opinion is, that a reservation of a right to withdraw, if amendments be not decided on under the form of the Constitution within a certain time, is a _conditional_ ratification; that it does not make New-York a member of the new Union, and consequently that she could not be received on that plan. Compacts must be reciprocal--this principle would not in such a case be preserved. The Constitution requires an adoption _in toto_ and _for ever_. It has been so adopted by the other States. An adoption for a limited time would be as defective as an adoption of some of the articles only. In short, any _condition_ whatever must vitiate the ratification. What the new Congress, by virtue of the power to admit new States, may be _able_ and disposed to do in such case, I do not inquire, as I suppose that is not the material point at present. I have not a moment to add more than my fervent wishes for your success and happiness. The idea of reserving a right to withdraw was started at Richmond, and considered as a conditional ratification, which was itself abandoned as worse than a rejection.

Yours,
James Madison, Jr.

CHIPMAN TO HAMILTON.

Tinmouth, July 14, 1788.

Sir:

Your character as a federalist has induced me, although, personally unknown to you, to address you on a subject of very great importance to the State of Vermont, of which I am a citizen, and from which I think may be derived a considerable advantage to the federal cause. Ten States have now adopted the new federal plan of government. That it will now succeed is beyond a doubt; what disputes the other States may occasion I know not. The people of this State, could certain obstacles be removed, I believe, might be induced almost unanimously to throw themselves into the federal scale. You are not unacquainted with the situation of a considerable part of our landed property. Many grants were formerly made by the government of New-York, of lands within this territory while under that jurisdiction. On the assumption of government by the people of this State, the same lands, partly, it is said, for want of information respecting the true situation of these grants, and partly from the opinion prevailing with our then leaders, that the New-York grants within this territory were of no validity, have been granted to others under the authority of this State.

It is now generally believed that, should we be received into the Union, the New-York grants would, in the federal courts, be preferred to those of Vermont. The Legislature of this State have in some instances made a compensation to the grantees under New-York, and I am persuaded, were it in their power, would gladly do the same for others, but they are possessed of no more land for that purpose. For these reasons, I presume no others, the Governor and some few gentlemen deeply interested in those lands under Vermont, have expressed themselves somewhat bitterly against the new federal plan of government. Indeed, were we to be admitted unconditionally it would introduce much confusion. Now, sir, permit me to ask whether you do not think it probable that the federal legislature, when formed, might, on our accession, be induced on some terms to make a compensation to the New-York grantees out of their western land? And whether those grantees might not be induced to accept of such compensation? Let me further suggest whether it might be favorable for Vermont to make some of those amendments, which have been proposed by several States, and which, I think, are generally within the power of the federal legislature, the basis of her admission. Could the difficulties I have mentioned be removed, all interest in opposition could here be reconciled. The idea of procuring justice to be done those whom we had perhaps injured by our too precipitate measures, and of being connected with a Government which promises to be efficient, permanent, and honorable, would, I am persuaded, produce the greatest unanimity on the subject. If you think these matters worthy the attention of the friends of the Confederacy, be good enough to write me by my brother, who will be the bearer of this.

Our Legislature will meet in October, when these matters will be taken up seriously. Several gentlemen of my acquaintance, who are men of influence, and will be members of the Legislature, have requested me to procure all the information in my power on this subject. Any thing you may communicate to me in confidence will be sacredly attended to, of which Mr. Kelly, who writes by the same opportunity, will give you the fullest assurance.

I am, Sir, with sentiments of esteem,
Your most obedient servant,
Nathaniel Chipman.

Alex. Hamilton, Esq.

HAMILTON TO CHIPMAN.

Poughkeepsie, July 22, 1788.

Sir:

Your brother delivered me your favor, which I received with pleasure, as the basis of a correspondence that may be productive of public good. The accession of Vermont to the Confederacy is, doubtless, an object of great importance to the whole; and it appears to me that this is the favorable moment for effecting it upon the best terms for all concerned. Besides more general reasons, there are circumstances of the moment which will forward a proper arrangement. One of the first subjects of deliberation with the new Congress will be the independence of Kentucky, for which the Southern States will be anxious. The Northern will be glad to send a counterpoise in Vermont. These mutual interests and inclinations will facilitate a proper result.

