Chapter XXXIV: Appendix (11)

Chron. Ab. “Ac hit wæs heom mæst eallon lað þæt hig sceoldon fohtan
_wið heora agenes cynnes mannum_.... Eac hig noldon þæt utlendiscum
þeodum wære þes eard þurh þæt þe swiðor gerymed þe hí heom sylfe ælc
oðerne forfore.” The words doubtless simply mean men of their own
nation. Roger of Wendover (i. 491) must have had this Chronicle before
him, and must have taken the words to mean _kinsmen_ in the later and
narrower sense; “Angli, quorum filii, nepotes, et consanguinei cum
Godwino erant, noluerunt contra eos dimicare.” Florence has the
intermediate expression “propinquos ac compatriotas.”

Footnote 980:

Chron. Petrib. “Þa sendon þa eorlas to þam cynge, and gerndon to him
þæt hi moston beon wurðe ælc þæra þinga þe heom mid unrihte ofgenumen
wæs.”

Footnote 981:

Ib. “Ða wiðlæg se cyng sume hwile, þeah swa lange, oð þet folc þe mid
þam eorle wes wearð swiðe astyred ongean þone cyng and ongean his
folc.”

Footnote 982:

See vol. i. p. 466. The Worcester and Abingdon Chronicles, a little
way before, have a singular remark that the only good troops on both
sides were English; “Forðan þar wæs lyt elles þe aht mycel myhton
buton Englisce men on ægþer healfe.” This sounds like a slur on the
military prowess alike of the King’s Frenchmen, of Harold’s Irish
Danes, and of any Flemings who may have come with Godwine.

Footnote 983:

Chron. Petrib. “Swa þæt se eorl sylf earfoðlice gestylde þæt folc.” So
the Biographer, in his more rhetorical way; “Verùm fidelis et Deo
devotus Dux _verbis et nutu_ admodum abhorruit.” William of
Malmesbury, a little later, pays a fine tribute to Godwine’s
eloquence, which is rather a favourite subject of his; “Senex ille et
linguâ potens [some read “et famâ clarus et linguâ potens”] ad
flectendos animos audientium.”

Footnote 984:

Vita Eadw. 406. “Dum,” inquit, “fidelitatis suæ in corde meo habeam
hodie testem, me scilicet malle mortem, quàm aliquid indecens et
iniquum egerim, vel agam, vel me vivo agi permittam in dominum meum
Regem [cynehlaforde].” William of Malmesbury is certainly justified in
saying of Godwine personally, if not of all Godwine’s followers,
“pacifico animo repatriantes.”

Footnote 985:

See Appendix S.

Footnote 986:

Chron. Ab. “And Godwine for upp, and Harold his sunu, and heora lið
swa mycel swa heom þa geþuhte.”

Footnote 987:

Harold certainly, perhaps Godwine also. See above, p. 154.

Footnote 988:

Chron. Petrib. “Sume west to Pentecostes castele, some norð to
Rodbertes castele.” Pentecost, as we gather from Florence, who speaks
of “Osbernus cognomento Pentecost”—what can be the meaning of so
strange a surname?—is the same as Osbern, the son of Richard of
Richard’s Castle, of whom we have already heard so much. Robert’s
castle must be some castle belonging to Robert the son of Wymarc, as
distinctly the most notable man of his name in the country after
Robert the Archbishop. Most of his lands lay in the East of England;
but he had also property in the shires of Hertford, Huntingdon, and
Cambridge, though I do not find any mention of a castle on any of his
estates there.

Footnote 989:

The Abingdon Chronicle, followed by Florence, makes William accompany
Robert and Ulf on their desperate ride; “Rodbeard bisceop and Willem
bisceop and Ulf bisceop uneaðe ætburstan mid þam Frenciscum mannum þe
heom mid wæron, and swa ofer sæ becomon.” But the Peterborough writer
speaks only of Robert and Ulf, and William’s restoration to his see, a
matter of which there is no kind of doubt, could hardly have followed
if he had any share in the murderous adventure of his brethren.

Footnote 990:

Chron. Petrib. “And Rodbert arcebisceop and Ulf bisceop gewendon út æt
æst geate, and heora geferan, and ofslogon and elles amyrdon _manige
iunge men_.” One might almost fancy London apprentices, as in after
times, zealous for the popular cause.

Footnote 991:

Walton-on-the-Naze in Essex; see above, p. 110.

Footnote 992:

Chron. Petrib. “And wearð him þær on anon unwræste scipe, and ferde
him on án ofer sæ.” See Mr. Earle’s note on “unwræste,” p. 346.

Footnote 993:

Chron. Petrib. “And forlet his pallium and Christendom ealne her on
lande, swa swa hit God wolde; þæ he ǽr begeat þone wurðscipe swa swa
hit God nolde.” English has not gained by dropping the negative verb,
which survives only in the saying “will he, nill he.”

Footnote 994:

Chron. Petrib. “Ða cwæð mann _mycel gemót_ wiðutan Lundene;” “Statutum
est magnum placitum” is the translation in the Waverley Annals, p. 186
Luard. Flor. Wig. “Mane autem facto, concilium Rex habuit.” Chron. Ab.
“And wæs þa Witenagemót.” But it is the Peterborough writer only who
dwells with evident delight on the popular character of the Assembly.

Footnote 995:

Compare the position of the Dutch Guards and other foreign troops who
accompanied William of Orange.

Footnote 996:

“Wiðutan Lundene,” says the Peterborough Chronicler. See Appendix S.

Footnote 997:

Chron. Petrib. “Þær þær Godwine Eorl úp his mal, and betealde hine þær
wið Eadward cyng his hlaford _and wið ealle landleodan_.”

Footnote 998:

We shall presently see that Godwine and Eadward were both armed; it is
not at all likely that they were singular in being so. We have already
heard enough of votes passed by the army and the like to make an armed
Gemót nothing wonderful.

Footnote 999:

I saw the armed Landesgemeinde of Appenzell-ausser-rhoden in 1864. The
Law requires each landman to bring his sword; it also forbids the
sword to be drawn. In Uri the custom of bearing arms has been given
up. Cf. Thuc. i. 5, 6.

Footnote 1000:

Vita Eadw. 406. “Destitutus inprimis fugâ Archipræsulis et suorum
multorum _verentium adspectum Ducis_.”

Footnote 1001:

Chron. Petrib. “And ealle þa eorlas and þa betstan menn þe wæron on
þison lande wæron on þam gemote.” Does this merely mean the Earls who
had been already spoken of, Godwine and Harold on the one side, Ralph
and Odda on the other? Or does it imply the presence of Leofric,
Ælfgar, and Siward? Their presence is perfectly possible; but, if they
had had any share either in this Gemót or in the earlier military
proceedings, it is odd that they are not spoken of.

Footnote 1002:

Il. Σ. 198;

ἀλλ’ αὕτως ἐπὶ τάφρον ἰὼν, Τρώεσσι φάνηθι,
αἴ κε σ’ ὑποδδείσαντες ἀπόσχωνται πολέμοιο.

“Verentes adspectum Ducis,” says the Biographer just above.

Footnote 1003:

Vita Eadw. 406. “Viso Rege protinùs abjectis armis ejus advolvitur
pedibus.” I conceive the weapon borne to have been the axe, as a sort
of official weapon. It appears in the Bayeux Tapestry in the hands of
the attendants upon Eadward; so also in the scene where the Crown is
offered to Harold, both Harold himself and one of those who make the
offer to him bear axes.

Footnote 1004:

Ib. “Orans suppliciter ut in Christi nomine, cujus signiferam regni
coronam gestabat in capite, annueret ut sibi liceret purgare se de
objecto crimine, et purgato pacem concederet gratiæ suæ.” This
surviving fragment of Godwine’s eloquence shows how well he could
adapt himself to every class of hearers. But what was the Crown like?
The allusion seems to point to something like the Imperial Crown with
a cross on the top, but the crowns in the Tapestry are quite
different.

