Chapter XXXII: Appendix (9)

See vol. i. p. 203.

Footnote 507:

See vol. i. p. 232.

Footnote 508:

For the sieges of Falaise in 1417 and 1450, see Monstrelet, i. 263 and
iii. 30 _b_ (ed. Paris 1595). Talbot was not actually present during
the defence against the French King.

Footnote 509:

More probably, I think, of the twelfth than of the eleventh. Not that
I at all think the building of such a castle to have been impossible
in the eleventh century, but because it seems likely that Falaise was
one of the castles which were destroyed and rebuilt in the wars of
William and his successors. This point is well put by M.
Ruprich-Robert, the architect employed by the powers which at present
bear rule over Falaise and all Normandy in the “restoration”—that is,
of course, the destruction—of this venerable keep. See his “Rapport,”
1864, p. 27.

Footnote 510:

Will. Brit. Philipp. lib. viii. Duchèsne, Hist. Franc. Scriptt. v.
183;

“Vicus erat scabrâ circumdatus undique rupe,
Ipsius asperitate loci Falesa vocatus,
Normannæ in medio regionis, cujus in altâ
Turres rupe sedent et mœnia, sic ut ad illam
Jactus nemo putet aliquos contingere posse.”

Footnote 511:

Stapleton, Roll of the Norman Exchequer, i. xcvi.; ii. cix.

Footnote 512:

See Appendix N. On the Birth of William.

Footnote 513:

Herod. iii. 2.

Footnote 514:

Malcolm’s History of Persia, i. 70.

Footnote 515:

Will. Malms. iii. 229. R. Wend. i. 469. Cf. Chron. Alberici, 1035 (ap.
Leibnitz, Accessiones, ii. 66), and Appendix N.

Footnote 516:

Benoît de Ste. More, 31216 et seqq. (vol. ii. p. 555), who becomes
rapturous in his description of her beauty. He makes Robert see her on
his return from hunting. Local tradition, endowing Robert with a
singular power of discerning beauty at a distance, makes him see her
from a window of the castle.

Footnote 517:

Benoît, 31276.

Footnote 518:

Roman de Rou, 7998. Bromton, 910. Benoît, 31441 et seqq.

Footnote 519:

See Appendix N.

Footnote 520:

Will. Gem. vii. 3. “Willelmus ex concubinâ Roberti Ducis, nomine
Herlevâ, _Fulberti cubicularii Ducis_ filiâ, natus.”

Footnote 521:

Ord. Vit. 656 D.

Footnote 522:

Will. Gem. vii. 3. See Appendix N.

Footnote 523:

See Appendix N.

Footnote 524:

Roman de Rou, 8021. Will. Malms. iii. 229.

Footnote 525:

Ib. 8037. Will. Malms. iii. 229.

Footnote 526:

See Appendix N.

Footnote 527:

See vol. i. p. 479.

Footnote 528:

Will. Gem. viii. 36.

Footnote 529:

Ord. Vit. 566 B. “Conjugem nomine Herlevam _ut Comes_ habuit, ex quâ
tres filios Ricardum, Radulfum, et Guillelmum genuit, quibus
Ebroicensem comitatum et alios honores amplissimos secundum jus sæculi
distribuit.”

Footnote 530:

Ord. Vit. 566 C. This church was finished by Maurilius in 1063. Ib.
568 B. See Pommeraye, Concilia Ecclesiæ Rotomagensis, p. 73. Bessin,
Concilia, p. 49. No part of the building remains. The account of the
Archbishops of Rouen in Mabillon (Vet. Anal. ii. 438), written while
Robert’s church was standing (“Ecclesiam _præsentem_ miro opere et
magnitudine ædificare cœpit”), gives him much the same character.
“Ante obitum suum, gratiâ Dei præveniente, vitam suam correxit.
Feminam enim reliquit, et de hoc ceterisque pravis actibus suis
pœnitentiam egit, et sic bono fine, in quantum humana fragilitas
capere potest, quievit.”

Footnote 531:

See vol. i. p. 514.

Footnote 532:

See vol. i. p. 508.

Footnote 533:

Will. Gem. vii. 7.

Footnote 534:

Will. Gem. u. s. Will. Malms. iii. 232. William of Malmesbury says
“patruus ejus, sed nothus,” but William of Jumièges distinctly calls
Papia the wife of Richard; “aliam uxorem nomine Papiam duxit.” So
Chron. Fontanellense, ap. D’Achery, iii. 289; “Papia matrimonio
Richardi potita.”

Footnote 535:

See vol. i. p. 518.

Footnote 536:

See vol. i. p. 518.

Footnote 537:

See Palgrave, ii. 536.

Footnote 538:

“Willame Talevaz,” according to the Roman de Rou, 8061. “Willelmus
Talvacius,” Will. Gem. vi. 7.

Footnote 539:

Roman de Rou, 8062. “Ki tint Sez, Belesme, è Vinaz.”

Footnote 540:

Ivo, son of the elder William, a Prelate of whom Orderic draws a very
favourable picture (469 D), did not scruple to attack and burn his own
church, when it had been turned into a fortress by certain turbulent
nobles. He tried to repair it, and reconsecrated it; but the walls,
being damaged by the fire, fell down. He was then charged with
sacrilege at the Council of Rheims, and defended himself by the
necessity of the case. He was bidden by Pope Leo, as a penance, to
rebuild the church. He went as far as Apulia, and even as
Constantinople, collecting contributions and relics, and he began the
work on such a scale that, forty years later, the efforts of his three
successors had not enabled them to finish it. Will. Gem. vii. 13–15.
No part of his building now remains.

Footnote 541:

Will. Gem. viii. 35. See Palgrave, ii. 313, 536.

Footnote 542:

Will. Gem. vi. 4. See vol. i. p. 518.

Footnote 543:

Will. Gem. vi. 7. “Ipse cunctis fratribus suis in omnibus flagitiis
deterior fuit, et in ejus seminis hæredibus immoderata nequitia usque
hodie viguit.” So vii. 10. “Hic à parentum suorum perfidiâ nequaquam
sua retorsit vestigia.”

Footnote 544:

Ib. vii. 10.

Footnote 545:

Ib. Orderic (460 D) adds, “amputatis genitalibus.” These stories of
the extreme wickedness of the house of Belesme are doubtless not
without foundation, but one cannot help suspecting exaggeration,
especially when we remember that Orderic writes in the interest of the
hostile house of Geroy. This particular outrage of William Talvas can
hardly be an invention; but it must surely have had some motive which
does not appear in our authorities.

Footnote 546:

Ib. 12. The tale is that he one day went out with his followers
(clientes) to rob, and seized on the pig of a certain nun (“inter
reliqua porcum cujusdam sanctimonialis rapuit”). The holy woman
pleaded earnestly for the restoration of her favourite (“gemens eum
insecuta est, ac, ut porcellus quem nutrierat, sibi pro Deo
redderetur, obnixè deprecata est”), but all was in vain; the oppressor
killed the pig and ate him for supper. The same night he was strangled
in his bed. In those times no alternative was thought of except a
supernatural intervention, and an assassination by Arnulf’s brother
Oliver. But our historian altogether rejects this last view, as
inconsistent with the high character of Oliver, who passed many years
as a brave and honourable knight, and at last died in the odour of
sanctity as a monk of Bec.

This story contains nothing absolutely incredible; yet one is tempted
to see in it a slightly ludicrous version of Nathan’s parable,
assuming a form impossible under the elder dispensation. Arnulf too
does not seem to have had even the poor excuse of the presence of a
wayfaring man.

Footnote 547:

Roman de Rou, 8059 et seqq. Palgrave, iii. 149.

Footnote 548:

Will. Gem. vi. 12. “Robertum ergo archiepiscopum cum optimatibus sui
Ducatûs accersivit.” This looks as if Robert were the only churchman
present. See vol. i. p. 197. Wace (8081) gathers together Bishops,
Abbots, and Barons, but perhaps only in conformity with the custom of
his own time.