I see nothing that can stand in your way but the interfering claims under the grants of New-York. As to taxation, the natural operation of the new system will place you exactly where you might wish to be. The public debt, as far as it can prudently be provided for, will be by the Western lands and the appropriation of some general fund. _There will be no distribution of it to particular parts of the community._ The fund will be sought for in indirect taxation; as for a number of years, and except in time of war, direct taxes would be an impolitic measure. Hence, as you can have no objection to your proportion of contribution as consumers, you can fear nothing from the article of taxation.

I readily conceive that it will hardly be practicable to you to come into the Union unless you are secured from claims under New-York grants. Upon the whole, therefore, I think it will be expedient for you, as early as possible, to ratify the Constitution, “upon condition that Congress shall provide for the extinguishment of all existing claims to land under grants of the State of New-York, which may interfere with claims under the grants of the State of Vermont.” You will do well to conform your boundary to that heretofore marked out by Congress, otherwise insuperable difficulties would be likely to arise with this State.

I should think it altogether unadvisable to annex any other conditions to your ratification; for there is scarcely any of the amendments proposed that will not have a party opposed to it, and there are several that will meet with a very strong opposition; and it would, therefore, be highly inexpedient for you to embarrass your main object by any collateral difficulties.

As I write in Convention, I have it not in my power to enlarge. You will perceive my general ideas on the subject. I will only add, that it will be wise to lay as little impediment as possible in the way of your reception into the Union.

A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

Poughkeepsie, July 22, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

I wrote to you by the last post, since which nothing material has turned up here. We are debating on amendments without having decided what is to be done with them. There is so great a diversity in the views of our opponents that it is impossible to predict any thing. Upon the whole, however, our fears diminish.

Yours affectionately,
A. Hamilton.

James Madison, jr., New-York.

HAMILTON TO SAMUEL BROOME.

New-York, Aug. 6, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

I have this moment received your letter of the thirteenth ultimo, and am sorry that the rules of propriety in respect to my situation, as a member of Congress, will not permit my acting in the capacity you wish.

My situation for some time past has prevented my acknowledging one or two of your favors, which have been duly handed to me. I recollect that one of them contains an inquiry concerning your son, to which you will naturally desire an answer. My public avocations, for some time past, have put it out of my power to ascertain the progress he has made; though I expect, when I shall be enough disengaged to examine, to find it a good one. It cannot fail to be so, if his diligence has been equal to his capacity. I shall shortly write you further on the subject.

With great esteem,
I remain, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

Mr. Samuel Broome.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

New-York, August 18, 1788.

Sir:

Captain Cochran of the British navy has requested my aid in recovering a family watch in the possession of ----. In compliance with his request, I have written the letter herewith (to ---- ----), which I take the liberty to convey through you, in hope that if you see no impropriety in it, you would add your influence to the endeavor to gratify Captain Cochran. It is one of those things in which the affections are apt to be interested beyond the value of the object, and in which one naturally feels an inclination to oblige.

I have delivered to Mr. Madison, to be forwarded to you, a set of the papers under the signature of Publius, neatly enough bound to be honored with a place in your library. I presume you have understood that the writers of these papers are chiefly Mr. Madison and myself, with some aid from Mr. Jay.

I take it for granted, sir, you have concluded to comply with what will no doubt be the general call of your country in relation to the new Government. You will permit me to say that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its first operations. It is of little purpose to have _introduced_ a system, if the weightiest influence is not given to its firm _establishment_ in the outset.

I remain with the greatest esteem,
Your obedient and humble servant,
A. Hamilton.

General Washington.

HAMILTON TO GOVERNOR LIVINGSTON.

New-York, August 29, 1788.

Dear Sir:

We are informed here, that there is some probability that your Legislature will instruct your delegates to vote for Philadelphia as the place of the meeting of the first Congress under the new Government. I presume this information can hardly be well founded, as upon my calculations, there is not a State in the Union so much interested in having the temporary residence at New-York, as New Jersey.

As between Philadelphia and New-York, I am mistaken if a greater proportion of your State will not be benefited by having the seat of government at the latter than the former place.

If at the latter, too, its exposed and eccentric position will necessitate the early establishment of a permanent seat, and in passing south, it is highly probable the Government would light upon the Delaware in New Jersey. The Northern States do not wish to increase Pennsylvania, by an accession of all the wealth and population of the Federal City. Pennsylvania, herself, when not seduced by _immediate possession_, will be glad to concur in a situation on the Jersey side of the Delaware. Here are at once a majority of the States; but place the Government once down in Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania will, of course, hold fast; the State of Delaware will do the same.