Footnote 1005:

Chron. Petrib. “Þet he wæs unscyldig þæs þe him geled wæs, and on
Harold his sunu and ealle his bearn.” This is the “purgatio” of the
Biographer. So Will. Malms. ii. 199. “Probè se de omnibus quæ
objectabantur expurgavit.” Compurgators seem not to have been called
for.

Footnote 1006:

Will. Malms. u. s. “Tantum brevi valuit ut sibi liberisque suis
honores integros restitueret.”

Footnote 1007:

“Ealle landleodan.” We have lost this, and so many other expressive
words. “Landleute” is the old official name of the people of the
democratic cantons of Switzerland; but _Land_ is there used in its
ordinary opposition to _Stadt_.

Footnote 1008:

I refer to the oath of the people of Appenzell-ausser-rhoden in their
Landesgemeinde. The newly elected Landammann first himself swears to
obey the laws; he then administers the oath to the vast multitude
before him. The effect of their answer is something overwhelming in
its grandeur.

Footnote 1009:

Chron. Petrib. “And _cweð mann_ útlaga Rotberd arcebisceop fullice,
and ealle þa Frencisce menn, forðan þe hi macodon mæst þet unseht
betweonan Godwine Eorle and þam Cynge.” So William of Malmesbury;
“Prolatâ sententiâ in Robertum archiepiscopum ejusque complices quòd
statum regni conturbarent, animum regium in provinciales agitantes.”

Footnote 1010:

Chron. Ab. “And geutlageden þa ealle Frencisce men, þe ǽr unlage
rærdon, and undom demdon, and únræd ræddon into ðissum earde.” Modern
English utterly fails to express the power of the negative words,
which modern High German only partially preserves. So Florence; “Omnes
Nortmannos qui leges iniquas adinvenerant [a poor substitute for
“unlage rærdon”] et injusta judicia judicaverant, multaque Regi
_in_silia [an attempt at transferring the Teutonic negative to the
Latin] adversus Anglos [a touch from Peterborough] dederant,
exlegaverunt.”

Footnote 1011:

Chron. Ab. and Fl. Wig. I shall have to speak of this exception again.

Footnote 1012:

Ib. “And eallum folce góde lage beheton.”

Footnote 1013:

See Appendix S.

Footnote 1014:

Chron. Petrib. 1052. “And se Cyng geaf þære Hlæfdian eall þæt heo ær
ahte.” Chron. Ab. “And Godwine Eorl and Harold and seo Cwen [This
title is unusual, but not unique] sæton on heora áre.” She had just
before come in incidentally in the list of Godwine’s family; “his
sunum ... and his wife and his dehter.” Flor. Wig. “Filiam quoque
Ducis, Eadgitham Reginam, digniter Rex recepit et pristinæ dignitati
restituit.” The Biographer (406) of course waxes eloquent; “Modico
exinde interfluente tempore mittitur æquè regio, ut par erat, apparatu
ad monasterium Wiltunense [on this confusion see p. 156] et [I omit
metaphors about the sun, &c.] reducitur Regina, ejusdem Ducis filia,
ad _thalamum_ Regis.” This last expression should be noticed, and
compared with the account in R. Wendover.

Footnote 1015:

On the pilgrimage of Swegen, see Appendix T.

Footnote 1016:

“On þone Tiwesdæg hí gewurdon sehte, swa hit her beforan stent,” says
the Abingdon Chronicle.

Footnote 1017:

See the passage of William of Malmesbury quoted above, p. 161.

Footnote 1018:

See above, p. 160.

Footnote 1019:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 1020:

See above, p. 66.

Footnote 1021:

The Peterborough Chronicle seems to record his appointment in the same
breath with the other acts of September 15th. Immediately after the
outlawry of Richard and the French follow the words, “And Stigand
Bisceop feng to þam arcebisceoprice on Cantwarabyrig.” The Chronicler
then turns to other matters.

Footnote 1022:

Will. Malms. Gest. Reg. ii. 199. “Romam profectus et de caussâ suâ
sedem apostolicam appellans.” In Gest. Pont. 116, he adds that he
returned “cum epistolis innocentiæ et restitutionis suæ
allegatricibus.”

Footnote 1023:

Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 761 D. Of William’s three causes for his invasion
two are, “Primò, quia Alfredum cognatum suum Godwinus _et filii sui_
dehonestaverant et peremerant; secundò, quia Robertum episcopum et
Odonem consulem [see Appendix G.] et omnes Francos Godwinus et filii
sui arte suâ ab Angliâ exsulaverant.” The third count is of course the
perjury of Harold. So, in nearly the same words, Bromton, X Scriptt.
958.

Footnote 1024:

On the ecclesiastical position of Stigand see Appendix U.

Footnote 1025:

We shall find many examples as we go on, and the general fact is
asserted in the Profession of Saint Wulfstan to Lanfranc. See Appendix
U.

Footnote 1026:

Chron. Ab. 1053. See Appendix U.

Footnote 1027:

Unless indeed some such feeling lurks in the words of the Abingdon
Chronicler, 1053; “Se Wulfwi feng to ðam biscoprice þe Ulf hæfde be
him libbendum and of adræfdum.”

Footnote 1028:

Chron. Ab. 1053. See Appendix U.

Footnote 1029:

See above, p. 331.

Footnote 1030:

Thierry (i. 202) makes Godwine resist the retention of any Normans,
especially of Bishop William and of the Lotharingian Hermann, Bishop
of Ramsbury! For his authority he quotes “Godwinus Comes obstiterat
(Ranulphus Higden, p. 281).” To say nothing of going to R. Higden on
such a point, any one who makes the reference will find that the words
have nothing to do with the matter. They refer to a supposed
opposition on the part of Godwine to the union of the sees of Ramsbury
and Sherborne, of which more anon.

Footnote 1031:

Flor. Wig. in anno. “Willelmus, propter suam bonitatem, parvo post
tempore revocatus, in suum episcopatum recipitur.”

Footnote 1032:

See above, p. 122.

Footnote 1033:

Flor. Wig.

Footnote 1034:

Flor. Wig. 1052. “Osbernus verò, cognomento Pentecost, et socius ejus
Hugo sua reddiderunt castella, et Comitis Leofrici licentiâ, per suum
comitatum Scottiam adeuntes a Rege Scottorum Macbeothâ suscepti sunt.”

Footnote 1035:

In the writ of 1060 (Cod. Dipl. iv. 194), announcing the nomination of
Walter to the see of Hereford, the King greets “Haroldum Comitem et
Osebarnum et omnes meos ministros in Herefordensi comitatu
amicabiliter.” See Ellis, i. 460. He was apparently Sheriff; he is not
indeed directly called so, but the position in the writ in which his
name occurs is one which generally belongs to the Sheriff. The
appearance of a French Sheriff in this particular shire may be
accounted for by the presence of a French Earl. It is more remarkable
if Robert the son of Wymarc was Sheriff of Essex, as might be inferred
from the similar position of his name in a writ in Cod. Dipl. iv. 214.

Footnote 1036:

Flor. Wig. 1052. “Robertum diaconem et generum ejus Ricardum filium
Scrob.”

Footnote 1037:

Several Ælfreds occur in Domesday, as the great landowners, Ælfred of
Marlborough and Ælfred of Spain, but it is not easy to identify their
possessions with any holder of the name in Eadward’s time. The names
Ælfred and Eadward, and the female name Eadgyth, seem to have been the
only English names adopted by the Normans. The two former would
naturally be given to godsons or dependants of the two Æthelings while
in Normandy, and Eadgyth would gain currency as the name of the wife
of the sainted King.