Footnote 549:

Roman de Rou. 8091 et seqq.

Footnote 550:

Roman de Rou, 8107 et seqq.

“Il est peti, mais il creistra,
E se Deu plaist amendera.

· · · · ·

Cil est de vostre norreture.”

Footnote 551:

Ib. 8105.

“Par li cunseil el Rei de France,
Ki l’maintiendra o sa poessance.”

Footnote 552:

Will. Gem. vi. 12. “Exponens autem eis Willelmum filium suum, quem
unicum apud Falesiam genuerat, ab eis attentissime _exigebat, ut hunc
sibi loco sui dominum eligerent_, et militiæ suæ principem
præficerent.” A good precedent for the _congé d’élire_ and letter
missive.

Footnote 553:

Will. Gem. u. s. “Juxta decretum Ducis protinùs eum promptâ vivacitate
suum collaudavere principem ac dominum, pangentes illi fidelitatem non
violandis sacramentis.” Cf. Roman de Rou, 8117 et seqq. The events
which followed make one doubt as to the genuineness of the “prompta
vivacitas.”

Footnote 554:

Roman de Rou, 8125.

“Li Dus por la chose afermer,
E por fere lunges durer,
Al Rei de France l’ad mené,
E par li puing li a livré;
Sun home le fist devenir
E de Normendie seisir.”

There is nothing however to imply that William stayed longer at Paris
than was needed for the ceremony. It is an exaggeration when we read
in the Winchester Annals (p. 19 Luard), “Willelmo filio Roberti Ducis
juvenculo morante cum Rege Francorum in Galliis.” Rudolf Glaber (iv.
6) describes the accession of William in much the same way as the
national writers; “Cui [Willelmo] antequam proficisceretur, universos
sui ducaminis principes militaribus adstrinxit sacramentis, qualiter
illum in Principem pro se, si non rediret, eligerent. Quod etiam
statim ex consensu Regis Francorum Henrici unanimiter postmodùm
firmaverunt.” Does the phrase “militaribus sacramentis” mean “on their
knightly honour,” or is it merely a pedantic reference to the Roman
military oath?

Footnote 555:

See vol. i. p. 529.

Footnote 556:

Will. Malms. iii. 230. “Clarissima olim patria, intestinis
dissensionibus exulcerata, pro latronum libito dividebatur, ut merito
posset querimoniam facere, ‘Væ terræ cujus Rex puer est.’” See
Ecclesiastes x. 16. The same text is used by R. Glaber, iv. 5, with a
more general application.

Footnote 557:

William of Jumièges (vii. 1) distinctly makes the building of these
castles one of the main signs and causes of the general disorder of
the country. “Sub ejus ineunte ætate, Normannorum plurimi aberrantes
ab ejus fidelitate, plura per loca aggeres erexerunt, et tutissimas
sibi munitiones construxerunt. Quarum dum auderent fisi munimine,
protinùs inter eos diversi motus exoriuntur, seditiones concitantur,
ac sæva patriæ incendia ubique perpetrantur,” &c. So William of
Malmesbury (iii. 230); “Mox quisque sua munire oppida, turres agere,
frumenta comportare, caussas aucupari quibus quamprimùm à puero
dissidia meditarentur.” The “agger” is the “mote” or mound on which
the Norman castles were so often built. The word came almost to be
used for the castle itself. In the Roman de Rou, 8847, a knight is
described as standing at his gate “Entre li mostier è _sa mote_,” that
is, between the church and his own castle. According to Mr. Clark, the
“agger” or “mote” was commonly an earlier earthwork made use of by the
builders of the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Old London, p. 16).
Yet the rebellious nobles are here clearly described as throwing up
“aggeres” for the express purpose of building their castles, and we
can hardly believe that the “tutissimæ munitiones” were of wood.

Footnote 558:

See above, p. 138.

Footnote 559:

Chron. Wig. 1066. “And Oda biscop and Wyllelm eorl belifen her æfter,
and worhton castelas wide geond þas þeode, and earm folc swencte, and
á syððan hit yflade swiðe.” Chron. Petrib. 1087. “Castelas he lét
wyrcean, and earme men swiðe swencean.” The famous description of the
castle-building in the year 1137 is familiar to readers even of the
commonest English histories.

Footnote 560:

See above, p. 140.

Footnote 561:

See the story quoted in p. 185.

Footnote 562:

See vol. i. p. 526.

Footnote 563:

Roman de Rou, 8131;

“A Alain qui esteit sis huem,
Par l’Archeveske de Ruem,
Livra sa terre à cumandise,
Cum à senescal è justise.”

Footnote 564:

The “Turoldus” of William of Jumièges (vii. 2), and the “Turchetillus”
of Orderic (656 C), certainly seem to be the same person.

Footnote 565:

See vol. i. p. 284.

Footnote 566:

Will. Gem. viii. 37. “Gislebertus fuerat filius Godefridi Comitis
Aucensis, naturalis videlicet filii primi Richardi Ducis Normannorum.”
See vol. i. p. 279.

Footnote 567:

See vol. i. p. 198. Gilbert is called “Comes Ocensis” by William of
Jumièges (vii. 2), and the same writer (iv. 18) also says, “Licet
Comes Gislebertus filius Godefridi Comitis ipsum comitatum parumper
tenuerit, antequam occideretur.” But see Stapleton, i. lvi.

Footnote 568:

Will. Gem. vii. 33. “Alanum patrem meum apud Winmusterium in Normanniâ
veneno peremisti.” But the Breton Chronicle in Morice (Memoires pour
servir de Preuves à l’histoire de Bretagne) says only, “1039. Obiit
Alanus Dux Britanniæ filius Gauffredi. 3 Kal. Oct.” Cf. Roman de Rou,
8139;

“Murut Alains a Normandie;
A Fescamp jut en l’Abéie.”

See Prevost’s note, i. 403.

Footnote 569:

Roman de Rou, 8136.

Footnote 570:

Orderic (567 A) says distinctly, “Alannum Comitem Britonum suique
Ducis tutorem Normanni veneno perimere.”

Footnote 571:

Will. Gem. vii. 2. Will. Malms. iii. 230. “Interfecto Gisleberto a
Radulpho patruele suo, ubique cædes, ubique ignes versabantur.”

Footnote 572:

This seems the meaning of the context of the passage from William of
Jumièges quoted just above.

Footnote 573:

Ord. Vit. 686 D.

Footnote 574:

Will. Gem. vii. 2.

Footnote 575:

Ib. “In Normanniâ summoperè inserviebant diris facinoribus.”

Footnote 576:

Ib. viii. 37.

Footnote 577:

Ib. viii. 35.

Footnote 578:

Ib. vii. 16. See above, p. 185. William gives the daughters of Roger
and Mabel a good character. Of the sons he says, “Illi ferales et
cupidi, et inopum rabidi oppressores exstiterunt. Quam callidi, vel
militares, seu perfidi fuerint, aut quantùm super vicinos paresque
suos excreverint, iterumque sub eis pro facinoribus suis decederint,
non est nostrum in hoc loco enarrare.”

Footnote 579:

Ib. “Præfata mulier erat corpore parva, multùmque loquax, ad malum
satis prompta, et sagax atque faceta, nimiùmque crudelis et audax,”
Above, vii. 10, she is “Mabilia, crudelissimæ sobolis mater.” So Ord.
Vit. 470 A; “Præfata Mabilia multùm erat potens et sæcularis, callida
et loquax, nimiumque crudelis.”

Footnote 580:

Ord. Vit. 667 B. “Rogerius Merciorum Comes.”

Footnote 581:

Will. Gem. vii. 2. See Palgrave, iii. 198. Stapleton, i. cxxvi.

Footnote 582:

Will. Gem. ib. “Deinde [after the death of Gilbert] Turoldus teneri
Ducis pædagogus perimitur à perfidis patriæ desertoribus.”

