Chapter XXXVI: Appendix (13)

Vita Eadw. 422. “Culpabant nonnulli eumdem gloriosum Ducem nimiæ
feritatis, et magis amore justitiæ inquietos punisse arguebatur
cupiditati invadendæ eorum facultatis.” I suppose I have caught the
meaning of this stiff bit of Latin.

Footnote 1462:

Ib. “Dicebatur quoque [mark the difference of the formula], si dignum
esset credere, fratris sui Haroldi invidioso, quod absit, suasu, hanc
dementiam contra Ducem suum aggressos esse.” The Biographer expresses
his own disbelief; “Sed ego huic detestabili nequitiæ a tanto principe
in fratrem suum non audeo nec vellem fidem adhibere.” The Biographer,
the special apologist of Tostig, is here driven to his last shift.

Footnote 1463:

Chron. Ab. and Florence. See Appendix HH.

Footnote 1464:

See Appendix Z.

Footnote 1465:

Vita Eadw. 422. “Ipse tamen Dux Tostinus, coram Rege ejusque
frequentibus palatinis publicè testatus, hoc illi imposuit, sed ille
citiùs ad sacramenta nimis (proh dolor) prodigus [on this most
remarkable allusion, see above, p. 43], hoc objectum sacramentis
purgavit.”

Footnote 1466:

Ib. 423. “Multotiens ergo à Rege per legatos consulti quum non
adquiescerent sed potiùs inceptâ dementiâ ampliùs furerent, ferro
disponit eorum contumacem proterviam compescere, commotis regali
edicto universis totius reliquiis Angliæ.”

Footnote 1467:

Ib. “Sed quia ex asperiori hieme jam tunc aëris incumbebat
inæqualitas, tum non facile erat ad contrariam expeditionem
sufficientes educere exercituum copias, et quia in eâdem gente
horrebat quasi bellum civile, instabant quidam ferventem Regis animum
sedare, et ne expeditio procederet, suadere.”

Footnote 1468:

See vol. i. pp. 578, 579.

Footnote 1469:

This seems implied in the words of the Biographer (423); “Obluctatique
diutiùs Regem proficisci volentem non tam avertunt, quam eo invito
perperàm deficiunt.”

Footnote 1470:

Vita Eadw. 423. “Contestatusque Deum cum gravi mœrore ipsi conquestus
est quod suorum debito destitueretur obauditu ad comprimendam
iniquorum superbiam. Denique super eos imprecatus est vindictam.”

Footnote 1471:

See above, pp. 23, 137.

Footnote 1472:

Chronn. Wig. and Petrib. “And se cyng þæs geuðe, and sende eft Harold
heom to Hamtune” [it should be Oxford, see Appendix HH]. William of
Malmesbury (iii. 252) does not ill describe the state of things;
“Fiebant ista, ut a consciis accepimus, infenso Rege, quia Tostinum
diligeret; sed morbo invalidus, senio gravis, penè jam despectui
omnibus habere cœperat ut dilecto auxiliari non posset.” When William
wrote, Eadward, however much reverenced, was not yet formally
canonized.

Footnote 1473:

Will. Malms. ii. 200. “Haroldus ... qui magis quietem patriæ quam
fratris commodum attenderet.”

Footnote 1474:

That the ravages took place during this interval, appears from the
words of the Peterborough and Worcester Chronicles, that it was “þa
hwile þe he [Harold] for heora ærende.”

Footnote 1475:

Both this and the Northampton Assembly are called “Mycel Gemót.” See
Appendix HH.

Footnote 1476:

This is, I think, implied in the words of the Abingdon writer and of
Florence (see Appendix HH). Harold tries to reconcile them “ibi”—at
Northampton—“et post apud Oxnefordam.”

Footnote 1477:

See above, p. 375, and Appendix G.

Footnote 1478:

See vol. i. p. 462.

Footnote 1479:

Chron. Wig. and Petrib. “And he [Harold] niwade þær Cnutes lage.”

Footnote 1480:

Fl. Wig. “Cum adjutorio Comitis Eadwini de Angliâ Tostium expulerunt.”