All the States south, looking forward to the time, when the balance of population will enable them to carry the Government further south (say to the Potomac), and being accommodated in the mean time as well as they wish, will concur in no change. The Government, from the delay, will take root in Philadelphia, and Jersey will lose all prospect of the Federal City within her limits.

These appear to me calculations so obvious, that I cannot persuade myself New Jersey will so much _oversee_ her interest as to fall, in the present instance, into the snares of Pennsylvania.

With the sincerest respect and regard,
I remain, dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

CHIPMAN TO HAMILTON.

Newfane, Sept. 6, 1788.

Sir:

I have received by Capt. Ville, your favor of the 22d of July. Since I wrote you, I have had an opportunity of conversing with his Excellency, the Governor, and most of the council, on the subject of Vermont’s accession to the Confederacy. They generally agree, that the terms suggested are good; that it will be highly the interest of Vermont to accede; and that the present is likely to be a favorable crisis. But it is a question whether we ought to make any propositions to the present Congress, or prepare matters, and wait the new arrangement. Vermont will not make a point of introducing any amendments. We shall not be the first to feel the inconveniences, if any should arise, from the exercise of the new federal powers. For myself, I readily conceive, that direct taxation, under the new system, will be very inconsiderable during the continuance of peace; yet I find an exemption from the expenses of the late war will have with the citizens of this State a very powerful effect in producing unanimity on the subject of a Union.

But I hope this matter will in some way be compromised. If, sir, you have any thing to suggest on this subject, that may promote the public good, I should be very happy in the communication, previous to the session of Assembly in October next. The choice of representatives, which was on Tuesday last, has, as far as I have heard, succeeded favorably. Mr. Kelly, who is so obliging as to take charge of this letter, will be able to give you a more particular account than can be done in this way, as he has conversed largely with the Governor, Council, and other persons of influence, with whom he has great weight.

I am, Sir,
With much esteem and respect,
Your most obedient servant,
Nathl. Chipman.

A. Hamilton, Esq.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

New-York, September, 1788.

Dear Sir:

Your Excellency’s friendly and obliging letter of the 28th ultimo, came safely to hand. I thank you for your assurance of seconding my application to General ----. The truth of that affair is, that he purchased the watch for a trifle of a British soldier, who plundered Major Cochran, at the moment of his fall, at Yorktown.

I should be deeply pained, my dear sir, if your scruples in regard to a certain station, should be matured into a resolution to decline it; though I am neither surprised at their existence, nor can I but agree in opinion, that the caution you observe, in deferring an ultimate determination, is prudent. I have, however, reflected maturely on the subject, and have come to a conclusion (in which I feel no hesitation), that every public and personal consideration will demand from you an acquiescence in what will _certainly_ be the unanimous wish of your country. The absolute retreat which you meditated at the close of the late war was natural, and proper. Had the Government produced by the revolution, gone on in a _tolerable_ train, it would have been most advisable to have persisted in that retreat. But I am clearly of opinion, that the crisis which brought you again into public view, left you no alternative but to comply; and I am equally clear in the opinion, that you are by that act _pledged_ to take a part in the execution of the Government. I am not less convinced, that the impression of this necessity of your filling the station in question, is so universal, that you run no risk of any uncandid imputation by submitting to it. But even if this were not the case, a regard to your own reputation, as well as to the public good, calls upon you in the strongest manner, to run that risk.

It cannot be considered as a compliment to say, that on your acceptance of the office of President, the success of the new Government, in its commencement, may materially depend. Your agency and influence will be not less important in preserving it from the future attacks of its enemies, than they have been in recommending it in the first instance, to the adoption of the people. Independent of all considerations drawn from this source, the point of light in which you stand at home and abroad, will make an infinite difference in the respectability with which the Government will begin its operations, in the alternative of your being or not being at the head of it. I forbear to urge considerations which might have a more personal application. What I have said will suffice for the inferences I mean to draw.

First. In a matter so essential to the well-being of society, as the prosperity of a newly instituted government, a citizen of so much consequence as yourself to its success, has no option but to lend his services if called for. Permit me to say, it would be inglorious, in such a situation, not to hazard the glory, however great, which he might have previously acquired.