Footnote 1038:

The possessions of Ralph the Staller were very large. He signs an
English document of Abbot Ælfwig of Bath in Cod. Dipl. iv. 172, as
“Roulf steallere.”

Footnote 1039:

He signs as “Huhgelin minister.” Cod. Dipl. iv. 173. Cf. Domesday,
Hunt. 208, where his title is “Camerarius.” Æth. Riev. X Scriptt. 376.

Footnote 1040:

Vita Eadw. 406. “Unde post tam grande malum absque sanguine sedatum
Ducis sapientiâ, sollennis celebratur lætitia tam à palatinis quam ab
omni patriâ.”

Footnote 1041:

On this point the Biographer becomes enthusiastic, and bursts forth,
after his manner, into no less than forty hexameters. Godwine
suffering under false accusations had been likened to Joseph and
Susanna; now that he spares and honours a King whom he has in his
power, he is likened to David doing the like towards Saul. Altogether
the comparison is not a very lucky one for either Godwine or Eadward.

Footnote 1042:

Chron. Ab. 1052. “Godwine þa gesiclode hraðe þæs þe he upcom.”

Footnote 1043:

Chron. Wig. 1053. “And man rædde þæt man sloh Rís þæs Wyliscean cynges
broþer, forðy he hearmas dyde.” Florence more fully; “Griffini Regis
Australium Wallensium frater, Res nomine, propter frequentes prædas
quas egit in loco qui Bulendun dicitur, jussu Regis Eadwardi,
occiditur.” There are Bullingdons both in Oxfordshire and in
Hampshire, but Welsh ravages could hardly reach to either of them.

Footnote 1044:

Chron. Wig. “And man brohte his heafod to Glewcestre [“Glawornam ad
Regem” Fl. Wig.] on Twelftan ǽfen.” William of Malmesbury (ii. 196)
makes Harold the agent, which is quite possible, but he mixes the
matter up in a strange way with the fate of Gruffydd of North Wales,
ten years later. “Haroldum West-Saxonum [Comitem], filium Godwini, qui
duos fratres Reges Walensium Ris et Grifinum sollertiâ suâ in mortem
egerit.” William, perhaps pardonably, confounds the two Gruffydds.

Footnote 1045:

Chron. Petrib. 1052. “And on þis ilcan tyme forlet Arnwi abbot of Burh
abbotrice be his halre life, and geaf hit Leofric munec be þes cynges
leafe and be þære munece.” The local writer, Hugo Candidus, seems
(Sparke, 41) to place Leofric’s appointment in 1057. So John of
Peterborough, a. 1057, who calls him “egregius pater Leofricus.” Hugo
is loud in his praises; among his other merits he was so high in the
favour of the King and the Lady that he held five abbeys at once,
Burton, Coventry, Crowland, and Thorney, besides Peterborough.

Footnote 1046:

See above, p. 67.

Footnote 1047:

Hugo Candidus, ap. Sparke, 42.

Footnote 1048:

Chron. Petrib. 1052. “And se abbot Leofric gildede þa þæt mynstre swa
þæt man hit cleopede þa gildene Burh; þa wæx hit swiðe on land and on
gold and on seolfer.” Cf. 1066.

Footnote 1049:

Chron. Petrib. 1066.

Footnote 1050:

See Appendix W.

Footnote 1051:

See Chron. Ab. 1052, and Appendix E. and W.

Footnote 1052:

Liber de Hydâ, 289. “Porro uxor ejus [she is “Geta, genus, ut aiunt,
ex _insulâ Norwegiâ_ ducens”], magnæ sanctitatis multæque religionis
tramitem incedens, omni die duas ad minus missas _studiosè_ [see
above, p. 28] audiebat, omnique fere sabbato per duo aut amplius
miliaria nudis pedibus vicina ambiebat monasteria, largis muneribus
cumulans altaria, largisque donis pauperes recreans.” Of her gifts for
her husband’s soul we read in the Winchester Annals, p. 26; “Githa,
uxor Godwini, fœmina multas habens facultates, pro animâ ejus multis
ecclesiis in eleemosynâ multa contulit, et Wintoniæ ecclesiæ dedit duo
maneria, scilicet, Bleodonam et Crawecumbam et ornamenta diversi
generis.” Of these lordships, Bleadon and Crowcombe in Somersetshire,
Bleadon still remained to the Church at the time of the survey
(Domesday, 87 _b_), but Crowcombe had been alienated to Count Robert
of Mortain (91 _b_). Another gift for her husband’s soul made by Gytha
to the church of Saint Olaf at Exeter is found in Cod. Dipl. iv. 264.
This charter, signed by her sons Tostig and Gyrth as Earls, must be of
a later date (1057–1065), and shows that her pious anxiety still
continued. Of Gytha’s religious scruples a specimen will be found in
Appendix E. She is said (Tanner, Notitia Monastica, Devon, xxv. New
Monasticon, vi. 435) to have founded a College at Hartland in Devon. A
secular establishment founded by Harold’s mother should be noted.

Footnote 1053:

Chron. Ab. 1053. “And he lið þær binnan ealdan mynstre.” Vita Eadw.
408. “Tumulatur ergo condigno honore in monasterio quod nuncupant
veteri Wintoniæ, additis in eâdem ecclesiâ multis ornamentorum
muneribus et terrarum reditibus pro redemptione ipsius animæ.”

Footnote 1054:

Vita Eadw. 408. “Exsequiis suis in luctum decidit populus, hunc
patrem, hunc nutricium suum regnique, memorabant suspiriis et assiduis
fletibus.”

Footnote 1055:

Vita Eadw. 408. “Dux felicis memoriæ.”

Footnote 1056:

See vol. i. p. 470.

Footnote 1057:

See vol. i. p. 432: cf. 456.

Footnote 1058:

Chron. Petrib. 1053. “And feng Harold Eorl his sunu to ðam eorldome
and to eallum þam þe his fæder ahte.” So the others in other words.

Footnote 1059:

See above, pp. 37, 43.

Footnote 1060:

See above, p. 101.

Footnote 1061:

Vita Eadw. 408. “Subrogatur autem regio favore in ejus [Godwini]
ducatu filius ejus major natu et sapientiâ Haroldus, unde in
consolationem respirat universus Anglorum exercitus.” Then follows the
panegyric quoted in Appendix D.

Footnote 1062:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 1063:

Chronn. Ab. Wig. Petrib. Cant. in anno.

Footnote 1064:

We have one panegyric on Ælfgar in Orderic (511 A), but it is a
panegyric by misadventure. Orderic clearly confounded Ælfgar with his
father. William of Malmesbury however (see above, p. 161) speaks well
of his government of East-Anglia during Harold’s banishment.

Footnote 1065:

See above, p. 347.

Footnote 1066:

That the number of Frenchmen who remained in England was considerable
is shown, as Lappenberg says (p. 514. ii. 255 Thorpe), by a passage in
the so-called Laws of William (Thorpe, i. 491. Schmid, 354), by which
it appears that many of them had become naturalized English subjects;
“Omnis Francigena, qui tempore Eadwardi propinqui nostri fuit in
Angliâ particeps consuetudinum Anglorum, quod ipsi dicunt _an hlote et
an scote_, persolvat secundum legem Anglorum.”

Footnote 1067:

See above, p. 346.

Footnote 1068:

I quote, as one example of many, the signatures to the foundation
charter of Harold’s own church at Waltham (Cod. Dipl. iv. 158). The
seemingly Norman names, besides Bishop William, are “Rodbertus Regis
consanguineus, Radulphus Regis aulicus [the two Stallers], Bundinus
Regis palatinus (?), Hesbernus Regis consanguineus, Regenbaldus Regis
cancellarius, Petrus Regis capellanus, Baldewinus Regis capellanus.”
But the deed is also signed by many English _courtiers_, as well as
Earls, Prelates, and Thegns.