Footnote 583:

This is the way in which I read the story in William of Jumièges (vii.
2), compared with that put into Duke William’s own mouth by Orderic
(656 C). Sir Francis Palgrave seems to make Thorold and Osbern be
murdered at once (199). But William of Jumièges seems to make these
murders two distinct events. After the passage just quoted he goes on,
“Osbernus quoque ... quâdam nocte, dum in cubiculo Ducis cum ipso in
Valle Rodoili securus soporatur, repente in stratu suo à Willelmo
Rogerii de Monte-gumeri filio jugulatus.” Orderic puts the murders of
Gilbert, Thorold (or Thurcytel), and Osbern together in general terms;
“Turchetillum nutricium meum et Osbernum Herfasti filium, Normanniæ
dapiferum, Comitemque Gislebertum patrem patriæ, cum multis aliis
reipublicæ necessariis fraudulenter interfecerunt.” The murder of
Osbern can hardly fail to have been one of the occasions so
pathetically referred to in Orderic; “Noctibus multotiens cognatorum
timore meorum à Gualterio avunculo meo de camerâ principali furtim
exportatus sum, ac ad domicilia latebrasque pauperum, ne à perfidis,
qui ad mortem me quærebant, invenirer, translatus sum.”

Footnote 584:

Will. Gem. vii. 2. “Barno quippe de Glotis, præpositus Osberni,
injustam necem domini sui cupiens ulcisci, nocte quadam expeditos
pugiles congregavit, et domum, ubi Willelmus et complices sui
dormiebant, adiit, ac omnes simul, sicut meruerant, statim
trucidavit.”

Footnote 585:

See vol. i. p. 514.

Footnote 586:

Will. Gem. vii. 3. “Comperiens autem quod Willelmus puer in Ducatu
patri successerit, vehementer indignatus est, et tumidè despexit illi
servire, dicens quod nothus non deberet sibi aliisque Normannis
imperare.”

Footnote 587:

See Will. Gem. vii. 3; viii. 37. Ord. Vit. 460 C.

Footnote 588:

Garnier, Vie de S. Thomas, 1830 (p. 66 ed. Hippeau); “E cil [quens] de
Leicestre, ke mut par est senez.” So William Fitz-Stephen (i. 235
Giles); “Comes Legecestriæ Robertus, qui maturitate ætatis et morum
aliis prominebat;” and Herbert of Bosham (i. 147 Giles); “Nobilis vir
Robertus, tunc Leicestræ Comes, inter honoratos honoratior.”

Footnote 589:

Amicia, daughter of Robert, third Earl of Leicester, married Simon the
Third, Lord of Montfort. She was the mother of Simon the leader of the
Crusade against the Albigenses, and the grandmother of our own Simon
the Righteous. See Pauli, Simon von Montfort, 19, 20.

Footnote 590:

Will. Gem. vii. 4. “Rodulphum de Wacceio ex consultu majorum sibi
tutorem eligit, et principem militiæ Normannorum constituit.”

Footnote 591:

See above, p. 195.

Footnote 592:

The expressions of William of Jumièges (vii. 4) are remarkable;
“Henricum igitur Regem Francorum adeunt, et titiones ejus per
Normannicos limites hac illacque spargunt. Quos nominatim litteris
exprimerem, si inexorabilia eorum odia declinare nollem. Attamen non
alii exstiterunt, vobis in aure loquor circumstantibus, quam hi qui
fideliores se profitentur et quos nunc majoribus Dux cumulavit
honoribus.”

Footnote 593:

See vol. i. p. 247.

Footnote 594:

Vol. i. p. 272.

Footnote 595:

Vol. i. pp. 250, 269.

Footnote 596:

Vol. i. p. 519.

Footnote 597:

See above, p. 189.

Footnote 598:

See vol. i. pp. 187, 216.

Footnote 599:

Roman de Rou, 9907 et seqq. The great offence was calling the Normans
“bigoz è draschiers.” The first name has given cause to much
controversy; the second is said to mean drinkers of ale, a wholesome
witness of their Teutonic descent. But cf. Æsch. Suppl. 930;

ἀλλ’ ἄρσενάς τοι τῆσδε γῆς οἰκήτορας
εὑρήσετ’, οὐ πίνοντας ἐκ κριθῶν μέθυ.

Footnote 600:

See vol. i. p. 189. The whole feeling between France and Normandy is
best summed up in the passage from Wace referred to in p. 201,
especially the lines,

“Sovent les unt medlé al Rei,
Sovent dient: Sire, por kei
Ne tollez la terre as bigoz?
A vos ancessors e as nos
La tolirent lor ancessor,
Ki par mer vindrent robéor.”

The feeling is thus represented as mainly a popular one.

Footnote 601:

See vol. i. pp. 509–511.

Footnote 602:

Art de verifier les Dates, ii. 670.

Footnote 603:

Will. Gem. vii. 5. “Duxit se placabilem ei nullo modo fore, quamdiu
Tegulense castrum videret in pristino statu persistere.”

Footnote 604:

Will. Gem. vii. 5. “Cujus fraudes animi ob salutem pueri vitare
cupientes, in fide stantes Normanni decreverunt fieri quod egisse
postmodum pœnituit.”

Footnote 605:

On the family of Crispin or of Tillières see Stapleton, i. cxx.; ii.
xliv. There is a special treatise, “De nobili Crispinorum Genere,”
which will be found in Giles’ Lanfranc, i. 340. This Gilbert must not
be confounded with Count Gilbert of Brionne, who seems also to be
called Crispin. See Prevost, note on Roman de Rou, ii. 5.

Footnote 606:

Will. Gem. vii. 5. “Mox ut molestissimum agnovit decretum.”

Footnote 607:

Ib. “Exercitibus tam Francorum quam Normannorum contractis.”

Footnote 608:

Ib. “Gislebertus tandem, precibus Ducis victus, mœrens castrum
reddidit.”

Footnote 609:

Ib. “Quod [castrum] sub oculis omnium sub maximo dolore cordis
confestim igne concremari perspexit.” The speedy restoration of the
fortress, of which we shall hear directly, shows what is really meant
by this burning. That the castle was wholly of wood is inconceivable.
But all the wooden appendages, all the roofs, floors, and fittings of
the main building, were burned. The principal tower would thus remain
dismantled, blackened, perhaps a little damaged in its masonry, but
quite fit to be made available again in a short time.

Footnote 610:

Will. Gem. vii. 5. “Sacramenta quæ Duci juraverat ne à quoquam suo in
quatuor annis reficerentur, irrita fecit.”

Footnote 611:

Ib.

Footnote 612:

Ib. vii. 6. “Turstenus cognomento Goz, Ansfridi Dani filius, qui tunc
præses Oximensis erat.”

Footnote 613:

See vol. i. pp. 211, 216, 243, 262. Without trusting all Dudo’s
details, there can be no doubt as to the general fact of these later
settlements.

Footnote 614:

Will. Gem. vii. 6. “Zelo succensus infidelitatis, regales milites
stippendiis conduxit, quos complices ad muniendum Falesiæ castellum,
ne inde Duci serviret, sibi adscivit.” The presence of the French
soldiers is thus plain enough, and their presence seems to imply the
complicity of the French King; but there seems to be no sufficient
authority for bringing in a second devastating invasion of the County
of Hiesmes by Henry in person, as we find described in the Roman de
Rou, 8526, where I do not understand Prevost’s note.

Footnote 615:

Will. Gem. vii. 6. He founded St. Gabriel’s Priory near Bayeux, the
small remains of which are among the finest Romanesque work in
Normandy. See De Caumont, Statistique Monumental du Calvados, i. 306.

Footnote 616:

See Will. Gem. viii. 38. Ord. Vit. 488 B, 522 A, B.