Secondly. Your signature to the proposed system, pledges your judgment for its being such an one as, upon the whole, was worthy of the public approbation. If it should miscarry (as men commonly decide from success, or the want of it), the blame will, in all probability, be laid on the system itself; and the framers of it will have to encounter the disrepute of having brought about a revolution in government, without substituting any thing that was worthy of the effort. They pulled down one Utopia, it will be said, to build up another. This view of the subject, if I mistake not, my dear sir, will suggest to your mind greater hazard to that fame, which must be and ought to be dear to you, in refusing your future aid to the system, than in affording it. I will only add, that in my estimate of the matter, that aid is indispensable.

I have taken the liberty to express these sentiments, and to lay before you my view of the subject. I doubt not the considerations mentioned, have fully occurred to you, and I trust they will finally produce in your mind the same result which exists in mine. I flatter myself, the frankness with which I have delivered myself will not be displeasing to you. It has been prompted by motives which you would not disapprove.

I remain, my dear Sir,
With the sincerest respect and regard,
Your obedient and humble servant,
A. Hamilton.

STEUBEN TO HAMILTON.

Le 5 de Sept. 1788.

Monsieur,

La lettre c’y joint de Mr. R. Peters, contienne une preuve, non équivoque, que dans mes premières applications et immédiatement après la paix, j’ai appuyé mes prétentions aux E. U. sur une stipulation ou contract fait en entrant dans leur service.

Comme vous étiez de cette même committée à Philadelphie, je m’en rapporte à votre mémoire. Dans tous les committées subséquentes j’ai toujours appuyé sur ce même contract, et je me rapporte à tous les Messieurs qui successivement furent des committées sur ce sujet. Comme vous étes de la presente Congrès, je vous prie de communiquer la reporte de Mr. Peters à cette committée.

J’ai l’honneur d’ètre avec affection,
Monsieur,
Votre très humble,
Steuben.

Alexander Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO THEODORE SEDGEWICK.

New-York, Oct. 9, 1788.

Your last letter but one met me at Albany attending court, whence I am just returned. I am sorry for the schism you hint at among the Federalists, but I have so much confidence in the good management of the fast friends of the Constitution, that I hope no ill consequences will ensue from that disagreement. It will, however, be worthy of great care to avoid suffering a difference of opinion on collateral points, to produce any serious division between those who have hitherto drawn together on the great national question. Permit me to add, that I do not think you should allow any line to be run between those who wish to trust alterations to future experience, and those who are desirous of them at the present juncture. The rage for amendments is, in my opinion, rather to be parried by address than encountered with open force; and I should therefore be loth to learn that your parties had been arrayed professedly upon the distinction I have mentioned.

The mode in which amendments may best be made, and twenty other matters, may come as pretexts for avoiding the evil, and securing the good.

Yours,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO CHIPMAN.

1788.

Sir:

Your favor of the 6th of September has been duly handed to me, and I receive great pleasure from the hopes you appear to entertain of a favorable turn of affairs in Vermont in regard to the new Government. It is certainly an object of mutual importance to yourselves, and to the Union, and well deserves the best endeavors of every discerning and good man.

I observe with satisfaction your opinion that Vermont will not make a point of introducing amendments. I mean as a condition of her accession. That ground would be the most hazardous which she could venture upon, as it is very probable that such amendments as might be popular with you would be deemed inadmissible by the friends of the system, who will doubtless be the most influential persons in the national councils; and who would rather submit to the inconvenience of your being out of the Union, till circumstances should alter, than consent to any thing that might impair the energy of the Government. The article of taxation is, above all, the most delicate thing to meddle with; for as _plenary_ power in that respect must ever be considered as the vital principle of government, no abridgment or constitutional suspension of that power can ever, upon mature consideration, be countenanced by the intelligent friends of an effective National Government. You must, as I remarked in my former letter, rely upon the natural course of things, which I am satisfied will exempt you in ordinary times from direct taxation, on account of the difficulty of exercising it in so extensive a country, so peculiarly situated, with advantage to the revenue or satisfaction to the people. Though this difficulty will be gradually diminished from various causes, a considerable time must first elapse; and, in the interim, you will have nothing to apprehend on this score.