Footnote 1481:

Vita Eadw. 423. “At Deo dilectus Rex, quum Ducem suum tutare non
posset, gratiâ suâ multipliciter donatum, mœrens nimium quod in hanc
impotentiam deciderit, à se dimisit.” The Chronicles, by simply saying
“fór ofer sæ,” or something to that effect, distinctly favour the
Biographer’s account.

Footnote 1482:

The Chronicles mention the departure of Tostig and his wife; the
Biographer says, “cum conjuge et lactentibus liberis.” Yet they had
been married fourteen years.

Footnote 1483:

With him went, say the Worcester and Peterborough Chronicles, “ealle
þa þe woldon þæt he wolde.” So the Biographer (u. s.), “plurimâque
nobilium suorum manu.”

Footnote 1484:

Fl. Wig.

Footnote 1485:

See above, pp. 404, 465.

Footnote 1486:

Chronn. Ab. Wig. Petrib. and Flor. Wig. The Abingdon Chronicle and
Florence alone mention Saint Omer.

Footnote 1487:

Since this section was written, Dean Stanley has published his
Memorials of Westminster Abbey, in the early part of which he goes
over nearly the same ground. But I find a good deal of difference
between my ideas of historical evidence and those of the Dean.

Footnote 1488:

Flor. Wig. “Post hæc Rex Eadwardus paullatim ægrotare cœpit.” Vita
Eadw. 423. “Quo dolore decidens in morbum, ab eâ die usque in diem
mortis suæ ægrum trahebat animum.” Will. Malms. iii. 252. “Quare ex
animi ægritudine majorem valetudinem corporis contrahens, non multo
post decessit.” The hagiographers do not feel called on to enlarge on
the real cause of the death of their hero—baffled wrath against his
own people.

Footnote 1489:

Vita Eadw. 417. “Ob amorem principalis Apostoli, quem affectu colebat
unico et speciali.”

Footnote 1490:

The Biographer assigns no motive for the foundation of Westminster
beyond this special reverence for Saint Peter, and the other usual
motives for the foundation of monasteries. But his statement does not
exclude the account given by the legendary writers about the vow, the
dispensation, and the embassies to Rome. This I accept in the main, of
course without binding myself to any legendary details, because it
fits in so exactly with the statements of the Chroniclers and other
authentic writers, who mention the two embassies without describing
their object.

Footnote 1491:

See above, p. 115.

Footnote 1492:

See above, p. 442.

Footnote 1493:

See above, pp 447, 467.

Footnote 1494:

It is somewhat dangerous to use the two doubtful charters which will
be found in Cod. Dipl. iv. 173, 181. If I could fully trust them, I
should find it easy to add many details. But I venture to refer to
them only when their statements seem either to have great probability
in themselves or to be confirmed by some other evidence. The two
embassies to Rome seem to imply that, in 1050, nothing had been begun,
but that in 1061 the foundation was complete. The words of the second
charter (p. 181) imply this. Eadward says “Quum ergo renovâssem eam,”
&c. of the time when he sent the second embassy, four years before the
completion and dedication of the church.

Footnote 1495:

Cod. Dipl. iv. 175. “Revelavit beatus Petrus cuidam probabilis vitæ
monacho incluso nomine Wlfsino voluntatem suam esse ut restruerem
locum, qui dicitur Westmonasterium.” On Wulfsige, see above, p. 466.

Footnote 1496:

Wace (10653) enlarges on the name, and his phonetic spelling
illustrates his natural difficulty in pronouncing the letter þ.

“En un islet esteit assise,
_Zonée_ out nom, joste Tamise;
_Zonée_ por ço l’apelon,
Ke d’espine i out foison,
E ke l’ewe en alout environ.
_Ee_ en engleiz isle apelon,
_Ee_ est isle, _zon_ est espine,
Seit rainz, seit arbre, seit racine;
_Zonée_ ço est en engleiz
Isle d’espine en françeiz.”

Prevost’s note is worth reading.

Footnote 1497:

So says Æthelred, X Scriptt. 385.

Footnote 1498:

Æthelred, 385, and more briefly in the charter, iv. 181.