Footnote 617:

Will. Malms. iii. 240. “At ille, ubi primùm per ætatem potuit, militiæ
insignia à Rege Francorum accipiens, provinciales in spem quietis
erexit.”

Footnote 618:

See above, p. 172. William of Poitiers (Giles, Scriptt. Will. Conq.
80; Duchèsne, 179 B) gives him, as might be expected, a splendid
panegyric. Among other virtues we read, “Summo studio cœpit ecclesiis
Dei patrocinari, caussas impotentium tutari, jura imponere quæ non
gravarent, judicia facere quæ nequaquam ab æquitate vel temperantiâ
deviarent. Imprimis prohibere cædes, incendia, rapinas. Rebus enim
illicitis nimia ubique, ut suprà docuimus, licentia fuit.” See also
the later panegyrics on his administration of justice, p. 88, and on
his piety in 113, to which I shall have again to refer.

Footnote 619:

See vol. i. p. 220.

Footnote 620:

Ord. Vit. 566, B, C. See above, p. 180.

Footnote 621:

Robert was succeeded at Evreux by his son Richard and his grandson
William. On the death of William his inheritance passed to his sister
Agnes, wife of Simon the Second of Montfort, ancestor of the great
Simon. See the pedigrees in Duchèsne, pp. 1084, 1092, and Pauli, 19.

Footnote 622:

Will. Gem. vii. 7. Ord. Vit. 566 D. The verses on him in the series of
Archbishops are,

“Malgerius juvenis sedem suscepit honoris,
Natali clarus, sed nullo nobilis actu.”

See, for a fearful description of his misdeeds, Will. Pict. 116 ed.
Giles. Amongst other things, he never received the pallium. The list
of Archbishops in Mabillon (Vet. An. ii. 439) says, “Non electione
meriti, sed carnali parentum [_parents_ in the French sense] amore et
adulatorum suffragio in pueritiâ sedem adeptus est pontificalem; omni
destitutus tutelâ, potiùs adquievit carni et sanguini quam divinis
mandatis.”

Footnote 623:

Will. Pict. 118 Giles. Will. Gem. vii. 3, 17. Ord. Vit. 660 B. See
Appendix N.

Footnote 624:

See vol. i. p. 230.

Footnote 625:

A son of Herlwin and Herleva could not be born before 1036; Odo
therefore, at the time of his appointment, could not have been above
twelve years old.

Footnote 626:

Will. Gem. vii. 17. Ord. Vit. 664 D.

Footnote 627:

See especially the portrait of him in Orderic, u. s. William of
Poitiers (118 Giles) ventures to say, “Odonem ab annis puerilibus
optimorum numero consona præconia optimorum inseruerunt. Fertur hic in
longinquas regiones celeberrima fama; sed ipsius liberalissimi atque
_humillimi_ multa et industria et bonitas amplius meretur.”

Footnote 628:

Ord. Vit. 646 D. Here Odo is “præsumptor episcopus, cui principatus
Albionis et Neustriæ non sufficiebat.”

Footnote 629:

Ib. 665 A. Up to this time scriptural names seem to have been hardly
more usual in Normandy than in England. The sons of Archbishop Robert
bore names of the usual Teutonic cast, but his successor Malger called
his son Michael. Ib. 566 D.

Footnote 630:

On these works of Odo see Will. Gem. vii. 17. Ord. Vit. 665 A.
Orderic’s words might seem to assert a more complete rebuilding of the
cathedral than those of William. Orderic says, “Ecclesiam sanctæ Dei
genitricis Mariæ à fundamentis cœpit, eleganter consummavit.” William
has only, “Pontificalem ecclesiam in honorem sanctæ Dei genitricis
Mariæ _novam auxit_.” Perhaps this means that he rebuilt it on a
larger scale. It was consecrated, like many other Norman Churches, in
1077. Ord. Vit. 548 D. Compare the many dedications of English
churches in 1258. See Matt. Paris, 449, 481, Wats.

Footnote 631:

Ord. Vit. 765 C.

Footnote 632:

Ord. Vit. 460 A. “Quisque potentum se derisione dignum judicabat, si
clericos aut monachos in suâ possessione ad Dei militiam rebus
necessariis non sustentabat.” So also Will. Gem. vii. 22. “Unusquisque
optimatum certabat in prædio suo ecclesias fabricare, et monachos qui
pro se Deum rogarent rebus suis locupletare.” Each adds a long list of
the foundations of the time. The expressions “clerici” and “ecclesias
fabricare” would seem to apply to parish churches also. But few parish
churches of so early a date exist in Normandy. The great mass seem to
have been built or rebuilt in the next century.

Footnote 633:

This seems recognized by William of Jumièges (vii. 22). Roger of
Montgomery founded monasteries, “indignans videri in aliquo inferior
suis comparibus.”

Footnote 634:

Ord. Vit. 547 C. “Ego de extremis Merciorum finibus decennis Angligena
huc advectus, barbarusque et ignotus advena callentibus indigenis
admixtus, inspirante Deo Normannorum gesta et eventus Normannis
promere scripto sum conatus.” So 548 A; “De Angliâ in Normanniam
tenellus exsul, ut æterno Regi militarem, destinatus sum.” See also
pp. 579–581. His father Odelerius was a priest of Orleans. Of the
importance of these passages I shall have to speak again.

Footnote 635:

See Orderic 492 B, and Appendix D.

Footnote 636:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. “A Danis igitur qui Normanniam primi obtinuere pater
ejus originem duxit.” So Milo Crispin, Vitæ Abb. Becc. (Giles,
Lanfranc, i. 261), who copies William. Both give the name Ansgotus. I
know not why pedigree-makers (see one quoted by Taylor, Wace 209, and
another in Sir A. Malet’s Wace 269) identify this Ansgod with
“Crispinus of Bec.”

Footnote 637:

See above, p. 205.

Footnote 638:

See vol. i. pp. 191, 192.

Footnote 639:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. “Mater proximam Ducum Morinorum, quos moderni
Flandros cognominant, consanguinitatem attigit.” Milo is satisfied
with the description of “Ducum Flandriæ,” without the flourish about
the Morini. Herlwin may thus have been, in the female line, a
descendant of our Ælfred.

Footnote 640:

Milo, ap. Giles, i. 262. Orderic, 460 B. Herlwin, hard pressed in the
battle, vows that, if he survives, he will serve God only—“nulli
ulteriùs nisi soli Deo militaret.”

Footnote 641:

Milo, i. 264. The Count was seeking the destruction of some neighbour;
“de cujusdam compatriotæ sui damno agens, quod in illius vergebat
perniciem.”

Footnote 642:

Ib. “Continuò abripiuntur omnia sua, nec curat, vastantur quoque
pauperes sui, unde non parvâ sollicitatur curâ.”

Footnote 643:

See the description in Orderic, 574 D et seqq. His words are
remarkable. After describing the marriage or concubinage of the clergy
and even of the Bishops, he goes on (575 A); “Hujusmodi mos inolevit
tempore neophytorum, qui cum Rollone baptizati sunt, et desolatam
regionem non litteris sed armis instructi violenter invaserunt. Deinde
presbyteri de stirpe Dacorum litteris tenuiter edocti parochias
tenebant, et arma ferentes laicalem feudum militari famulatu
defendebant.”

Footnote 644:

Milo, i. 266. “Quidam monachus monachum pugno repercussum avertit, ac
impulsum supinis dentibus demisit ad solum; adhuc enim, ut dictum est,
omnes omnium per Normanniam mores barbari erant.”

Footnote 645:

Milo, i. 266, 267.

Footnote 646:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. Ord. Vit. 549 A. Herbert was Bishop of Lisieux from
1026 to 1050. He began to rebuild the Cathedral, which was finished by
his successor Hugh. No part of their work remains.

Footnote 647:

Milo, i. 264, 265. The release of the lands seems implied in the
foundation of the monastery.

Footnote 648:

Will. Gem. u. s. Milo, i. 265.