As far as indirect taxation is concerned, it will be impossible to exempt you from sharing in the burthen, nor can it be desired by your citizens. I repeat these ideas to impress you the more strongly with my sense of the danger of touching this chord, and of the impolicy of perplexing the main object with any such collateral experiments, while I am glad to perceive that you do not think your people will be tenacious on the point.

It will be useless for you to have any view in your act to the present Congress. They can of course do nothing in the matter. All you will have to do, will be to pass an act of accession to the new Constitution, on the conditions upon which you mean to rely. It will then be for the new Government, when met, to declare whether you can be received on your terms or not.

I am sorry to find that the affair of boundary is likely to create some embarrassment. Men’s minds, every where out of your State, are made up upon and reconciled to that which has been delineated by Congress. Any departure from it must beget new discussions, in which all the passions will have their usual scope, and may occasion greater impediments than the real importance of the thing would justify. If, however, the further claims you state cannot be gotten over with you, I would still wish to see the experiment made, though with this clog, because I have it very much at heart that you should become a member of the Confederacy. It is, however, not to be inferred that the same disposition will actuate every body. In this State, the pride of certain individuals has too long triumphed over the public interest; and in several of the Southern States a jealousy of Northern influence will prevent any great zeal for increasing in the national councils the number of Northern votes.

I mention these circumstances (though I dare say they will have occurred to you), to show you the necessity of moderation and caution on your part, and the error of any sanguine calculation upon a disposition to receive you at any rate. A supposition of this nature might lead to fatal mistakes.

In the event of an extension of your boundary beyond the Congressional line, would it be impracticable for you to have commissioners appointed to adjust any differences which might arise? I presume the principal object with you in the extension of your boundary would be to cover some private interests. This might be matter of negotiation. There is one thing which I think it proper to mention to you, about which I have some doubt; that is, whether a legislative accession would be deemed valid. It is the policy of the system to lay its foundations in the _immediate_ consent of the people. You will best judge how far it is safe or practicable to have recourse to a convention. Whatever you do, no time ought to be lost. The present moment is undoubtedly critically favorable. Let it by all means be improved. I remain, with esteem, Sir,

Your obedient and humble servant,
A. Hamilton.

Nathaniel Chipman, Esq.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Mount Vernon, October 3, 1788.

Dear Sir:

In acknowledging the receipt of your candid and friendly letter of ---- by the last post, little more is incumbent on me than to thank you sincerely for the frankness with which you communicated your sentiments; and to assure you that the same manly tone of intercourse will always be more than barely welcome. Indeed, it will be highly acceptable to me. I am particularly glad, in the present instance, you have dealt thus freely and like a friend.

Although I could not help observing from several publications and letters, that my name had been sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible the _contingency_ which is the subject of your letter might happen; yet I thought it best to maintain a guarded silence and to back the _counsel_ of my best friends (which I certainly hold in the highest estimation), rather than to hazard an imputation unfriendly to the delicacy of my feelings. For, situated as I am, I could hardly bring the question into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion, even in the most confidential manner, without betraying, in my judgment, some impropriety of conduct, or without feeling an apprehension that a premature display of anxiety might be construed into a vain-glorious desire of pushing myself into notice as a candidate. Now, if I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice in case the Electors, by giving their votes in favor of some other person, would save me from the disagreeable dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in the next place earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the Government would be just as happily and effectually carried into execution without my aid as with it. I am _truly_ solicitous to obtain all the previous information, which the circumstances will afford, and to determine (when the determination can with propriety be no longer postponed) according to the principles of right reason and the dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though I allow your sentiments to have weight in them; and I shall not pass by your arguments without giving them as dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow on them.

In taking a survey of the subject in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and perhaps must, ere long be called to make a decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion (though I have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me), that if I should receive and act under the appointment, the acceptance would be attended with more diffidence and reluctance than ever I experienced before in my life. It would be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that, at a convenient and an early period, my services might be dispensed with, and that I might be permitted once more to retire, to pass an unclouded evening after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity. But why these anticipations? If the friends of the Constitution conceive that my administering the Government will be the means of its acceleration and strength, is it not probable that the adversaries thereof may entertain the same ideas, and of course make it an object of opposition? That many of this description will be amongst the Electors, I have no more doubt than I have of the part they will act at the election, which will be adverse to the choice of any character who, from whatever cause, would be likely to thwart their views. It might be impolitic perhaps in them to make this declaration _previous_ to the election, but I shall be out in my conjectures if they do not act conformably thereto at it, and prove that all the _seeming_ moderation by which their present conduct is marked, is calculated to lull and deceive. Their plan of opposition is systematized, and a regular intercourse between the leaders of it in the several States (I have much reason to believe) is formed to render it more effectual.