Footnote 1069:

I do not ground this belief on the well-known saying of the false
Ingulf (Gale, i. 62), how in Eadward’s days “Gallicum idioma omnes
magnates in suis curiis tamquam magnum gentilitium [linguam
gentilitiam?] loqui [cœperunt].” Harold’s foreign travels, and his
sojourn at the Norman court, seem to imply a knowledge of French, and
I can well believe that at home King Eadward looked more favourably on
a counsellor who could frame his lips to the beloved speech.

Footnote 1070:

This seems implied in the famous poetical panegyric on Eadward and
Harold in the Chronicles for 1065.

Footnote 1071:

Chron. Wig. 1053. “And þæs ylcan geres, foran to alra halgena mæssan,
forðferde Wulsyg bisceop æt Licetfelda, and Godwine abbod on
Wincelcumbe, and Ægelward abbod on Glestingabyrig, ealle binnan anum
monþe.”

Footnote 1072:

Chron. Ab. and Flor. Wig.

Footnote 1073:

Leofric, it will be remembered, was the son of an Ealdorman Leofwine.
See vol. i. p. 456.

Footnote 1074:

See above, p. 344.

Footnote 1075:

On Abbot Æthelnoth see William of Malmesbury, Glastonbury History, ap.
Gale, ii. 324. Æthelweard spoiled the lands, Æthelnoth the ornaments,
of the house. “Ex illo res Glastoniæ retro relabi et in pejus fluere.”
He has much to tell about the miracles wrought by King Eadgar about
this time—Eadgar, it must be remembered, passed at Glastonbury, in
defiance of all legends, for a saint—specially in healing a mad
German, “furiosus Teutonicus genus.” Was he one of the suite of the
Ætheling?

Footnote 1076:

I infer that Ealdred’s holding of Winchcombe was something more than a
mere temporary holding till a successor could be found. The Worcester
Chronicle (1053) speaks of it in the same form of words as the
appointments of Leofwine and Æthelnoth; “And Leofwine feng to þam
bisceoprice æt Licedfelde, and Aldret bisceop feng to þam abbodrice on
Wincelcumbe,” &c. Florence however says, after mentioning the
appointments of Leofwine and Æthelnoth, “Aldredus vero Wigorniensis
episcopus abbatiam Wincelcumbensem tamdiu in manu suâ tenuit, donec
Godricum, Regis capellani Godmanni filium abbatem constitueret.”

Footnote 1077:

Fl. Wig. 1054.

Footnote 1078:

Chron. Ab. 1053. “Eac Wylsce menn geslogan mycelne dæl Englisces
folces ðæra weardmanna wið Wæstbyrig.”

Footnote 1079:

See above, p. 53.

Footnote 1080:

See vol. i. p. 588.

Footnote 1081:

See vol. i. p. 499.

Footnote 1082:

See above, p. 55.

Footnote 1083:

See above, p. 54.

Footnote 1084:

“Jussu Regis,” says Florence, 1054.

Footnote 1085:

On the war with Macbeth, see Appendix X.

Footnote 1086:

See Munch, Chron. Regum Manniæ, 46 et seqq. Burton, History of
Scotland, i. 374.

Footnote 1087:

Annals of Ulster, 1054. See Appendix X.

Footnote 1088:

Chron. Wig. 1054. “And lædde þonan micele herehuþe, swilce nan man ær
ne begeat.”

Footnote 1089:

See vol. i. p. 586.

Footnote 1090:

Now that the Housecarls are an established institution, wars are
carried on with much greater speed than they were in Æthelred’s time.
If the expedition was voted at the end of June, Siward could easily
have met Macbeth in the field before the end of July.

Footnote 1091:

Tac. Mor. Germ. c. 20. “Sororum filiis idem apud avunculum, qui apud
patrem honor. Quidam sanctiorem arctioremque hunc nexum sanguinis
arbitrantur, et in accipiendis obsidibus magis exigunt.”

Footnote 1092:

See above, p. 364, for Siward nephew of Siward, and vol. i. p. 300 for
Wulfmær nephew of Brihtnoth.

Footnote 1093:

See vol. i. p. 455.

Footnote 1094:

See Appendix Y.

Footnote 1095:

See Appendix Y.

Footnote 1096:

It is only through Margaret that our Kings from Henry the Second
onward were descended from Eadward the Elder, Eadmund, or Eadgar. But
it must not be forgotten that every descendant of Matilda of Flanders
was a descendant of Ælfred.

Footnote 1097:

See vol. i. pp. 118, 533.

Footnote 1098:

See vol. i. pp. 65, 117, 118.

Footnote 1099:

See vol. i. pp. 117, 291.

Footnote 1100:

I rely far more on the probability of the case than on the account
given by William of Malmesbury under the influence of those Norman
prejudices against which he sometimes struggles, but to which he
sometimes yields. He tells us (ii. 228), “Rex Edwardus, pronus in
senium [fifty, or a year or two older], quod ipse non susceperat
liberos, _et Godwini videret invalescere filios_, misit ad Regem
Hunorum ut filium fratris Edmundi, Edwardum, cum omni familiâ suâ
mitteret; futurum ut aut ille aut filii sui succedant regno
hæreditario Angliæ; orbitatem suam cognatorum suffragio sustentari
debere.” He then goes on to describe the Ætheling (“vir neque promptus
manu neque probus ingenio”), his family, his return, and his death. He
then adds, “Rex itaque, defuncto cognato, quia spes prioris erat
soluta suffragii, Willelmo Comiti Normanniæ successionem Angliæ
dedit.” I believe exactly the reverse to be the truth.

Footnote 1101:

See Appendix Y.

Footnote 1102:

See above, p. 115.

Footnote 1103:

See above, p. 113.

Footnote 1104:

See above, p. 362.

Footnote 1105:

So I understand the passage in the Evesham History, p. 87, about
Æthelwig’s appointment to the Abbey of Evesham in 1059. He is there
spoken of as one “qui multo antea tempore episcopatum Wigornensis
ecclesiæ sub Aldredo archiepiscopo laudabiliter rexerat.” See Mr.
Macray’s note. That Ealdred is called Archbishop need be no
difficulty. It is the old question about the days of Abiathar the
Priest.

Footnote 1106:

On Mannig, see above, p. 70. The Evesham History, p. 86, describes him
as skilful in all arts, and as practising them for the adornment of
the churches of Canterbury and Coventry as well as of his own Evesham.

Footnote 1107:

Chron. Wig. 1054. “And he lofode Leofwine bisceop to halgianne þæt
mynster æt Eofeshamme, on vi. Id. Oct.”

Footnote 1108:

Young Henry was crowned at the age of five at Aachen, July 17th, 1054,
by Hermann, Archbishop of Köln. Lambert in anno.

Footnote 1109:

Agnes, daughter of William the Great, Duke of Aquitaine, married King
Henry in 1043 (Lambert and Chron. And. ap. Labbe, i. 276) or 1045
(Hugo Flav. ap. Labbe, i. 187) or 1049 (Chron. S. Maxent. in anno).
Her father being dead, she is described as “filia Agnetis,” the Agnes
so famous in the history of Geoffrey Martel (see above, p. 276). Abbot
Hugh, in recording the marriage, cannot refrain from the strange
comment, “Quum enim esset [Heinricus] aliàs bonus, et omnes ejus
sitirent dominium, carnis tamen incontinentiam frænare non potuit.”
Was Henry the Third bound to imitate Henry the Second?

Footnote 1110:

See Appendix Y.

Footnote 1111:

Ib.

Footnote 1112:

See above, p. 100. We have no account of the time or circumstances of
his return from banishment.

Footnote 1113:

Chron. Ab. 1054. “Swa swa he on his reste læg.” Chron. Wig. “on his
bedde.”

Footnote 1114:

All the Chronicles and Florence, in anno.