Footnote 1499:

Vita Eadw. 417. “Parvo quidem opere et numero, paucioribus ibi
congregatis monachis sub Abbate in servitio Christi.”

Footnote 1500:

See vol. i. p. 567.

Footnote 1501:

See above, p. 113.

Footnote 1502:

Vita Eadw. u. s. “Eligit ibi habere sibi locum sepulcri.”

Footnote 1503:

So at least says Pope Nicolas’ letter in Æthelred, 389. Cod. Dipl. iv.
184. “Ut ampliùs imperpetuum regiæ constitutionis et consecrationis
locus sit, atque repositorium regalium insignium.” Here, whether the
text be genuine or not, the immediate application of the church to the
use spoken of proves the truth of the statement.

Footnote 1504:

Vita Eadw. 417. “Intendit Deo devotus Rex locum illum, tam vicinum
famosæ et opulentæ urbi, tum satis apricum ex circumjacentibus
fecundis terris et viridantibus prædiis.” He goes on to speak of the
commerce of London.

Footnote 1505:

See vol. i. p. 280. Eadward was a benefactor to Fécamp (ðán hálgan
mynstre æt Feskamp), giving it land at Steyning in Sussex (Cod. Dipl.
iv. 229), where there grew up an alien Priory. A magnificent fragment
of the church remains, of late twelfth century work.

Footnote 1506:

On the remains of Eadward’s work in Westminster Abbey, see the work by
Mr. G. G. Scott and others, Gleanings from Westminster Abbey.

Footnote 1507:

This is asserted in the famous passage of William of Malmesbury (ii.
228), “Ecclesia ... quam ipse illo compositionis genere primus in
Angliâ ædificaverat quod nunc penè cuncti sumptuosis æmulantur
expensis.” On the architectural question I trust to say something in
the last volume of this work.

Footnote 1508:

See the description in the Biographer, and representation in the
Bayeux Tapestry, which shows beyond doubt that the building
consecrated in 1065 was a perfect church, and not a mere fragment.

Footnote 1509:

So says the French Life (2295), which, on such a subject, may be
trusted;

“En miliu dresce une tur,
E deus en frunt del Occident
E bons seinz e granz i pent.”

But, as the Tapestry does not show these towers, they were probably
carried up at a later time, as often happened.

Footnote 1510:

Vita Eadw. 417. “Præcepit deinde ex decimis omnium redituum suorum
initiari opus nobilis ædificii.” So Cod. Dipl. iv. 176. “Decimari
præcepi omnem substantiam meam, tam in auro et argento, quàm in
pecudibus et omni genere possessionum.”

Footnote 1511:

Cod. Dipl. iv. 179. So the writs in iv. 190, 228. I presume that he
succeeded Wulfnoth in 1049.

Footnote 1512:

The Charter in Cod. Dipl. 176 says, “Destruens veterem, novam à
fundamentis basilicam construxi.” The Biographer explains the gradual
process (418); “Hæc autem multiplicitas tam vasti operis tanto spatio
ab oriente ordita est veteris templi, ne scilicet interim inibi
commorantes fratres vacarent a servitio Christi, ut etiam aliqua pars
spatiosè subiret interjaciendi vestibuli.” The Biographer, always hard
to understand, is specially so in his architectural description.

Footnote 1513:

The charter in Cod. Dipl. iv. 177 mentions Leofcild, Æthelric,
Wulfwig, Guthmund, Ælfric, Atsere (or Azor) the Black (Swerte),
Ingulf, Atsere, Tostig, Ælfwine, Wulfstan, Siward, and Leofsige of
London. The gifts of several of them are mentioned in various writs:
Leofcild in iv. 214; Ælfwine, iv. 217; Atsere Swerte, iv. 220; the
other Atsere, iv. 191 (which of these was the Azor of Gloucestershire
and Somersetshire?); and Leofsige, “Dudde sunu,” iv. 218. There is
also Ulf the Portreeve in iv. 221. The writs about the King’s own
gifts are very numerous.

Footnote 1514:

See the Life, pp. 428 et seqq., and Appendix B.