With sentiments of sincere regard and esteem,
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
George Washington.

The Hon. Alexander Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO THEODORE SEDGEWICK.

New-York, October 9, 1788.

I thank you, my dear sir, for your obliging congratulations on the event towards effecting which your aid as a joint laborer was so essential. I hope experience may show that, while it promotes the interest of this place, it will not be incompatible with public good. We are making efforts to prepare handsome accommodations for the session of the new Congress.

On the subject of Vice-President, my ideas have concurred with yours, and I believe Mr. Adams will have the votes of this State. He will certainly, I think, be preferred to the other gentleman. Yet _certainly_ is perhaps too strong a word. I can conceive that the other, who is supposed to be a more pliable man, may command anti-federal influence.

The only hesitation in my mind with regard to Mr. Adams has arisen within a day or two, from a suggestion by a particular gentleman that he is unfriendly in his sentiments to General Washington. Richard H. Lee, who will probably, as rumor now runs, come from Virginia, is also in this style. The Lees and Adams’s have been in the habit of uniting, and hence may spring up a cabal very embarrassing to the Executive, and of course to the administration of the government. Consider this,--sound the reality of it, and let me hear from you.

What think you of Lincoln or Knox? This is a flying thought.

Yours, with sincere regard,
A. Hamilton.

Mr. Sedgewick.

SEDGEWICK TO HAMILTON.

Stockbridge, Oct. 16, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

Your favor of the 9th I have this moment received, and detain the post a while that I may make a very few observations on a subject I conceive highly interesting to the efficient operations of the future Government.

Mr. Adams was formerly infinitely more democratical than at present, and possessing that jealousy which always accompanied such a character, he was averse to repose such unlimited confidence in the Commander-in-chief as then was the disposition of Congress.

Mr. Adams is not among the number of my particular friends, but, as a man of unconquerable intrepidity, and of incorruptible integrity, as greatly experienced in the interests and character of this country, he possesses my highest esteem.

His writings show that he deserves the confidence of those who wish energy in government, for although those writings are too tedious and unpleasant in perusal, yet they are evidently the result of deep reflection, and as they encounter popular prejudices are an evidence of an erect and independent spirit.

Lincoln and Knox I love, their characters, too, I respect, but it is now too late to push in this State the interests of either. The minds of all men here seem to be fixed either on Adams or Hancock.

Our Legislature meet on the 29th. From Boston I will early write you on the subject, and am with sincere respect,

Yours, affectionately,
Theodore Sedgewick.

Hon. Mr. Hamilton.

SEDGEWICK TO HAMILTON.

Boston, Nov. 2, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

In my last hasty letter I engaged to write to you soon after my arrival in this town. Various questions will be agitated in the Legislature (of considerable magnitude) which respect the organization of the government.

There is a party of Federalists who are of opinion, that the Electors should be chosen by the people, and the Representatives not in districts, but at large. These will be joined by all the antis probably. I yet hope they will not succeed. We yesterday committed to a committee of both Houses the circular letter from your Convention. The event is uncertain, but a considerable number of Federalists have been brought over to the amendment system. The prospect is, notwithstanding, that the real friends of the Constitution will prevail. Every thing depends upon it, and the exertion will be proportionate to the magnitude of the object.

Should the Electors be chosen by the Legislature, Mr. Adams will probably combine all the votes of Massachusetts. I am very certain, that the suggestion that he is unfriendly to General Washington, is entirely unfounded. Mr. Hancock has been very explicit in patronizing the doctrine of Amendment. The other gentleman is for postponing the conduct of that business until it shall be understood from experience. * * * *

I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
Theodore Sedgewick.

The Hon. Mr. Hamilton.

COL. OLNEY TO HAMILTON.

Providence, 3d Nov., 1788.