Footnote 1115:

Hen. Hunt, M. H. B. 760 C. “Adhuc parvulus.” So Bromton, 946. But he
could hardly be “in cunis jacens” (R. Higden, lib. vi. Gale, ii. 281),
when we consider his importance twelve years later.

Footnote 1116:

We know her through a document in Cod. Dipl. iv. 265. “Godgiva vidua”
gives lands to Peterborough “pro redemptione animæ suæ per consensum
Regis Eaduuardi.” She then married Siward; “Postea accepit eam
Siuuardus Comes in conjugio; post tempus non multum mortua est.” The
singular story about these lands will be best told when discussing the
character of Waltheof.

Footnote 1117:

See vol. i. p. 587. Sim. Dun. X Scriptt. 81. “Nepos Aldredi Comitis
Comes Waltheof, erat enim filius filiæ illius.” Simeon (ib. 82) seems
to imply that Waltheof held Bernicia under his father (“filio suo
Waltheofo comitatum Northymbrorum dedit”); but he clearly was not in
possession in 1065. See Simeon’s own account, X Scriptt. 204. On the
question whether he received Northamptonshire on his father’s death or
ten years later, see Appendix G.

Footnote 1118:

Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 760 C. Bromton, 946. Ann. Wint. 26.

Footnote 1119:

Chronn. Ab. and Wig. 1055. “And he ligeð æt Galmanhó, on þam mynstre
þe he sylf let timbrian and halgian on Godes and Olafes naman [Gode to
lofe and eallum his halgum”]. Bromton, 946, using the language of
later times, says, “Sepultus est in monasterio sanctæ Mariæ apud
Eboracum in claustro.” There is still a parish church of Saint Olaf in
that part of the city.

Footnote 1120:

See vol. i. pp. 416, 449.

Footnote 1121:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 1122:

Vita Eadw. 408. “Agentibusque amicis potissimùm autem et pro merito
hoc ejus fratre Haroldo Duce et ejus sorore Reginâ, et non resistente
Rege ob innumera ipsius fideliter acta servitia, ducatum ejus suscepit
Tostinus, vir scilicet fortis et magnâ præditus animi sagacitate et
sollertiâ.”

Footnote 1123:

The Biographer, essentially a courtier, always likes to attribute as
much as possible to the personal action of the King, and to keep that
of the Witan, as far as may be, in the back ground.

Footnote 1124:

Plutarch. Apophth. Alex. 29. Τιμᾷν μὲν ἐδόκει Κρατερὸν μάλιστα πάντων,
φιλεῖν δὲ Ἡφαιστίωνα· Κρατερὸς μὲν γὰρ, ἔφη, φιλοβασιλεύς ἐστιν,
Ἡφαιστίων δὲ φιλαλέξανδρος. Eadward’s affection for Tostig is also
marked by William of Malmesbury, iii. 252; “Quia Tostinum
diligeret, ... ut dilecto auxiliari non posset.”

Footnote 1125:

This seems implied in the Biographer’s description of the state of
things when the Northumbrian revolt broke out in 1065 (421); “Erat ...
Tostinus in curiâ Regis, diutiùsque commoratus est cum eo, ejus
detentus amore et jussis in disponendis regalis palatii negotiis.”

Footnote 1126:

See vol. i. p. 416.

Footnote 1127:

See vol. i. p. 587.

Footnote 1128:

See above, p. 374.

Footnote 1129:

See vol. i. p. 588.

Footnote 1130:

He is called “adolescens” by Simeon of Durham (X Scriptt. 204) ten
years later. His father had now been dead fourteen years; Oswulf was
therefore probably a mere babe at the time of his death.

Footnote 1131:

See vol. i. p. 585.

Footnote 1132:

See Appendix Z.

Footnote 1133:

See above, p. 38.

Footnote 1134:

Vita Eadw. 409.

Footnote 1135:

Vita Eadw. 409. “At Dux Tostinus et ipse gravi quidem et sapienti
continentiâ, sed _acrior paullisper in persequendâ malitiâ_, virili
præditus et indissolubili mentis constantiâ.” In a writer who is
striving hard to make out a case for Tostig, the words in Italics mean
a great deal. We shall see, as we go on, reason to justify infinitely
stronger expressions; but the point is that Tostig was not a mere
wanton oppressor, but a ruler who carried a severe justice to such a
degree as to become injustice. This is the impression conveyed by the
no doubt flattering, but still very carefully drawn, portrait given by
the Biographer.

Footnote 1136:

Vita Eadw. 421. “Licet antecessor ejus Dux Siwardus ex feritate
judicii valdè timeretur, tamen tanta gentis illius crudelitas et Dei
incultus habebatur ut vix triginta vel viginti in uno comitatu possent
ire, quin aut interficerentur aut deprædarentur ab insidiantium
latronum multitudine.”

Footnote 1137:

Ib. 422. “Quos pacis deificæ filius et amator eximius Dux adeò illo
adtenuaverat tempore, patriam scilicet purgando talium _cruciatu_ vel
nece, et nulli quantumlibet nobili parcendo qui in hoc deprehensus
esset crimine, ut quivis solus etiam cum quâvis possessione ad votum
possent commeare, absque alicujus hostilitatis formidine.” This last
is the proverbial saying which is applied to the strict police of
William (Chron. Petrib. 1087); “Swa þæt án man þe himsylf aht wære
mihte faran ofer his rice mid his bosum full goldes ungederad.” It is
essentially the same as the story told of the vigilant administration
of the Bretwalda Eadwine; Bæda, Hist. Eccl. ii. 16.

Footnote 1138:

Vita Eadw. 409. “Propter eamdem regiæ stirpis uxorem suam omnium
abdicans voluptatem, _cœlebs_ moderatiùs corporis et oris sui
prudenter regere consuetudinem.” On this singular use of the word
_cœlebs_, see Appendix B.

Footnote 1139:

Vita Eadw. 409. “Quum largiretur, liberali effundebat munificentiâ, et
frequentiùs hoc hortatu religiosæ conjugis suæ in Christi fiebat
honore quam pro aliquo hominum labili favore.” Tostig and Judith had
much reverence for Saint Cuthberht, and were bountiful in their gifts
to his church at Durham. But Judith chafed under the discipline which
forbade women to pay their personal devotions at his shrine. She
accordingly, before venturing herself, sent a handmaid to try her
luck. The poor girl was sadly buffeted by the indignant saint, on
which Tostig and his wife offered a splendid crucifix with the usual
accompanying figures. Sim. Dun. Hist. Eccl. Dun. iii. 11.

Footnote 1140:

See above, p. 46. We shall come to the details in the next Chapter.

Footnote 1141:

I have no means of reckoning save the vague one which I have had to
follow throughout. As Godwine and Gytha were married in 1019, their
third or fourth child would probably be born about 1023 or 1024.

Footnote 1142:

Simeon of Durham (Gest. Regg. in anno) speaks of Malcolm being
Tostig’s “conjuratus frater” in 1061. The engagement must therefore
have been entered into before that year and after 1055. Tostig would
not become Malcolm’s sworn brother till he found himself his
neighbour.

Footnote 1143:

See vol. i. p. 436.

Footnote 1144:

See vol. i. p. 585.

Footnote 1145:

See Appendix X.

Footnote 1146:

Chron. Petrib. 1055. “Þa bead man ealre witena gemót vii. nihton ǽr
midlenctene.” Flor. Wig. “Habito Lundoniæ consilio.”

Footnote 1147:

Ib. “Utlagode mann Ælfgar eorl, forðon him man wearp ón þæt he was þes
cynges swica and ealra landleoda. And he þæs geanwyrde wæs ætforan
eallum þam mannum þe þær gegaderode wæron, þeah him þæt word ofscute
his unnþances.” So Chron. Cant.