Footnote 649:

Will. Gem. u. s. “Ipse non solum operi præsidebat, sed opus ipsum
efficiebat, terram fodiens, fossam efferens, lapides, sabulum,
calcemque humeris comportans, ac ea in parietem ipsemet componens.”
The church of Burneville then, like Cnut’s church on Assandun (see
vol. i. p. 472), was clearly a minster of stone and lime. For a like
example of humility, take Saint Hugh of Lincoln, who worked at the
building of his own cathedral church. (Metrical Life of St. Hugh, ed.
Dimock, p. 32.) Compare the penance imposed on Duke Godfrey for his
sacrilege at Verdun; see above, p. 98. In somewhat the same spirit
Edward the First worked personally in making the ditch at Berwick in
1296. Rishanger, ed. Riley, p. 375.

Footnote 650:

Will. Gem. u. s. “Ab eodem præsule sacerdos ordinatus atque Abbas
constitutus est.” Cf. Milo, i. 267. The last writer seems to make
Herlwin delay his monastic profession till the consecration of the
church, but it seems from William of Jumièges and Orderic (549 A) that
an interval of three years passed between his first profession and his
ordination and benediction as Abbot. Milo himself, though in a
confused way, recognizes an interval of three years.

Footnote 651:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. Milo, i. 265.

Footnote 652:

Milo, i. 268. “Simili se inibi propter Deum servituti nobilis mater
ejus addixit, et concessis Deo prædiis, quæ habebat, ancillæ
fungebatur officio.”

Footnote 653:

Chron. Becc. ap. Giles, i. 194. “Quia campestris et inaquosus est
locus.” On the necessity of wood and water for monks, we have the
witness of Orderic (461 A) in the case of his own house. “Locus iste,”
says William the son of Geroy, “ubi cœpistis ædificare, habitationi
monachorum aptus non est, quia ibi aqua deest et nemus longè est.
Certum est quod absque his duobus elementis monachi esse non possunt.”
The description of Bec in William of Jumièges enlarges on the
advantages of the spot. It is “omni opportunitate humano usui
commodus. Propter densitatem ac rivi recreationem, ferarum illic
multus erat accursus.”

Footnote 654:

Will. Gem. u. s. “Locus, qui à rivo illic mananti Beccus appellatur.”
So Chron. Becc. ap. Giles, i. 194; “Locus qui dicitur Beccus, et ita
vocitatus à rivulo ibi decurrente, qui adhuc hodiernis temporibus
decurrit juxta muros prati.”

Footnote 655:

It must be remembered that Herlwin’s _first_ church at Bec was on a
different site from the existing remains, which represent his _second_
building.

Footnote 656:

Milo, i. 268. “Comes Gilbertus nil usquam eo saltu pretiosius
possidebat.” The only human habitations in the valley were three
mills, in two of which Herlwin had the right of a third part. Partly
by gift, partly by purchase, he obtained possession of the whole
valley. For his own gifts at Burneville and elsewhere, see his Charter
in Neustria Pia, 437.

Footnote 657:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. Milo, i. 269. “Consecratâ, paucis exstructâ annis,
non parvâ ecclesiâ, columnis ex ligneis claustrum construxit.” The
church then was of stone.

Footnote 658:

Milo, i. 270. “Abbas peritus erat in dirimendis caussarum sæcularium
controversiis, prudens in iis quæ ad exteriora pertinent, ... legum
patriæ scientissimus.”

Footnote 659:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. Ord. Vit. 549 A.

Footnote 660:

Will. Gem. u. s. “Gentium transmarinarum summus Pontifex.” Milo, i.
275. “Gentium transmarinarum Apostolicus.” Ib. 272. “Summus antistes
et in ecclesiis transmarinis vices apostolicas gerens.” See vol. i.
pp. 146, 627.

Footnote 661:

Will. Malms. iii. 246. “Omnium gentium benignissimi advenas æquali
secum honore colunt.”

Footnote 662:

Chron. Fontanellense (Saint Wandrille), ap. D’Achery, iii. 286.

Footnote 663:

Orderic’s description of him (519 A) begins, “Hic ex nobili parentelâ
ortus, Papiæ urbis Italiæ civibus, ab annis infantiæ in scholis
liberalium artium studuit, et secularium legum peritiam ad patriæ suæ
morem intentione laicâ fervidus edidicit.” Gervase (X Scriptt. 1652),
from whom we get the names of his parents, says, “natus in urbe
Papiensi civibus egregiis et honestâ conditione; pater ipsius
Hanbaldus, mater Roza vocabatur.” William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont.
116 _b_) says only, “non adeò abjectâ et obscurâ progenie oriundus
erat.” Milo’s description (i. 281) points to a sort of nobility of the
robe; “Parentes illius, ejusdem urbis cives, magni et honorabiles
habebantur inter suos concives. Nam, ut fertur, pater ejus de ordine
illorum qui jura et leges civitatis asservabant fuit.” Dr. Hook
(Archbishops, ii. 74) refers to his letter to Queen Margaret of
Scotland (Giles, i. 59), in which he calls himself “hominem extraneum,
vilem, ignobilem.” A sort of civic nobility seems to reconcile the
different descriptions.

Footnote 664:

I suppose that a knowledge of Greek is implied in the description
given by William of Jumièges (vi. 9); “Ortus Italiâ quidam vir erat,
quem Latinitas, in antiquum ab eo restituta scientiæ statum, tota
supremum debito cum amore et honore agnoscit, nomine Lanfrancus. Ipsa
quoque in liberalibus studiis gentium magistra Græcia discipulos
illius libenter audiebat, et admirabatur.” The odd expression of
“Latinitas” occurs also in the passage in the Saint Wandrille
Chronicle just referred to. “Potestas secundi Richardi, velut amore
diluculi, in toto Latinitatis orbe serena refulsit.” I suppose it
takes in all nations of Romance speech.

Footnote 665:

See the quotation from Orderic just above, and Dr. Hook’s (ii. 75)
discussion as to his exact position.

Footnote 666:

Ord. Vit. 519 A. “Adolescentulus orator veteranos adversantes in
actionibus caussarum frequenter præcipitavit, torrente facundiâ
appositè dicendo senes superavit. In ipsâ ætate sententias promere
statuit quas gratanter juris periti aut judices aut prætores civitatis
acceptabant.”

Footnote 667:

Milo, i. 282. “In primævâ ætate patre orbatus, quum ei in honorem et
dignitatem succedere _deberet_.” Was Hanbald’s post, whatever it was,
hereditary?

Footnote 668:

Dr. Hook (ii. 76, 80) discusses the question at length. I cannot infer
from the use of the word “exsilium” by Orderic (519 A), that Lanfranc
was driven from Pavia by any political revolution, any more than
Orderic himself, when “tenellus exsul” in Normandy. See above, p. 216.

Footnote 669:

Chron. Becc. i. 195. Hook, ii. 77.

Footnote 670:

The sojourn at Avranches comes from Milo, i. 282. The other accounts
seem to bring him to Bec at once.

Footnote 671:

The Bishoprick of Avranches is now merged in that of Coutances, and
the cathedral is destroyed; Lisieux is also merged in Bayeux, but the
cathedral remains.

Footnote 672:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. “Beccum itaque adiit, quo nullum usquam pauperius
æstimabatur vel abjectius cœnobium.” Ord. Vit. 519 B. “Cœnobiolum
Beccense loci situ et paupertate elegit.” Milo, i. 282, 283. “Locum
adire nolebat, ubi litterati qui eum honori ac reverentiæ haberent....
Rogavit sanè ut vilius et pauperius cœnobium quod in regione nossent
sibi demonstrarent.” Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 116 _b_. “Multis diu
locis circumspectis, ex omni abbatiarum copiâ Beccum apud Normanniam
potissimùm elegit, paupertate loci et monachorum religione captus.”

Footnote 673:

The legend is found in a simpler form in Milo, i. 282, 283, and in a
fuller shape in the Chronicon Beccense, i. 195, 196, followed by Hook,
i. 81, 82. I do not see the chronological difference spoken of by the
Dean, except that the Chronicler, like most of the other writers,
leaves out the sojourn at Avranches. The two versions are worth
comparing, as illustrating the growth of a legend, which is not the
less plainly a legend because it contains nothing miraculous. The
earlier form is the more consistent with the general story, as it
represents Lanfranc as ignorant of Scripture and divine things. The
meeting between Lanfranc and Herlwin is well conceived and well told.

Footnote 674:

Milo, i. 285.

Footnote 675:

Milo, i. 286. “Lanfrancum Priorem constituit, et quidquid ditioni
monasterii subjacebat, interiùs et exteriùs ipsius curæ commisit.”

Footnote 676:

Ib. 284. “Vir sapiens sciens magis obedientiam Christo debere quam
Donato, dimisit quod bene pronunciaverat, et dixit quod non rectè
dicere jubebatur. Nam producere brevem vel longam corripere syllabam
non capitale noverat crimen; verùm jubenti ex parte Dei non parere
culpam non levem esse sciebat.”

Footnote 677:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. “Accurrunt clerici, Ducum filii [one would like to
know their names], nominatissimi scholarum Latinitatis magistri, laici
potentes, altâ nobilitate viri. Multi pro ipsius amore multas eidem
ecclesiæ terras contulere.”

Footnote 678:

Will. Gem. vi. 9. “Adunatam etenim illic fratrum multitudinem quia
domorum spaciositas jam capere non valebat, et quia situs loci
degentium incolumitati contrarius exsistebat.”

Footnote 679:

William of Jumièges (u. s.) describes the work, and says that “post
triennii completionem, solâ necdum completâ basilicâ,” Lanfranc became
Abbot of Saint Stephen’s. This last appointment did not happen till
1066 (Ord. Vit. 494 B). Did the rebuilding not begin till 1063?

Footnote 680:

I reserve the account of Lanfranc’s connexion with William till I come
to the history of the Duke’s marriage.

Footnote 681:

See above, p. 116.

Footnote 682:

See Hook, ii. 89.

Footnote 683:

Orderic (519 D) describes the work of Lanfranc against Berengar as
“dilucido venustoque stilo libellum, sacris auctoritatibus ponderosum,
et indissolubiliter constantem consequentiis rationum, veræ
intelligentiæ adstructione de Eucharistiâ copiosum, facundo sermone
luculentum, _nec prolixitate tædiosum_.” One could wish that the
excellent Orderic had, in this last respect, imitated the work which
he so much admired.

Footnote 684:

The whole early history of his house is given by Orderic at great
length, 609 et seqq. So also Will. Gem. vii. 23.

Footnote 685:

Ord. 609 C. “Degens adhuc sub laicali habitu vitam instituerat ut
nihil ab his discrepare videretur, quos imperium regulare coercebat.”
His piety however was not wholly after the type of Eadward the
Confessor, for we read (609 D), “conjugem, ut patris nomen haberet,
acceperat.”

Footnote 686:

One legend of Saint Ebrulf (611 C) is the same as the well known story
of Ælfred and his last loaf.

Footnote 687:

Ord. Vit. 623 C. “Olim dum Daci, qui adhuc pagani erant, cum Hastingo
Neustriam vastaverunt, et rursus Rollone cum suis sæviente, plures
ecclesiæ cum urbibus et oppidis desolatæ sunt; nos, suffragante Deo,
in silvestri sterilique rure latuimus, et debacchantium gladios, licèt
in timore nimio et egestate, sospites evasimus.” This must have been
forgotten when it is said in Neustria Pia, p. 90, that Saint Evroul
was ravaged by the Danes.

Footnote 688:

See vol. i. pp. 237, 238. Orderic gives his version of these events in
p. 619. He calls Hugh “Hugo Magnus _Aurelianorum_ Dux,” and Lewis
receives his surname of “Ultramarinus,” which we do not find in
contemporary writers. Most names of the kind were doubtless used in
common discourse during the lifetime of the princes designated by
them, but they did not find their way into written history till later.

Footnote 689:

Ord. Vit. 619 D, 622 D.

Footnote 690:

Ib. 621 B. “Rusticorum pecudes sive supellectilem non curaverunt; sed
_Uticensis hospitii memores_, illuc reversi sunt, et ex insperato cum
suis in cœnobium irruerunt.” Then follow the details of the plunder.

Footnote 691:

Ord Vit. 622 D.

Footnote 692:

Ib. 624 C. This holy man, like Orderic’s own father, was married.
“Uticum perrexit, ibique cum conjuge et Ilberto filio suo primus
habitavit.” (625 A.) He afterwards had a companion named Ingram. (461
A.)

Footnote 693:

Ib. 625 C, D.

Footnote 694:

He is described as “Ernaldi Grossi de Corte Sedaldi Abonii Britonis
filii filius.” (Ord. Vit. 463 A.) He goes on to say that he “ex magnâ
nobilitate Francorum et Britonum processit, mirâque probitate et
audaciâ temporibus Hugonis Magni [clearly a mistake for Hugh Capet] et
Roberti Regum Francorum nobiliter viguit.”

Footnote 695:

Ib. 463 A.

Footnote 696:

Orderic (464 A, B) tells a curious story about these lordships. When
they were granted to Geroy, they were, by what accident does not
appear, not included in the diocese of any Bishop. Geroy’s conscience
was troubled at a state of things so contrary to all ecclesiastical
rule. He accordingly inquired which of the neighbouring Bishops was
the most worthy, and, hearing much of the virtues of Roger, Bishop of
Lisieux (990–1024), he annexed his lands to that diocese. He procured
however certain privileges for the clergy of his lordships, especially
an exemption from the oppressive jurisdiction of the Archdeacons; “Ut
clerici terræ suæ non irent ad placitandum extra potestatem eorum, nec
opprimerentur injustis circumventionibus Archidiaconorum.” He might
well make this stipulation, if the Archdeacons of his time were like
those described by John of Salisbury some generations later (Ep.
clxvi. ap. Giles, i. 260).

In Mr. Stapleton’s map Escalfoy is marked in the diocese of Lisieux,
but Montreuil in that of Seez.

Footnote 697:

William of Jumièges (vii. 11.) makes him receive these lordships from
Duke Richard, “Richardi Ducis, cujus dono in Normanniâ duo municipia
obtinuit,” but it seems from Orderic (463 B) that the ducal grant was
only a confirmation of the will of Helgo; “Liberalis Dux agnitâ
virtute ejus honoravit, eique totam terram Helgonis hæreditario jure
concessit.”

Footnote 698:

Will. Gem. u. s. “Ex his filiorum et nepotum militaris turma propagata
est, quæ barbaris in Angliâ vel Apuliâ seu Trachiâ vel Syriâ nimio
terrori visa est.”

Footnote 699:

Ib. vi. 7.

Footnote 700:

Compare his dealings with Herlwin, above, pp. 217, 218.

Footnote 701:

He held lands of Count Geoffrey of Mantes, who was taken prisoner by
William Talvas, who required the destruction of the castle of
Montacute as his ransom. This castle belonged to William the son of
Geroy, who at once destroyed it to bring about the liberation of his
lord. Ord. Vit.

Footnote 702:

Ord. Vit. 464 A. “Episcopales consuetudines Monasterioli et Escalfoii
fundo habebat, nec ullus Archidiaconorum ibidem presbyteros ejusdem
honoris circumvenire audebat.”

Footnote 703:

See above, p. 185.

Footnote 704:

578 A.

Footnote 705:

According to William of Jumièges (vii. 23), he died at Gaeta on his
return from a mission of some sort (pro quibusdam rationalibus
caussis) to Apulia.

Footnote 706:

Ord. Vit. 461 A. Chron. Becc. i. 195. This is doubtless the grange
which Lanfranc found greatly troubled by rats. His biographer (i. 284,
285) cites it as a proof of his humility that he personally carried a
cat to make war upon them.

Footnote 707:

They were the sons of Robert of Grantmesnil (see above, p. 199) and
Hadwisa, daughter of Geroy (Orderic, 465 B). After Robert’s death
Hadwisa married William, son of Archbishop Robert. Their daughter
Judith, having taken the veil, afterwards married Roger, Count of
Sicily (484 B), but, as a punishment for her sacrilege, remained
childless.

Footnote 708:

See above, p. 220.

Footnote 709:

William of Jumièges (vii. 23) puts into his mouth a long historical
discourse, in which, I am sorry to say, he speaks of Charles the
Simple as “filius Ludovici cognomine Nihil-fecit.”

Footnote 710:

Ord. Vit. 461 C et seqq., 625 D. Will. Gem. vii. 23. He was the only
monk for whom the cruel Mabel had any reverence. Ord. Vit. 470 A.

Footnote 711:

See his character, Ord. Vit. 467 D; his intrigues, 474 C et seqq.; his
election, 477 A. He began a new church, but did not finish it, 480 C.
He also gave to the house (468 B) an illuminated psalter—doubtless of
English work—which the Lady Emma had given to her brother Archbishop
Robert. His son William seemingly stole it from his father, and gave
it to his wife Hadwisa, mother of Robert of Grantmesnil; “de camerâ
patris sui familiariter sustulerat, dilectæque suæ conjugi Hadwisæ
omnimodis placere volens detulerat.” On Abbot Robert see also Will.
Gem. vii. 26.

Footnote 712:

Ord. Vit. 481 B.

Footnote 713:

The whole story is given at some length in Neustria Pia, pp. 104–110.
But remark the expression of William of Jumièges (vii. 23), “multos
labores postea in procuratione servorum Dei perpessus est.” There were
probably two sides to his story, as to most others.

Footnote 714:

Was the Truce of God ever preached, or ever needed, in England? I am
not aware of any mention of it, unless the so-called Laws of Eadward,
c. 2 (Schmid, 492), at all refer to it. See below, p. 238.

Footnote 715:

See above, p. 218.

Footnote 716:

See History of Federal Government, i. 128.

Footnote 717:

The account is in R. Glaber, iv. 5. “Tunc ergo primitùs cœpere in
Aquitaniæ partibus ab Episcopis et Abbatibus, ceterisque viris sacræ
religionis devotis ex universâ plebe, coadunati conciliorum
conventus.” He goes on to give a summary of their legislation; “In
quibus potissimum erat de inviolabili pace conservandâ, ut scilicet
viri utriusque conditionis, cujuscumque antea fuissent rei obnoxii,
absque formidine procederent armis vacui. Prædo namque aut invasor
alterius facultatis, legum districtione arctatus, vel donis facultatum
seu pœnis corporis acerrimè mulctaretur. Locis nihilominùs sacris
omnium ecclesiarum honor et reverentia talis exhiberetur, ut si quis
ad ea cujuscumque culpæ obnoxius confugium faceret, illæsus evaderet,
nisi solummodò ille qui pactum prædictæ pacis violâsset, hic tamen
captus ab altare præstitutam vindictam lueret. Clericis similiter
omnibus, monachis, et sanctimonialibus, ut si quis cum eis per
regionem pergeret nullam vim ab aliquo pateretur.” He adds some more
purely religious provisions about fasting and the like.

Footnote 718:

R. Glaber, iv. 5. “Quibus universi, tanto ardore accensi ut per manus
Episcoporum baculum ad cœlum elevarent, ipsique palmis extensis ad
Deum, Pax, pax, pax, unanimiter clamarent. Ut esset videlicet signum
perpetui pacti de hoc, quod spoponderant inter se et Deum.”

Footnote 719:

R. Glaber, iv. 5. “In hâc tamen ratione ut evoluto quinquennio
confirmandæ pacis gratiâ id ipsum ab universis in orbe fieret mirum in
modum.”

Footnote 720:

Ib. “Dehinc per Arelatensem provinciam atque Lugdunensem, sicque per
universam Burgundiam usque in ultimas Franciæ partes, per universos
episcopatus indictum est qualiter certis in locis à præsulibus
magnatisque totius patriæ de reformandâ pace et sacræ fidei
institutione celebrarentur concilia.” In Martène and Durand’s
Thesaurus, i. 159, is a circular letter on the subject from Ragenbald,
Archbishop of Arles, and other Burgundian Prelates.

Footnote 721:

Rudolf, under the year 1041 (v. 1, Duchèsne, Rer. Franc. Scriptt. iv.
55 A), recurs to the subject; “Contigit verò ipso in tempore,
inspirante divinâ gratiâ, primitùs in partibus Aquitanicis, deinde
paullatim per universum Galliarum territorium firmari pactum propter
timorem Dei pariter et amorem. Taliter ut nemo mortalium, à feriæ
quartæ vespere usque ad secundam feriam incipiente luce, ausu
temerario præsumeret quippiam alicui hominum per vim auferre, neque
ultionis vindictam à quocumque inimico exigere, nec etiam à
fideijussore vadimonium sumere. Quod si ab aliquo fieri contigisset
contra hoc decretum publicum, aut de vitâ componeret aut à
Christianorum consortio expulsus patriâ pelleretur. Hoc insuper
placuit universis, veluti vulgò dicitur, ut Treuga Domini vocaretur.”
I conceive this relaxation to mark a change from the _Pax Dei_ to the
_Treuga Dei_. See Ducange in _Treuga_, and Palgrave, iii. 201.
Something must be allowed to the inherent confusion of Rudolf’s way of
expressing himself.

Footnote 722:

Hugo Flav. Chron. ap. Pertz, viii. 403.

Footnote 723:

Gest. Epp. Cam. ap. Pertz, vii. 474, 485. Gerard’s objections are
given at great length, and are well worth studying, as a setting forth
of the _Regale_ and _Pontificale_. Some of the French Bishops seemed
to have ventured on a pious fraud; “Unus eorum cœlitùs sibi delatas
dixit esse literas, quæ pacem monerent renovandam in terra.” The
chronicler of Cambray quite approves the opposition of the local
Prelate; “Alia quoque importabilia quamplurima dederunt mandata, quæ
oneri visa sunt replicare. Hâc novitate pulsatus mandati præsul
noster, infirmitatique peccantium condescendens, secundùm decreta
sanctorum patrum ad singula suum formavit eloquium.”

Footnote 724:

Hugo Flav. ap. Pertz, viii. 403. “Quam quum noluisset recipere gens
Neustriæ, viro Dei Richardo prædicante, et ut eam susciperent, quia
voluntas Domini erat, et à Deo non ab homine decretum, hoc
processerat, admonente divino judicio cœpit in eos desævire ignis qui
eos torquebat; eo anno ferè totus orbis [was the whole world plagued
for the sins of Normandy?] penuriam passus est pro raritate vini et
tritici. Sequuta est è vestigio mortalitas hominibus præmaxima ab inc.
Dom. 1042.” This passage is made up out of R. Glaber (u. s.), where
however Richard is not mentioned.

Footnote 725:

Hugo Flav. u. s.

Footnote 726:

The decree of the synod of Caen is given at length in the Concilia
Rotomagensis Provinciæ, p. 39. The Fathers are stringent against
“caballicationes et hostilitates.” The main decree runs, “In pace quæ
vulgò dicitur Trevia Dei, et quæ die Mercurii sole occidente incipit,
et die Lunæ sole nascente finit, hæc quæ dicam vobis promptissimâ
mente dehinc inantea debetis observare. Nullus homo nec femina hominem
aut feminam usquam assaliat, nec vulneret, nec occidat, nec castellum,
nec burgum, nec villam in hoc spatio quatuor dierum et quinque noctium
assaliat nec deprædetur nec capiat, nec ardeat ullo ingenio aut
violentiâ aut aliquâ fraude.” See Roman de Rou, 10485 et seqq. The
church of Sainte Paix at Caen was built to commemorate the event, but
Prevost (note to Roman de Rou, ii. 99) places its building in 1061.

Footnote 727:

Will. Pict. 113 (Giles). “Sanctissimè in Normanniâ observabatur
sacramentum pacis quam Treviam vocant, quod effrænis regionum aliarum
iniquitas frequenter temerat.”

Footnote 728:

Ord. Vit. 552 A. It was confirmed again for Christendom generally at
the Council of Clermont in 1095. Will. Malms. iii. 345.

Footnote 729:

Will. Pict. 80 (Giles). “Hujus vesaniæ signifer prosiluit Guido.”
Will. Malms. iii. 230. “Sator discordiarum erat Guido quidam.”

Footnote 730:

Will. Pict. u. s. “A puerilibus annis cum ipso familiariter nutritus.”
Will. Gem. vii. 17. “Crudelem convivam ... qui cum eo à puerilibus
annis educatus fuerat.” Will. Malms. u. s. “Convictus familiaritatem,
familiaritas amicitias, paraverat.” So Roman de Rou, 8758 et seqq.

Footnote 731:

See above, p. 194

Footnote 732:

See vol. i. p. 404.

Footnote 733:

William, in his autobiography in Orderic (657 A), is made to say,
“Ille [Guido] verò verbis et actibus mihi derogavit, me nothum
degeneremque et principatu indignum detestatus judicavit et hostiliter
diffamavit.” Roman de Rou, 8770;

“De Willeame aveit grant envie,
Ki sor li aveit seignorie,
Cumenca sei à corucier,
Et Normendie à chalengier;
Reprovout li sa batardie.”

So again, 8782;

“N’i a, dist il, plus proçain eir,
Ki Normendie deie aveir:
Pere sa mere fu Richart,
D’espuse esteit, n’ert pas bastart.”

Footnote 734:

Roman de Rou, 8786;

“E ki li voldreit fere dreit,
Normendie li apendreit,
E se meintenir le voleient
Ensemle od li le partireient.”

So Will. Pict. 80. “Sed aut principatum aut maximam portionem
Normanniæ ambiebat.”

Footnote 735:

Roman de Rou, 8896 et seqq.

Footnote 736:

See vol. i. p. 199.

Footnote 737:

See vol. i. p. 216.

Footnote 738:

Both Neals bear the title of Viscount of the Côtentin, but others also
bore it in their lifetime. See Delisle, Histoire du Château et des
Sires de Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte (Valognes, 1867), p. 23. The
collection of Charters in this work is most valuable.

Footnote 739:

See vol. i. p. 330. The three chief conspirators, Neal, Randolf, and
Hamon, are mentioned in various accounts. Will. Pict. 80. Will. Malms.
iii. 230. Roman de Rou, 8748, 8778. William of Jumièges (vii. 17)
speaks of Guy and Neal (“Nigellus Constantiensis præses”) only.

Footnote 740:

In 1040 or 1042. Delisle, p. 3.

Footnote 741:

The Abbey was founded by Neal himself in the next year, 1048,
according to Neustria Pia, 540. Cotman, Antiquities of Normandy, i. 9.
But what seems to be Neal’s foundation charter in Delisle (Preuves, p.
42; cf. 55, 59) is placed by him in 1080.

Footnote 742:

See vol. i. p. 243, for Harold Blaatand’s occupation of Cherbourg. I
cannot however believe that _Cherbourg_ is really “Cæsaris burgus.” Is
it not rather the same word as _Scarborough_?

Footnote 743:

This very curious fact comes out in a Charter of the Abbey of the Holy
Trinity at Caen, printed by Mr. Stapleton in the Archæologia, xxvi.
355. “Adeliza, Ricardi Comitis filia, Ricardi Comitis soror, contra
eumdem prædictum fratrem suum, scilicet Robertum Comitem, castrum quid
dicitur Hulme in Constantino situm cum omnibus ibidem pertinentibus
mercata est. Quod postea Guido filius suus, injustè sibi auferens,
dedit illud Nigello Vice-comiti.” See also Stapleton, Roll of
Exchequer, ii. xxix. The charter bears date in 1075, when Adeliza was
still living.

Footnote 744:

Roman de Rou, 8938.

Footnote 745:

Ib. 9182;

“Dan As Dens esteit un Normant
De fié è d’homes bien poissant,
Sire esteit de Thorignie
E de Mezi è de Croillie.”

On Creuilly church and castle, see Cotman, ii. 91. De Caumont, i. 320.

Footnote 746:

William of Malmesbury introduces him (ii. 230) as “Haimo Dentatus [Dan
As Dens], avus Roberti quo nostro tempore in Angliâ multarum
possessionum incubator exstitit.” Robert died of a wound received at
Tinchebrai, 1106 (Will. Malms. v. 398), and his daughter Mabel married
the famous Robert Earl of Gloucester (Hist. Nov. i. 3).

Footnote 747:

Benoît, 32, 742;

“Per cel Rannol de Beiesin,
E par Neel de Costentin,
E par Hamun _uns Antecriz_.”

The expression is very strange, but it is so taken by M. Le Cointe
(see Appendix O), and I see not what else it can mean.

Footnote 748:

Taylor’s Wace, 11. Castle Rising is eminently the castle of dowager
Queens, the earlier parts having been built for Adeliza, and the later
for Isabella, mother of Edward the Third.

Footnote 749:

Roman de Rou, 8796;

“Issi unt lur chastels garniz
Fossez parcéz, dreciéz paliz.”

Footnote 750:

See above, p. 197.

Footnote 751:

See Roman de Rou, 9347 et seqq. For the present story see vv.
8800–8895, and Palgrave, iii. 212.

Footnote 752:

Roman de Rou, 8803. “Par li boiz chacié et bersé.” “Berser” is
explained (Roquefort, Glossaire de la Langue Romaine) by “tirer de
l’arc.” On William’s skill with the bow, see Will. Malms. iii. 279.

Footnote 753:

See above, p. 197.

Footnote 754:

On the church of Rye, parts of which may be as old as this time, see
De Caumont, iii. 572.

Footnote 755:

Roman de Rou, 8846;

“Hubert de Rie ert à sa porte,
Entre li mostier et sa mote,
Guillame vit désaturné
E sun cheval tuit tressué.”

Hubert seems to have been an early riser and a good church-goer. The
“mote” is the mound or “agger” (see above, p. 191), whence the name is
sometimes transferred to the castle itself. Thus we find in the Gesta
Com. Andeg. (D’Achery, iii. 257), “Domum munitissimam quæ usque hodie
‘Mota Fulcoii’ a vulgo vocatur.”

Footnote 756:

Ib. 8860 et seqq. I see no reason to doubt the general truth of the
story, but there is a passage in the sequel which sounds mythical.
William’s pursuers presently ask Hubert which way the Bastard is gone,
and he puts them on a wrong scent (vv. 8874). This story is as old as
the babyhood of Hermês.

Footnote 757:

On Eudes see Ellis, Introduction to Domesday, i. 415. Orderic (489 C)
calls him “Normannici Ducis dapiferum, qui in pago Constantino
divitiis et potestate inter Normanniæ proceres eminebat.” The good
character of Eudes comes from the Colchester History of the
Monasticon, iv. 607, which I shall have to refer to again. He married
Roberia, daughter of Richard son of Count Gilbert (Ib. 608).

Footnote 758:

We learn the place of meeting from Orderic (372 A); “Unde coactus
juvenis Dux Pexeium convolavit, ibique pronus ad pedes Henrici Regis
corruit, et ab eo contra malefidos proceres et cognatos auxilium
petivit.” So Roman de Rou, 8942;

“Par pleintes ke Willame fist,
E par paroles ke il dist,
Fist li Reis asembler son ost.”