Footnote 1515:

Æthelred, 389. Was this holy man the _inclusus_ Wulfsige?

Footnote 1516:

Æthelred, 396. “Ipso ad regnum cœleste translato, cuncta terrarum
regna commota sunt. Syria paganis subjecta, destructa monasteria,
dirutæ à fundamentis ecclesiæ, plena funeribus omnia, morte principum
Græcorum, Romanorum, Francorum, Anglorum, et regna cætera perturbata.”
As regards the “Princeps Romanorum,” the hagiographer is wide of his
mark, for Henry the Fourth survived the Confessor forty years.

Footnote 1517:

See the story in the De Inventione, p. 22. Æthelred, 397. The Waltham
writer lets us incidentally into the fact that London, York,
Winchester, and Lincoln were then counted the four chief cities of
England. In the great dispute over the quarters of Dafydd in 1283
(Ann. Waverley, 400 ed. Luard), the order was ruled to be London,
Winchester, York, Bristol (others say Chester), with Northampton as
the fifth.

Footnote 1518:

Æthelred, writing in Yorkshire, mentions vaguely a church of Saint
John; the East-Saxon writer fixes it at Clavering. See Professor
Stubbs’ note, p. 24.

Footnote 1519:

“Postea” says Æthelred, but “eodem die,” according to Roger of Howden,
Scriptt. p. Bed. 256.

Footnote 1520:

Vita Eadw. 418. “Ejus æquivoca sancta Ædgith, de cujus progenie idem
Rex Ædwardus descenderat.” The Biographer could hardly have thought
that Eadward was a lineal descendant of this virgin saint, his own
aunt. But in his rhetoric “progenies,” or any other word, may mean
anything.

On the power of Saint Eadgyth to rebuke blasphemers, see vol. i. p.
484.

Footnote 1521:

Vita Eadw. u. s. “Lignea tamen adhuc illic ecclesia stabat.”

Footnote 1522:

Ib. “Regio opere lapideum monasterium inchoat, ferventiùsque instans
operarios maturat. Contendunt hinc Rex, illinc Reginâ, contentione Deo
gratâ, in invicem quoque non injocundâ.”

Footnote 1523:

Ib. 421. “Actâ ergo hujus ecclesiæ consecratione ... anno Domini
millesimo sexagesimo quinto ad justitium totius patriæ, hæc regni
subsequuta est perturbatio.”

Footnote 1524:

Fl. Wig. 1065. “In nativitate Domini curiam suam, ut potuit, Lundoniæ
tenuit.” Æthel. 398. “Appropinquabat dies ... in quo Anglorum tota
nobilitas ad Regis curiam debuit convenire, et Regi more suo sceptris
simul et coronâ decorando adsistere.” So directly after (399),
“Convenientibus in unum episcopis cunctisque regni proceribus, sacra
dedicationis sollennitas inchoatur.”

Footnote 1525:

Æthel. 398, 399. Will. Malms. ii. 228. “In Natale Domini apud
Lundoniam coronatus est.”

Footnote 1526:

The consecration “on Cyldamæsse dæg” is asserted by all three
Chronicles, by Florence, and by William of Malmesbury. “Lét halgian”
is the phrase of Abingdon and Worcester; so Florence, “cum magnâ
gloriâ dedicari fecit,” and William of Malmesbury, “dedicari
præcepit.” The action of Eadgyth comes from Æthelred, 399; “Rex,
quantùm valetudo permittebat, favebat officio, sed Regina, omnia
disponens, omnia procurans, sollicita de omnibus, intenta omnibus,
utriusque vicem implevit.”

Footnote 1527:

I reserve the details of Eadward’s death for my next Chapter. It is so
essentially connected with the accession of Harold that the two events
can hardly be separated in narration, and the different accounts of
the death-bed scene at once lead us to the discussion of the question
as to Eadward’s dying recommendation with regard to his successor.

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained. ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter. ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. ● Enclosed blackletter font in =equals=. ● The caret (^) serves as a superscript indicator, applicable to individual characters (like 2^d) and even entire phrases (like 1^{st}).