Footnote 1148:

“Butan ælcan gylte,” Chron. Ab. “Forneh butan gylte,” Chron. Wig.
“Sine culpâ,” Florence. Just as in the case of the ballad charging
Godwine with the murder of Ælfred (vol. i. p. 546), these differences
look very much as if the Worcester writer had seen the Abingdon text,
and had altered a passage which might be construed into a
representation of Harold as a false accuser. One can hardly conceive
any other motive for the change. And care on such a point seems to
show that Harold had some hand in the accusation, whether true or
false. It is singular however that Henry of Huntingdon, who is
generally most bitter against Harold, should be the writer who
expresses the most distinct conviction of the guilt of Ælfgar (M. H.
B. 760 D); “Eodem anno Algarus consul _Cestriæ_ [a confusion of his
present and later offices] exsulatus est, quia de proditione Regis in
consilio convictus fuerat.” On the other hand, a later writer, John of
Peterborough (1055), commits himself to the banishment being done both
“sine caussâ” and “per Haroldi consilium.”

Footnote 1149:

Chron. Ab. 1055. “He gewende ða to Irlande, and begeat him ðær lið;
þæt wæs xviii. scipa butan his agenan.” So “xviii. piraticis navibus
acquisitis” in Florence. The part of Ireland whence they came is not
mentioned, but Diarmid, the protector of Harold, was still reigning at
Dublin, and he would doubtless be equally ready to protect Ælfgar. I
can find no mention of the matter in the Irish Chronicles.

Footnote 1150:

The language of the three Chronicles and of Florence is singularly
varied, but they all assert the same fact.

Footnote 1151:

Ann. Camb. 1055. “Grifinus filius Lewelin, Grifud filium Riderch
occidit et Herefordiam vastavit.” So Brut y Tywysogion, 1054.

Footnote 1152:

Fl. Wig. “Petivit [Algarus] ut contra Regem Eadwardum sibi esset in
auxilium.”

Footnote 1153:

Fl. Wig. “De toto regno suo copiosum exercitum congregans.” The Welsh
Chronicler says that “Gruffydd raised an army against the Saxons,” but
he takes care to say nothing of his English, Irish, or Danish allies.

Footnote 1154:

Domesday, 179. “In Arcenefelde habet Rex tres ecclesias; presbyteri
harum ecclesiarum ferunt legationes Regis in Wales.... Quum exercitus
in hostem pergit, ipsi per consuetudinem faciunt _Avantwarde_ et in
reversione _Redrewarde_. Hæ consuetudines erant Walensium T. R. E. in
Arcenefelde.” These customs are described at length, and they give a
curious picture of a border district, largely inhabited by Welshmen
living under English allegiance and bound to service against their
independent brethren.

Footnote 1155:

Domesday, 181. “Rex Grifin et Blein vastaverunt hanc terram T. R. E.
et ideo nescitur qualis eo tempore fuerit.” Blein is doubtless
Blethgent the brother of Gruffydd, to whom his kingdom was given by
Harold in 1063.

Footnote 1156:

Fl. Wig. 1055. “Duobus miliariis a civitate Herefordâ.”

Footnote 1157:

See above, p. 346.

Footnote 1158:

It is now that Florence introduces him as “timidus Dux Radulfus, Regis
Eadwardi sororis filius.”

Footnote 1159:

Chron. Ab. 1055. “Ac ǽr þær wære ænig spere gescoten, ær fleah ðæt
Englisce folc, forðan þe hig wæran on horsan.” Florence is more
explicit; “Radulfus ... Anglos contra morem in equis pugnare jussit.”

Footnote 1160:

See Macaulay’s remarks on Monmouth’s raw cavalry at Sedgemoor. Hist.
Eng. i. 588, 604.

Footnote 1161:

Fl. Wig. 1055. “Comes cum suis Francis et Nortmannis fugam primitùs
capessit. Quod videntes Angli ducem suum fugiendo sequuntur.” But the
Chronicles do not necessarily imply this.

Footnote 1162:

Chron. Ab. “And man sloh ðær mycel wæl, abutan feower hund manna oððe
fife, and hig nænne agean.” The Annales Cambriæ (1055) have simply,
“Grifinus ... Herfordiam vastavit,” without mention of the battle. The
Brut (1054) much fuller. It makes no mention of Ælfgar and his
contingent, but it speaks of Reinolf or Randwlf as the commander of
the English. It says nothing of the special reason for the flight of
the English, which it says happened “after a severely hard battle.”

Footnote 1163:

The battle, according to the Abingdon Chronicle and Florence, the
“harrying” according to the Worcester Chronicle, was on the 24th of
October, ix. Kal. Nov.

Footnote 1164:

So all the Chronicles under 792.

Footnote 1165:

See Appendix AA.

Footnote 1166:

Chronn. Ab. and Wig. and Fl. Wig. 1055.

Footnote 1167:

Flor. Wig. 1055. “Septem canonicis qui valvas principalis basilicæ
defenderant occisis.” Chron. Wig., without mentioning the number,
“Forbærude [Ælfgar] þæt mære mynster þe Æthelstan bisceop getimbrode,
and ofsloh þa preostas innan þan mynstre.”

Footnote 1168:

“_Nonnullis_ è civibus necatis, _multis_que captivatis,” says
Florence, but the Worcester Chronicle, after mentioning the slaughter
of the clergy, adds, “and manege þærto eacan;” while Abingdon says,
“and þæt folc slogan, and sume onweg læddan.”

Footnote 1169:

The Brut y Tywysogion plainly distinguishes the “gaer,” or castle,
which was demolished, from the town, which was burned. The castle was
doubtless of stone, while the houses of the town would be chiefly of
wood.

Footnote 1170:

Chronn. Ab. and Wig. and Fl. Wig. 1055, 1056.

Footnote 1171:

See Appendix Y.

Footnote 1172:

Florence, at this point, seems quite to boil over with admiration for
Harold. “Quod ubi Regi innotuit, de totâ mox Angliâ exercitum
congregari jussit, cui Glawornæ congregato strenuum Ducem Haroldum
præfecit, qui, devotè jussis obtemperans, Griffinum et Algarum impigrè
insequitur, ac fines Walanorum audacter ingressus, ultra Straddele
castrametatus est; sed illi, quia virum fortem et bellicosum ipsum
sciebant, cum eo committere bellum non audentes, in Suth-Waliam
fugerunt.”

Footnote 1173:

See Flor. Wig. u. s. “Straddele” or “Stratelei” (see Domesday, 187) is
a border district reckoned along with Herefordshire in Domesday. Roger
of Wendover (i. 494), in a fine fit of exaggeration, carries Harold as
far as Snowdon; “Castra usque ad Snaudunam perduxit.” Mr. Woodward
(History of Wales, 210) makes Straddele to be Ystrad-clwyd, the
southern Strathclyde of Denbighshire, but the witness of Florence and
Domesday seems decisive.

Footnote 1174:

Fl. Wig. 1055. “Majorem exercitûs partem ibi dimisit, mandans eis ut
suis adversariis, si res exposceret, viriliter resisterent.”

Footnote 1175:

I infer this from a comparison of the Chronicles, Florence, and
Domesday. The Abingdon Chronicle says, “And Harald Eorl let dician ða
dic abutan þæt port þa hwile.” Florence says more distinctly,
“Herefordam rediens, vallo lato et alto illam cinxit, portis et seris
munivit.” These accounts, as well as the probability of the case,
point to a mere “vallum.” But in Domesday, 179, we read of there being
a “murus” at Hereford in the time of King Eadward, which seems to
imply a stone wall. Nothing is more likely than that Harold should
throw up a hasty mound now, and afterwards make a more elaborate
fortification, when, as I shall presently show, Hereford came under
his immediate government. On the walls of Exeter and Towcester see
vol. i. pp. 338, 346.