Dear Sir:

Your favor of 6th ulto., was duly received. I thought proper to postpone replying to it till after the session of the General Assembly should be over, which terminated on Saturday night last, in order that I might have it in my power to give you, with more certainty, the proceedings of the Legislature, on the subject of the New Constitution. The minority, both in of the House, took unwearied pains during the session, to procure a Convention in the legal mode pointed out for considering the New Constitution; but, sir, it proved, as heretofore, an unsuccessful attempt; for Mr. Hazard, who is an implacable and powerful enemy to the new system, and the leading character in all the vile politics carrying on in this _devoted_ State, had so well prepared the majority, that when the question was put, whether this State should appoint a Convention or not, the question was lost nearly three to one; fifteen in favor of the motion and forty-four against it. After which (late on Saturday night) Mr. Hazard moved that a vote be passed, for printing copies of the circular letter from the Convention of New-York, to be distributed throughout this State, and submitting to the people at large, the propriety of appointing delegates to meet a _proposed_ Convention, for considering amendments, agreeably to the recommendations of said circular letter. The vote being put, after much debate, it was carried in favor of the measure by three to one, notwithstanding every exertion of the minority, to prevent the adoption of so novel and unprecedented a proceeding. It was urged, and with truth, that should a Convention finally meet for the purpose of amending the Constitution, that it would be composed entirely of the adopting States; and, as such, this State could not, upon any principles of right, expect to be admitted to a seat in that Honorable Body, as we so obstinately (and with our eyes open) have refused, and still neglect to accede to the new system. But, sir, reason and argument will avail nothing with those wicked and designing opposers to a just and honorable Federal Government. The Assembly have made an adjournment to the last Monday in December next, in an expectation to hear the report from the respective towns. Mr. Hazard, and a Col. John Gardener (who is entirely under the influence of Mr. Hazard’s politics), are ordered by the Assembly to go on from this State, and take their seats in Congress, as soon as they can leave home; so that in a short time you will have those two antis to deal with.

I am, with sincere esteem,
Sir,
Your obedient humble serv’t,
Jeremiah Olney.

Col. Alexander Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Mount Vernon, Nov. 6, 1788.

Dear Sir:

The Count de Moustier affording a very favorable conveyance for Capt. Cochran’s watch, I have requested the favor of him to take charge of it; and he will deliver it to you, accordingly, with Mrs. Washington’s and my best wishes for you and Mrs. Hamilton.

I am, dear Sir,
Your obedient and affectionate serv’t,
G. Washington.

The Hon. Alexander Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO SEDGEWICK.

New-York, Nov. 9, 1788.

Your last letter but one met me at Albany, attending court, from whence I am but just returned. Yours of the 2d instant is this moment handed me.

I am very sorry for the schism you hint at among the Federalists, but I have so much confidence in the good management of the fast friends of the Constitution, that I hope no ill consequences will ensue from that disagreement. It will, however, be worthy of great care to avoid suffering a difference of opinion on collateral points, to produce any serious division between those who have hitherto drawn together on the great national question.

Permit me to add, that I do not think you should allow any line to be run between those who wish to trust alterations to future experience, and those who are desirous of them at the present juncture. The rage for amendments is, in my _opinion_, rather to be parried by address than encountered with open force. And I shall, therefore, be loth to learn that your parties have been arranged professedly upon the distinction I have mentioned. The _mode_ in which amendments may best be made, and twenty other matters, may serve as pretexts for avoiding the evil and securing the good.

On the question between Mr. H. and Mr. A., Mr. King will probably have informed you that I have, upon the whole, concluded that the latter ought to be supported. My measures will be taken accordingly. I had but one scruple, but after mature consideration I have relinquished it. Mr. Adams, to a sound understanding, has always appeared to me to add an ardent love for the public good; and as his further knowledge of the world seems to have corrected those jealousies which he is represented to have been once influenced by, I trust nothing of the kind suggested in my former letter will disturb the harmony of administration. Let me continue to hear from you, and believe me to be, with very great esteem and regard,

Your friend and servant,
A. Hamilton.

T. Sedgewick, Esq.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

November 18, 1788.

Dear Sir:

Your last two letters have duly come to hand, and the Count de Moustier has delivered me the watch you committed to his charge. Your obliging attention to this matter claims my particular acknowledgments. I will make no apology for asking you to take the additional trouble of forwarding the inclosed to the General. I take the liberty of passing it through you, that you may, by perusing the contents, know the situation of the business.