Footnote 1176:

One hundred and three burghers held of the King, twenty-seven of Earl
Harold, whose customs were the same as those of the King’s men. The
customs are detailed at great length. The burghers were liable to
military service against the Welsh, and paid a fine of forty shillings
to the King in case of disobedience to the Sheriff’s summons for that
purpose. Some served with horses. The Reeve paid twelve pounds to the
King and six to Earl Harold, that is the Earl’s third penny. The King
had a mint, and also the Bishop. The whole details are exceedingly
curious, and I shall probably have to refer to them again.

Footnote 1177:

Chronn. Ab. and Wig. Flor. Wig. 1056. “Cujus corpus Herefordam
delatum, in ecclesiâ quam ipse a fundamentis construxerat, est
tumulatum.” Yet he had the year before said, “monasterio quod ...
Æthelstanus construxerat ... combusto.”

Footnote 1178:

Chron. Ab. 1055. “And þæt sciplið gewende to Legeceastre, and þær
abiden heora males þe Ælfgar heom behét.” So Florence.

Footnote 1179:

The Worcester Chronicle, which, as well as (still more strangely) that
of Peterborough, wholly leaves out Harold’s exploits, seems to record
Ælfgar’s restoration with some degree of sarcasm; “And þa þa hi hæfdon
mæst to yfele gedón, man gerædde þone ræd, þæt man Ælfgar Eorl
geinnlagode, and ageaf him his eorldom, and eall þæt him ofgenumen
wæs.”

Footnote 1180:

The Annales Cambriæ has “Magnus filius Haraldi vastavit regionem
Anglorum, auxiliante Grifino Rege Britonum.” The Brut gives him the
strange description, “Magnus uab Heralt, _brenhin Germania_” which I
do not understand. Was he Ælfgar’s Irish ally, defrauded of his pay?
The entry the year before, about waiting at Chester, looks like it.

Footnote 1181:

Fl. Wig. 1056. “In episcopali villâ quæ vocatur Bosanbyrig decessit.”
A fine thirteenth century church and some remains of the episcopal
manor still exist.

Footnote 1182:

The Abingdon and Worcester Chronicles here get poetical; Peterborough
is, just here, strangely meagre; “And man sette Leofgar to biscupe; se
wæs Haroldes Eorles mæsse-preost; se werede his kenepas on his
preosthade, oððæt he wæs biscop. Se forlet his crisman and his hrode,
his gastlican wæpna, and feng to his spere and to his sweorde æfter
his biscuphade, and swa fór to fyrde ongean Griffin þone Wyliscan
Cing.” Yet a fighting Bishop was not so wonderful a thing in those
times. See vol. i. p. 432. William of Malmesbury, Gest. Pont. 163,
makes some confusion, when he says, “Leovegar. Hunc tempore Regis
Edwardi Grifin Rex Walensium urbe crematâ expulit sede et vitâ.” And
Roger of Wendover makes some further confusion or other when he writes
(i. 495), “Ethelstanus Herefordensis præsul obiit, et Levegarus, Ducis
Haroldi capellanus, successit; hunc præsulem, in omni religione
perfectum, Griffinus Rex Walensium, Herefordensi civitate crematâ,
peremit.”

Footnote 1183:

Was Ælfnoth succeeded by Osbern? See p. 346.

Footnote 1184:

Chron. Ab. 1056. “Eaforðlic is to atellanne seo gedrecednes, and seo
fare eall, and seo fyrdung, and þæt geswinc and manna fyll and eac
horsa, þe eall Englahere dreah.”

Footnote 1185:

See above, pp. 153, 362, 372. The Chronicles distinctly say, “Ealdred
bisceop feng to þam bisceoprice þe Leofgar hæfde.” Florence rather
softens this into, “Aldredo Wigornensi præsuli, donec antistes
constitueretur, commissus est episcopatus Herefordensis.” He kept it
for four years, holding also the see of Ramsbury during part of the
time.

Footnote 1186:

Fl. Wig. “Idem episcopus et Comites Leofricus et Haroldus cum Rege
Eadwardo Walanorum Regem Griffinum pacificaverunt.”

Footnote 1187:

See above, p. 86.

Footnote 1188:

Chron. Ab. 1056. “Swa þæt Griffin swor aðas þæt he weolde beon
Eadwarde Kinge hold Underkingc and unswicigende.”

Footnote 1189:

Domesday, 263. “Rex Eadwardus dedit Regi Grifino totam terram quæ
jacebat trans aquam quæ De vocatur. Sed postquam ipse Grifin
forisfecit ei, abstulit ab eo hanc terram, et reddidit episcopo de
Cestre [the see had been moved thither before the Survey. See Will.
Malms. Gest. Pont. 164 _b_] et omnibus suis hominibus qui antea ipsam
tenebant.” A “forisfactio” on the part of Gruffydd can hardly refer to
his loss of his whole kingdom in 1063, and this moment of
reconciliation and homage is obviously the most natural time for a
partial surrender. We have here also another example of church lands
being dealt with for political purposes in a way which would naturally
give rise to those charges of sacrilege against Harold and others of
which I have spoken elsewhere. See Appendix E.

Footnote 1190:

See above, p. 87.

Footnote 1191:

See the whole account in W. Rishanger, 90, ed. Riley.

Footnote 1192:

The see was at Ramsbury, but the Bishop is often called “Episcopus
Wiltoniensium,” that is “of the men of _Wiltunscír_.” In Mercia and
Northumberland the Bishopricks (much like the shires, see vol. i. p.
51) seem commonly to be spoken of by the names of the episcopal towns;
in Wessex and East-Anglia it is as usual, or more so, to use the name
of the tribe or district. See below, p. 406.

Footnote 1193:

See above, pp. 79–81, and 358.

Footnote 1194:

Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. ap. Scriptt. p. Bed. 142. “Ejus animi
magnitudini, vel potius cupiditati, quum non sufficeret rerum
angustia, quoniam apud Ramesberiam nec clericorum conventus, nec quo
sustentaretur erat.”

Footnote 1195:

Ib. “Antecessores suos indigenas fuisse; se alienigenam nullo parentum
compendio vitam quo sustentet habere.”

Footnote 1196:

See above, p. 115.

Footnote 1197:

Will. Malms. u. s. “Episcopum Schireburnensem ... cujus episcopatum
suo uniendum antiquis Edgithæ Reginæ promissis operiebatur.”

Footnote 1198:

On the history of Savaric and his designs on Glastonbury, see the
History of Adam of Domersham in Anglia Sacra, i. 578, and Mr. J. R.
Green and Professor Stubbs in the Somersetshire Archæological
Proceedings for 1863, pp. 39–42.

Footnote 1199:

Fl. Wig. 1055. “Offensus quia ei sedem episcopalem transferre de villâ
quæ Reamnesbyrig dicitur ad abbatiam Malmesbyriensem Rex nollet
concedere.” There is nothing in this short notice inconsistent with
the fuller account given by William of Malmesbury.

Footnote 1200:

I have spoken above (p. 84) of the changes made by Leofric at Exeter,
and I shall have to speak in my next Chapter of the like changes made
by Gisa at Wells.

Footnote 1201:

Will. Malms. Scriptt. p. Bed. 142. “Excellentis prudentiæ monachi,
audito quid in curiâ actum, quid justitiæ surreptum esset, ad Comitem
Godwinum _ejusque filium_ summâ celeritate contendunt.” William is
here mistaken in mentioning Godwine, who of course was dead. The story
cannot be removed to a time before Godwine’s death, as it is fixed to
1055 by the witness of Florence.

Footnote 1202:

Ib. “Id Rex pro simplicitate, cui pronior quam prudentiæ semper erat,
legitimè concedendum ratus, tertio abhinc die dissoluit.”

Footnote 1203:

Ib. “Antequam Hermannus in re vel saisitione inviscaretur.”

Footnote 1204:

Ib. “Illi [Godwine and Harold, or, more truly, Harold only], rei
indignâ novitate permoti, Regem adeunt, et à sententiâ deducunt;
facile id fuit viris summis amplissimâ auctoritate præditis, quibus et
caussæ rectitudo, et Regis facilitas suffragaretur. Ita Hermannus,
necdum planè initiatus, expulsus est.”

Footnote 1205:

See above, p. 42.

Footnote 1206:

Fl. Wig. 1055. “Episcopatum dimisit, marique transfretato, apud
Sanctum Bertinum monachicum habitum suscepit, ibique in ipso
monasterio tribus annis mansit.” Saint Omer, it must be remembered,
was at this time Flemish, and Flanders, and lands south of Flanders,
were still largely Teutonic.

Footnote 1207:

William of Malmesbury (Scriptt. p. Bed. 142) makes himself merry over
the grievances of a Bishop who had turned monk in a momentary fit of
pique; “Sed ut ferè fit talibus, repentino illo impetu relligionis
frigescente, indies in Angliam reditum meditabatur. Figebat [Pigebat?]
hominem assuetum obsequiis, innutritum deliciis, carere delinimentis
quæ ab ineunte fuerat expertus ætate.”

Footnote 1208:

William, strangely confounding his dates, fancies that Godwine died
during Hermann’s absence at Saint Omer, and that Hermann was more
likely to gain his point after Godwine’s death. He is followed by R.
Higden, XV Scriptt. ii. 281, the passage so oddly perverted by
Thierry. See above, p. 345.

Footnote 1209:

See Flor. Wig. 1058.

Footnote 1210:

William of Malmesbury continues to jeer at him to the last; “Accepit
ergo Hermannus Schireburnensem episcopatum integrum cum tribus pagis,
Edwardo Rege dante, vivacitateque suâ datoris annos transcendens ad
Willielmi tempora duravit.” The three “pagi” are the three shires of
which the united diocese was formed, Berkshire, Wiltshire, and
Dorsetshire. So the Abingdon Chronicler recording his death in 1078;
“Se wæs Biscop on Bearrucscire and on Wiltunscire and on Dorsætan.”
Cf. note on p. 401.

Footnote 1211:

See vol. i. p. 349. Will. Malms. u. s.

Footnote 1212:

See above, p. 160.

Footnote 1213:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 1214:

Flor. Wig. 1056. “Ecclesiarum amator, pauperum recreator, viduarum et
pupillorum defensor, oppressorum subventor, virginitatis custos, comes
Agelwinus, id est Odda.” Cf. above, p. 161.

Footnote 1215:

Ib. “Ab Aldredo Wigornensi episcopo, ante suum obitum, monachizatus.”
So Chronn. Ab. and Wig. 1056. “He wæs to munece gehadod ær his ende.”

Footnote 1216:

Flor. Wig. u. s. “Apud Deorhyrste decessit, sed in monasterio
Persorensi honorificè sepultus quiescit.” So Chronn. Ab. and Wig. “His
lic lið on Perscoran.” His brother Ælfric, for whose soul Deerhurst
church was built (see above, p. 161), who died in 1053 (Fl. Wig. in
anno), also died at Deerhurst and was buried at Pershore.

Footnote 1217:

See vol. i. p. 588. According to the Worcester Chronicle under the
years 1041 and 1073, and the Peterborough Chronicle under 1072,
Æthelric was consecrated to York, and was unjustly deprived of the
metropolitan see (hit wæs mid unrihte him ofgenumon), on which he took
Durham. Hugo Candidus, the Peterborough writer (ap. Sparke, 46),
attributes his loss of the see of York to the natural dislike of the
seculars to a monk; “facientibus quibusdam ex canonicis vel ex
clericis, quia penè naturale est eis semper invidere monachis, quia
monachus erat, noluerunt pati eum archiepiscopum esse.” But what
vacancy was there at York in 1041 or 1042? Hugh is loud in his praise,
but Simeon of Durham (Hist. Dun. Eccl. iii. 9, X Scriptt. 34) has much
to say against him, charging him with robbing his church. In the third
year of his episcopate he was driven out, but was restored by Earl
Siward, on the receipt of a bribe (munere oblato). Digging at
Chester-le-street to build a stone church on the site of the old
wooden one, he found a treasure, which he spent in building churches
and repairing roads near Peterborough.

Footnote 1218:

Flor. Wig. and Chronn. Wig. 1072. Petrib. 1073. Sim. Dun. u. s.

Footnote 1219:

Sim. Dun. u. s.

Footnote 1220:

These two brother monks and Bishops remind one of the opening of the
Ormulum;

“Nu, broþerr Wallterr, broþerr min
Affterr þe flæshess kinde;
And broþerr min i Crisstenndom
Þurrh fulluhht and þurrh trowwþe;
And broþerr min i Godess hus
Ȝet o þe þride wise.”

Æthelwine, according to Simeon, had administered the Bishoprick of
Durham under his brother.

Footnote 1221:

Chronn. Wig. and Petrib. 1059. The former breaks out into song, and
gives us good authority for the surname of Ironside;

“Se wæs Eadwerdes
Broðor sunu kynges
Eadmund cing·
Irensíd wæs geclypod
For his snellscipe.”

Florence says, “Ut ei mandârat suus patruus Rex Eadwardus, de
Ungariâ ... Angliam venit. Decreverat enim Rex illum post se regni
hæredem constituere.”

Footnote 1222:

The death of the Emperor Henry the third is recorded in the Abingdon
Chronicle under 1056, under the name of _Cona_, that is, of course,
Conrad. The mistake in the name is odd, but there is no need to have
recourse to Mr. Thorpe’s strange conjecture, A. S. Chronicles, ii. p.
159. The Peterborough Chronicle has a Latin entry with the true name
“Henricus.”

Footnote 1223:

See vol. i. pp. 445, 455.

Footnote 1224:

The Tongues most familiar to Eadward would naturally be Magyar and
_High_-Dutch.

Footnote 1225:

Chron. Ab. 1057;

“Wála þæt wæs hreowlic sið
And hearmlic
Eallre þissere þeode,
Þæt he swa raðe
His lif geendade,
Þæs þe he to Englalande cóm;
For ungesælhðe
Þissere earman þeode.”

Footnote 1226:

Chron. Petrib. 1057. “Her ... com Ædward æðeling, Eadmundes sunu
cynges, hider to lande, and sona þæs gefor.” So Florence; “Ex quo
venit parvo post tempore vitâ decessit Lundoniæ.”

Footnote 1227:

The song in the Abingdon Chronicle says;

“Ne wiston we
For hwylcan intingan
Þæt gedón wearð,
Þæt he ne moste
His mæges Eadwardes
Cynges geseón.”

Footnote 1228:

Lappenberg, p. 517 (ii. 259 Thorpe); “Doch ehe er noch seinen
königlichen Oheim erblickte, von dessen Augen eine ihm ungünstige
Partei, vermuthlich Earl Harolds, des nachherigen Königs, Freunde, ihn
fern zu halten wusste, starb er plötzlich zu London.” He goes on
however distinctly to absolve Harold from all share in his death.

Footnote 1229:

See Will. Gem. vii. 36. Ord. Vit. 500 C. Still more strongly, Guy of
Amiens (129 et seqq.) and Liber de Hydâ, p. 293.

Footnote 1230:

Palgrave, Hist. Ang. Sax. 352. “He was buried in St. Paul’s Cathedral;
and sad and ruthful [rueful?] were the forebodings of the English,
when they saw him borne to his grave.—Harold gained exceedingly by
this event. Did the Atheling die a natural death?—The lamentations of
the chroniclers seem to imply more than meets the ear.” Mr. C. H.
Pearson (Hist. of Eng. in the Early and Middle Ages, i. 244) does not
scruple to repeat the insinuation.

Footnote 1231: