Chapter XXXV: Appendix (12)

Unless indeed some tradition of the sort had found its way into the
confused mind of Saxo (p. 203), when he made Harold murder King
Eadward? He _may_ have been thinking of Eadward the Ætheling, or he
may have been writing purely at random.

Footnote 1232:

This is well put by Lappenberg in the passage quoted above, p. 411.

Footnote 1233:

William was charged with poisoning Conan of Britanny (Will. Gem. vii.
33), and also Walter of Mantes (Eadward’s nephew), and his wife Biota
(Ord. Vit. 534 B). I shall have to speak of these matters in their
proper place.

Footnote 1234:

Chron. Wig. 1057. Petrib. and Cant. 1058. Fl. Wig. 1057.

Footnote 1235:

Fl. Wig. 1057. “Laudabilis _Comes_ Leofricus, _Dusci_ Leofwini filius
[_Earl_ Leofric, son of _Ealdorman_ Leofwine, see vol. i. pp. 456,
461], in propriâ villâ quæ dicitur Bromleage, in bonâ decessit
senectute ii. Kal. Sept.” He had been Earl at least twenty-five years,
perhaps thirty-three.

Footnote 1236:

Besides Bromton and Knighton quoted above (p. 48), Godgifu’s ride
through Coventry appears in Roger of Wendover, i. 497.

Footnote 1237:

Florence (u. s.) distinctly says that Leofric and Godgifu built the
church; “de suo patrimonio à fundamentis construxerunt.” But Orderic
(511 A) says, “Elfgarus Comes Coventrense cœnobium construxit,” and
goes on to speak of Godgifu’s gifts of ornaments; he is clearly
confounding father and son.

Footnote 1238:

Fl. Wig. 1057. “Adeo ditaverunt ut in Angliâ tanta copia auri,
argenti, gemmarum, lapidumque pretiosorum in nullo inveniretur
monasterio, quanta tunc temporis habebatur in illo.” The charter about
Coventry in Cod. Dipl. iv. 253 can hardly be genuine as it stands.
Pope Alexander was not reigning in 1043.

Footnote 1239:

See Appendix BB.

Footnote 1240:

Chron. Wig. and Flor. Wig. in anno.

Footnote 1241:

Hugo Candidus, p. 44.

Footnote 1242:

See above, p. 367.

Footnote 1243:

See Appendix BB.

Footnote 1244:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 1245:

See Appendix CC.

Footnote 1246:

See vol. i. pp. 33, 34. Harold however did not command the whole
Severn valley, as Worcestershire was now held by Ælfgar. See Appendix
G.

Footnote 1247:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 1248:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 1249:

See above, p. 296 et seqq.

Footnote 1250:

This seems implied in the way in which William’s preparations are
spoken of by the Chroniclers and Florence under 1066.

Footnote 1251:

Flor. Wig. 1066. “Quem Rex _ante suam decessionem_ regni successorem
elegerat.” I shall discuss this point at length in the third volume.

Footnote 1252:

See Appendix DD.

Footnote 1253:

He is “subregulus” in Florence, 1066.

Footnote 1254:

See vol. i. p. 533.

Footnote 1255:

Compare on the other hand the joint Kingship of Hugh and Robert in
France (see vol. i. p. 269). So in England in after times we find
Henry the son of Henry the Second crowned in his father’s lifetime. In
the Empire the cases are endless. See above, p. 373, for that of the
reigning King Henry the Fourth.

Footnote 1256:

See above, p. 188.

Footnote 1257:

De Inv. c. 14. “Quem [Haroldum] indigenæ præ cæteris postulabant et
ardenter sitiebant post sanctum Regem Edwardum, ipsius morum et vitæ
hæredem. Quod quidem divinâ miseratione processu temporis videre
meruerunt qui tunc præsentes fuerunt.” When the Waltham writer wrote,
“Eadwardus Simplex” had become a canonized saint.

Footnote 1258:

The authorities for this chapter are essentially the same as those for
the last. With regard to the Chronicles, it may be noticed that the
Abingdon Chronicle, which must be looked on as in some degree hostile
to Godwine, is in no sort hostile to Harold. The Peterborough
Chronicler, who seems rather to keep himself for great occasions, is
rather meagre during this period. As Welsh matters are still
prominent, the Welsh Chronicles have still to be consulted, and,
towards the end of the period, the Northern Sagas again become of some
little importance. But the characteristic of the period is the
prominence of ecclesiastical affairs, which brings several local and
legendary writers into a position of some consequence. Thus, for the
history of Westminster, the tales of Æthelred of Rievaux and his
followers have to be compared with the authentic narratives of
contemporary chroniclers, and, as Harold’s great foundation comes
within these years, we now begin to make use of the local Waltham
writers. The main facts and fictions belonging to the local Waltham
history are found in the two tracts, _De Inventione Sanctæ Crucis_ and
_Vita Haroldi_, which were first published by M. Francisque Michel in
his _Chroniques Anglo-Normandes_ (Rouen, 1840). From these I
endeavoured in 1857 to put together the early history of Waltham, and
of Harold in relation to Waltham, in a paper in the Transactions of
the Essex Archæological Society, vol. ii. p. 34. But M. Michel’s
editions are by no means accurate, and of the _De Inventione_ he left
out many chapters altogether. I was therefore led into some errors of
detail. Since that time, a perfect edition of the _De Inventione_ has
been published, with a Preface, by Professor Stubbs (Oxford, 1861).
The _Vita Haroldi_ was written after 1205. In its essence, as regards
the main facts of English history, it is a mere romance, but, like
other local romances, it has its value for points of local
description, and even for purely local facts. The _De Inventione_ is a
work of higher character. It was written by an anonymous Canon of
Waltham, who was born in 1119, who entered the College in 1124, who
was made a Canon before 1144, and who wrote after 1177, when he lost
his prebend at the change in the foundation of Waltham under Henry the
Second. This tract contains a good deal of legend, but no romance. The
author writes in evident good faith, and with a manifest desire to be
fair and accurate. He repeats the legends of his house as he heard
them from his childhood; he was inclined, like the rest of his
contemporaries, to see, and even to expect, miracles where we see only
natural causes. But, making the necessary deductions on these scores,
he is distinctly more trustworthy than the average of local
historians. On his general character as an historian, and especially
on the miraculous element in his narrative, see the remarks in
Professor Stubbs’ Preface, p. xxvii.

As we have to deal with Westminster and Waltham, we have also to deal
in a less degree with Wells and Worcester, two churches which figure
prominently in the ecclesiastical history of these years. For Wells we
have Gisa’s own narrative of his controversy with Harold, in the
“Ecclesiastical Documents” published by the Camden Society. For
Worcester we have the Life of its great Bishop Saint Wulfstan, by
William of Malmesbury, in the second volume of Anglia Sacra, and the
shorter Life by the contemporary Heming. This last is given in
Old-English in Hearne’s edition of Heming’s Worcester Cartulary (a
book which ought to be reprinted), p. 403, and in Latin in the first
volume of Anglia Sacra.

Footnote 1259:

See Appendix EE.

Footnote 1260:

Ib.

Footnote 1261:

All our Chronicles save Abingdon, which is just now silent for a few
years, mention the death of Stephen and the accession of Benedict.
None of them imply any doubt as to Benedict’s legitimacy, but they use
three different words to express his appointment. He is “to Papan
geset” in Worcester, “gehalgod to Papan” in Peterborough, “gebletsod
þarto” in Canterbury—in the last entry of that chronicle.

Footnote 1262:

See the Cardinal of Aragon’s Life of Nicolas, Muratori, iii. 301. He
does not allow Benedict a place in his list. Yet the next Pope who
assumed the name, in 1303, was called Benedict the Eleventh. Muratori,
iii. 672. On these Popes, see Milman, Latin Christianity, iii. 47.

Footnote 1263:

Our Chronicles (Worcester and Peterborough) record the fact in nearly
the same words under the year 1059; “Her on þisum geare wæs Nicolaus
to Papan gecoren; se wæs biscop æt Florentie þære burh; and wæs
Benedictus ut adrifen, se wæs ær Papa.” These last words may seem to
imply a certain cleaving to Benedict. It is a pity that the strict and
orthodox Abingdon writer (see above, p. 343) is silent, as he might
have employed some other formula.

Footnote 1264:

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. Cant. 1058. See above, pp. 343, 344. Benedict was
“corruptus pecuniâ,” according to John of Peterborough, 1058.

Footnote 1265:

The long-lived Godwine, or the latter of the two Godwines, vanishes in
1046. We hear nothing, as far as I know, of the disposition of the see
in the meanwhile. The Godwine who (Chronn. Wig. Petrib.) died in 1061
seems to be a different person, a Suffragan Bishop of Saint Martin’s
near Canterbury.

Footnote 1266:

The Chronicles significantly connect the consecration of Æthelric and
Siward with the receipt of the pallium by Stigand. The Peterborough
writer (1058) seems specially to mark it; “Her on þisum geare
forðferde Stephanus Papa, and wæs Benedictus gehalgod to Papan. Se
ylca sænde Stigande Arcebiscope pallium hider to lande. And on þisum
geare forðferde Heaca biscop on Suðseaxan, and Stigand Arcebiscop
hadode Ægelric monuc æt Christes cyrcean to biscop to Suðseaxum, and
Siward abbot to biscop to Hrofeceastre.”

Footnote 1267:

Of these dangers we shall hear more distinctly in the case of the
pilgrimage of Tostig in 1061. The Biographer now (410) tells us that
Harold, “potenti munificentiâ veneratus sanctorum limina, per medios
insidiantes cautus derisor more suo Dei gratiâ pervenit ad propria.”
These words _might_ have a deeper meaning; the visit to Normandy and
the oath _might_ be on his return; but the chances are the other way.

Footnote 1268:

Chron. Wig. 1058. “Her man ytte ut Ælfgar Eorl, ac he cóm sona inn
ongean mid strece þurh Gryffines fultum; and her com scyphere of
Norwegan. Hit is langsum to attellane eall hu hit gefaren wæs.” So
Florence; “Algarus Merciorum Comes a Rege Eadwardo secundò exlegatus
est; sed Regis Walanorum Griffini juvamine et Norreganicæ classis
adminiculo, quæ ad illum venerat ex improviso, citò per vim suum
comitatum recuperavit.” Is this the fleet mysteriously referred to by
Tigernach (O’Conor, i. 301) under the same year? “Classis cum filio
Regis Danorum [he probably means Norwegians] cum alienigenis Insularum
Orcnensium et Ebudensium et Dubliniensium, ut subigeret sibi regnum
Saxonum. Sed Deus contrarius fuit ei in re istâ.”

Footnote 1269:

This would apply to the entry in the Chronicle; but, if so, Florence,
who marks the repetition of the word by the word “secundò,” was misled
by it.

Footnote 1270:

When Morkere heads the Northumbrian revolt in 1065, the Biographer (p.
421) says of the sons of Ælfgar, “inter eos regiæ stirpis pueros et
eumdem Ducem Tostinum ex veteri simultate odio [odia?] erant.” The
“regia stirps” can refer only to some possible descent of the House of
Leofric from ancient Mercian Kings. (Cf. vol. i. p. 456.) There is no
sign of any connexion between them and the West-Saxon royal family.

Footnote 1271:

Hist. Mon. S. Petri Glouc. (ed. Hart), i. 1. et seqq. Cf. vol. i. p.
39.

Footnote 1272:

Ib. i. 7. “Sub potestate sæculari, usque ad tempus Wolstani episcopi
Wygorniensis ... mirificè tradebatur.”

Footnote 1273:

See vol. i. p. 485.

Footnote 1274:

Hist. Mon. Glouc. i. 8. “Anno Domini millesimo vicesimo secundo
Wolstanus Episcopus Wygorniensis, qui postea factus est Archiepiscopus
Eboracensis, concedente Rege Cnuto, Duce Danorum, qui Ecclesiam
Sanctam exaltavit, et libertates suas antiquas renovavit et promovit,
ut dicit Petrus Pictavensis, hic Wolstanus clericos qui ecclesiam
Sancti Petri antea rexerant et custodierant, sub protectione Dei et
Apostolorum Petri et Pauli et regulâ beati Benedicti in eâdem ecclesiâ
regulariter collocavit.” In this case the canons seem not to have been
driven out, but to have taken the monastic vows on themselves. This
was partly the case at Bury. See vol. i. p. 486.

Footnote 1275:

Hist. Glouc. i. 8. “Multa bona dissipavit.” Two lordships had to be
sold to make good the losses caused by him.

Footnote 1276:

Chron. Wig. 1058. “On þam ilcan gere Ealdred bisceop halgode þæt
mynster on Gleawcestre þe he sylf geforðode, Gode to lofe and Sc̃e
Petre.” Florence mentions that the church was built by Ealdred “a
fundamentis,” and adds, “postea Regis licentiâ, Wlstanum Wigornensem
monachum à se ordinatum, Abbatem constituit ibidem.” The local history
(p. 9), which calls him Wilstanus, gives the same account. The
prominence here given to the Bishop of the Diocese is remarkable; we
hear nothing of any election by the monks, but only of an Abbot chosen
by the Bishop and confirmed by the King. One might fancy that
Wulfstan, as founder, had retained some special rights of patronage
over the monastery of Gloucester.

Footnote 1277:

Fl. Wig. 1058. See above, p. 406.

Footnote 1278:

See above, p. 372.

Footnote 1279:

After the consecration at Gloucester, says the Worcester Chronicler
(1058), “swa ferde to Hierusalem, mid swilcan weorðscipe swa nan oðer
ne dyde ætforan him;” “quod nullus,” adds Florence, “archiepiscoporum
vel episcoporum Angliæ eatenus dinoscitur fecisse.”

Footnote 1280:

“Per Ungariam,” says Florence.

Footnote 1281:

Chron. Wig. “And hine sylfne þær Gode betæhte, and wurðlic lac eac
geoffrode to ures Drihtenes byrgene, þæt was an gylden calic, on fíf
marcon swiðe wundorlices geworces.” The chronicler, just as at the
time of the mission to Köln, clearly rejoices in the splendour and
bounty of his own Bishop.

Footnote 1282:

Oddly enough, it is the Worcester and not the Peterborough Chronicler
who records this purely local fact; “on þisan gere wæs se stypel
gehalgad æt Burh on xvi. kal. Novemb.”

Footnote 1283:

See above, p. 350.

Footnote 1284:

Chron. Mon. Evesham, p. 88. “Transiit quoque vir ille Mannius eâdem
nocte et horâ quâ Rex gloriosus Æduuardus, festivitate scilicet sanctæ
Epiphaniæ Domini.” But Eadward died on the eve of the Epiphany not on
the Epiphany itself.

Footnote 1285:

Ib. 87. “Nunc sub eo jure præpositi totius abbatiæ hujus curam
agebat.”

Footnote 1286:

There is here a chronological difficulty. The Evesham Chronicle fixes
the date to April 23, 1059. Mannig died on the same day as Eadward,
that is January 5, 1066; seven years, so the historian says, after his
resignation. This makes the year of Æthelwig’s appointment 1059. For
day and place we are told (88), “Rex ... fecit eum apud Glocestre, ubi
tunc curiam suam tenebat, coram multis principibus hujus patriæ ab
Aldredo Archiepiscopo honorabiliter in paschali sollemnitate die
festivitatis sancti Georgii martyris consecrari.” Now it is hardly
likely that Ealdred, who had left for Jerusalem seemingly not very
early in the year before, could have been again in England so soon as
Saint George’s Day, 1059. Also it was not the Easter but the Christmas
festival which was commonly held at Gloucester. That Ealdred is called
Archbishop before his time is a common slip. Perhaps (see Mr. Macray’s
note on p. 87) the reckoning of seven years is wrong, and the date was
really 1058, before Ealdred left England; or the wrong season may be
given (though this seems hardly likely, and the usual places of the
Gemóts were sometimes departed from); or the ceremony may have been
really performed by some other Bishop, and Ealdred’s name may have
been carelessly inserted because he was known to be Bishop of the
Diocese at the time.

Footnote 1287:

See above, p. 42.

Footnote 1288:

When I say that this mistake is found in Sharon Turner (Hist. of
England, i. 79, 81, 84), in Sir Francis Palgrave (Hist. of Anglo-Sax.
378, 388), and in Lappenberg (p. 556 of the original, ii. 302 of Mr.
Thorpe’s translation), it is not wonderful that it is found also in
Thierry (lib. iii.) as well as in Dr. Vaughan (Revolutions in English
History, i. 298), in M. Emile de Bonnechose (ii. 283), and in Mr. St.
John (ii. 275). Yet, without looking to the local historians, or to
the writers who record the change of foundation under Henry the
Second, they need only have turned to William of Malmesbury, iii. 247;
“Ecclesiam ... _canonicis_ impleverat.”

Footnote 1289:

See R. Hoveden. Scriptt. p. Bed. 320. Rad. de Dic. X Scriptt. c. 598.
R. Wend. ii. 387. Gervase (X Scriptt. 1434). Cf. Vita Haroldi (Chron.
A. N. ii. 164).

Footnote 1290:

See vol. i. p. 590.

Footnote 1291:

De Inv. c. 14. There is something strange in the statement of the
Waltham writer that Æthelstan did not succeed to all his father’s
estates, but only to those attached to the stallership.

Footnote 1292:

See above, p. 63.

Footnote 1293:

De Inv. c. 14. “Adelstanus, pater Esegari qui stalre inventus est in
Angliæ conquisitione à Normannis.” He was staller as early as 1044, as
appears from a writ in Cod. Dipl. iv. 221, where he is addressed along
with Bishop Ælfwold, who died in that year. He signs many charters,
among others the Waltham charter of 1062 (Cod. Dipl. iv. 159), with
the title of “regiæ procurator aulæ,” equivalent, according to
Professor Stubbs, to “dapifer.” See his note to De Inv. c. 14.

Footnote 1294:

De Inv. c. 14. So in the Waltham Charter (iv. 155), “Cuidam meorum
Comitum, onomate Haroldo, quamdam terram quæ antiquitùs ab incolis
illius loci nuncupatur Waltham, hæreditario jure concessi.”

Footnote 1295:

The building of the church is affirmed in the Charter (iv. 155); “In
præscripto loco monasterium ad laudem Domini nostri Jesu Christi et
sanctæ Crucis construxit ... fundatum ... monasterium ... dedicari
fecit.” So De Inv. 16; “Venusto enim admodum opere a fundamentis
constructam [ecclesiam].” The romantic Biographer (p. 161) is much
fuller in his description. On the application of the word
“monasterium” to a secular church, see vol. i. p. 472.

Footnote 1296:

See Appendix EE.

Footnote 1297:

The nature of the foundation, the offices of its several members, and
the discipline to be observed, are set forth at large in the 15th
chapter of the De Inventione, and are fully commented on by Professor
Stubbs in his Preface, pp. xiii. xiv.

Footnote 1298:

The charter first mentions the building of the church, then adds,
“_Primum_ concedens ei terram quæ vocatur Norðlande, unde ecclesiam
villæ antiquitùs dotatam invenit;” then comes the consecration, then
the ornaments and the relics; then “Quid plura? suæ denique
conditionis non immemor, ibidem quorumdam catervulam fratrum secundum
auctoritatem sanctorum patrum canonicæ regulæ [_canonical_, as opposed
to monastic] subjectam constituit.” Cod. Dipl. iv. 155.

Footnote 1299:

The legendary Biographer very well describes the object of the
foundation (pp. 160–161); “At vir magnificus, locum et loci cultum
omnimodis cupiens cum suis cultoribus sublimare, novam ibi basilicam
fabricare, ministrorum augere numerum, redditusque eorum proponit
ampliare; utque celebriorem famâ, illustriorem clericorum frequentiâ,
cœlestibus nobilitatam muneribus, locum terrigenis exhibet, scholas
ibidem instituere ... dispositione satagebat prudenti.”

Footnote 1300:

See above, p. 41.

Footnote 1301:

On Adelard see De Inv. c. 15, and Stubbs, Preface, p. ix. In c. 25 the
author calls Adelard, “institutor et ordinator præsentis ecclesiæ.”
The Biographer (pp. 155–9) has a legend, which makes him a physician,
sent over by the Emperor to cure Harold of a paralysis, which baffled
the skill of English doctors. It baffled the skill of Adelard also,
but, being a devout man, he recommends the Holy Rood of Waltham as the
best resource, and by its virtue Harold is cured. Harold then founds
the College, and puts Adelard at the head of the school. All this is
made to follow Harold’s great Welsh campaign of 1063. The writer may
have confounded it with the campaign of 1055. Harold, as we shall see,
did suffer from the gout.

Footnote 1302:

De Inv. 25. His son Peter was Master when the author was a boy. He was
a “fons uberrimus disciplinis doctrinam scaturiens.”

Footnote 1303:

Cod. Dipl. iv. 155. “Ut non solùm Dei cultor efficiatur, verùm etiam
canonicæ regulæ strenuus institutor fieri credatur.”

Footnote 1304:

In 1857 I showed that the year must have been either 1059 or 1060.
Professor Stubbs has now incontestably fixed it to the latter year.

Footnote 1305:

Professor Stubbs shows that the list of persons present at the
consecration, as given in the De Inventione, c. 16, is taken from the
list of signatures to the Charter. The author evidently thought that
it was drawn up and signed at Waltham at the time. But he has thus
fallen into some mistakes, as he introduces Walter and Gisa as
Bishops, which they were in 1062, and therefore sign the charter as
such, but which they were not in 1060. He also calls Gisa Bishop of
Chichester instead of Wells.

Footnote 1306:

See vol. i. p. 471.

Footnote 1307:

The Waltham writer (De Inv. c. 16) goes so far as to say that Cynesige
officiated “quia tunc vacabat sedes Cantuariæ.” See Appendix U.

Footnote 1308:

Chronn. Wig. and Petrib. 1060. Flor. Wig. 1060. Hugo Candidus (Sparke,
45). This last writer is loud in Cynesige’s praise, and records his
gifts to Peterborough, which the Lady Eadgyth took away.

Footnote 1309:

Fl. Wig. 1060. “Wigornensis episcopus Aldredus ad archiepiscopatum in
Nativitate Domini eligitur.” It may perhaps be thought that such speed
is impossible, and that “eligitur” must be taken of a capitular
election at York on Christmas-Day, which would be confirmed by the
King and his Witan at some later Gemót. We have certainly heard of
capitular elections thus confirmed or rejected, in one case at Durham
(vol. i. p. 565) and in one case at Canterbury (see above, p. 119);
but the grant of the Bishoprick of Hereford to Walter is so clearly
connected with the promotion of Ealdred to York that we must suppose
the two to have taken place in the same Assembly. I do not know why
“eligere” may not be said of the Witan as well as of the Chapter; or,
if any one pleases, it is quite possible that enough members of the
Church of York may have been present in the Gemót to go through a
canonical election at Gloucester, which the King and his Witan would
at once confirm.

Footnote 1310:

Flor. Wig. 1060. “Herefordensis præsulatus ... capellano Edgithæ
Reginæ Waltero Lotharingo est datus.” His writ of appointment is given
in Cod. Dipl. iv. 194.

Footnote 1311:

In 1060, according to the Worcester Chronicle and Florence; in 1061
according to the Peterborough Chronicle.

Footnote 1312:

Flor. Wig. 1060. His writ is given in Cod. Dipl. iv. 195. The local
historian of Wells (Ang. Sac. i. 559), with the notions of the
fifteenth century, makes Gisa receive his appointment, as well as his
consecration, from the Pope; “Hic quum in quâdam ambassiatâ cum aliis
à dicto Rege ad Apostolicam Sedem missus fuisset pro quibusdam
negotiis conscientiam dicti Regis moventibus, Apostolicus sibi
contulit sedem Wellensem.” Gisa was born (see his own account,
Ecclesiastical Documents, p. 16) at Saint Trudo, a town of the
district of Hasbain in the Bishoprick of Lüttich. Florence says of
Duduc and Gisa that they were “ambo de Lotharingiâ oriundi,” but Duduc
was certainly a Saxon.

Footnote 1313:

On the dispute between Harold and Gisa, see Appendix FF.

Footnote 1314:

See his language in pp. 18, 19 of his narrative.

Footnote 1315:

Matth. Paris. Vitt. xxiii. Abb. ii. 47.

Footnote 1316:

Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. Scriptt. p. Bed. 163.

Footnote 1317:

Hist. Ep. Som. 16–19. “Tunc ecclesiam sedis meæ perspiciens esse
mediocrem, clericos quoque quatuor vel quinque absque claustro et
refectorio esse ibidem ... Quos publicè vivere et inhonestè mendicare
necessariorum inopia antea coegerat.”

Footnote 1318:

See Appendix FF.

Footnote 1319:

Among other things, he bought Combe from “Arsere” (p. 18), who on
reference to Domesday (89) appears as Azor, seemingly the same Thegn
of whom Earl Godwine bought Woodchester in Gloucestershire. See
Appendix E. Azor signs many charters, and in the Waltham document
(Cod. Dipl. iv. 159) he appears as “Regis dapifer.”

Footnote 1320:

See above, p. 84.

Footnote 1321:

On these synods, held April 13th and May 1st, 1059, see Stubbs,
Mosheim, ii. 47.

Footnote 1322:

We have seen that he found his Canons “absque claustro et refectorio,”
things with which they could perfectly well dispense. Then he goes on
(p. 19), “Quos publice vivere ... canonicali, ditatos, instruxi
obedientiâ. Claustrum verò et refectorium et dormitorium illis
præparavi, et omnia quæ ad hæc necessaria et competentia fore cognovi,
_ad modum patriæ meæ_ laudabiliter advocavi.” On the Provostship of
Wells, part of this institution, see Professor Stubbs in Gentleman’s
Magazine, November 1864, p. 624.

Footnote 1323:

See above, p. 446.

Footnote 1324:

Fl. Wig. 1061. Vita Eadw. 411. Æthelred Riev. X Scriptt. 387. The
reason for these Bishops going to Rome for consecration is most
clearly expressed in an incidental entry in Florence under the year
1070; “Ambo Romæ à Nicolao Papâ ordinati sunt, quando Aldredus
Eboracensium archiepiscopus pallium suscepit: vitabant enim a
Stigando, qui tunc archiepiscopatui Doruberniæ præsidebat, ordinari,
quia illum noverant non canonicè pallium suscepisse.” See Appendix U.
The King’s orders seem implied in the words of Gisa himself (Hist. Ep.
Som. 16); “Ego quem Rex Edwardus, licet vitæ meritis indignum, Romæ
direxit et à Nicolao Papâ ordinatum ... honorificè recepit.”

Footnote 1325:

See above, p. 113.

Footnote 1326:

W. Thorn. X Scriptt. 1785.

Footnote 1327:

Chron. Petrib. 1061. “And on þam sylfan geare forðferde Wulfric abbod
æt Sc̃e Augustine innon þære Easter wucan on xiv. Kal. Mai.” It is
remarkable how many eminent persons—Earl Godwine, Archbishop Cynesige,
and King Eadward himself are the most remarkable—died while the Witan
were actually sitting, to the great convenience of those who had to
elect their successors.

Footnote 1328:

The story continues, “Ða com þam cynge word þæt se abbot Wulfric
forðgefaren wæs, þa geceas he [no mention of capitular election]
Æðelsige munuc þærto.” On Windsor see Cod. Dipl. iv. 178, 209, 227.

Footnote 1329:

See above, pp. 113, 372.

Footnote 1330:

Hist. Rams. c. 119. We shall hear of Æthelsige again.

Footnote 1331:

Chron. Wig. 1061. “Her for Ealdred biscop to Rome æfter his pallium.”

Footnote 1332:

The Worcester Chronicle merely says, “And se Eorl Tostig and his wif
eac foron to Rome.” The Biographer (410, 411) adds Gyrth, Gospatric,
and others, as their companions. On Burchard, son of Ælfgar, see
Appendix BB.

Footnote 1333:

Vita Eadw. 410. “Transfretavit, et per Saxoniam et superiores Rheni
fines Romam tetendit.”

Footnote 1334:

Ib. 411. “Venerant quoque ex præcepto Regis ... Gyso et Walterius.”

Footnote 1335:

Æthel. Riev. 386. Est. de Seint Ædward, 2324 et seqq. But the fact
rests on better authority. The Biographer (411) speaks of Ealdred as
going to Rome—“ut ibi scilicet et regiæ legationis caussam peroraret,
et usum pallii obtineret.” So Gisa himself (Hist. Ep. Som. 16) says
that he came back “privilegium apostolicæ auctoritatis mecum
deferens.”

Footnote 1336:

Vita Eadw. 410. “Romæ ab Apostolico Nicolao, honore quo decebat
susceptus, à latere ejus in ipsâ Romanâ synodo ab eo coactus sedit
secundus.” So Gisa (u. s.) says “post peractam ibi synodum.” William
of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 154) calls it “synodus quam contra
simoniacos coegerat [Nicolaus].” He also mentions the honours shown to
Tostig. But this synod cannot have been, as Æthelred (387) makes it,
the Second Lateran Council. That assembly, according to the Chronicle
of Bernold of Constanz (Pertz, v. 427), was held in 1060, but the real
date was April 13, 1059. See its Acts in Pertz, Legg. ii. Ap. 177.
Milman, iii. 49. And cf. above, p. 452.

Footnote 1337:

See what profess to be the letters in Cod. Dipl. iv. 183.

Footnote 1338:

Gisa himself (u. s.) fixes the day to April 15th.

Footnote 1339:

Vita Eadw. 411. “Apostolicis et pontificalibus decretis examinantibus
et omni synodo censente, à petitione suâ repulsus, non solùm usum
pallii non obtinuit, verùm ab episcopatûs gradu dejectus in hâc
confusione recedere habuit.”

Footnote 1340:

Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 154. “Gisonem et Walterum voti compotes
reddidit, qui essent non usquequaque contemnendæ scientiæ et nullius
notati ignominiâ simoniæ. Aldredum suâpte responsione culpabilem
utrobique repertum omni honore severus exspoliavit.” But, in his Life
of Wulfstan (Ang. Sac. ii. 250), he says, “Nam nec ille Wigornensi
præsulatui renunciare, nec Papa nisi cederet Eboracensi eum pallio
insignire volebat.” The Biographer (411) is not very clear, but he
seems rather to make the translation the objection; “Perscrutatus ergo
qualiter ad sacros accessisset ordines, eo gratuitu confitente
inventus est à primo ordinationis suæ Episcopo [episcopatu?] ad alium
[aliud MS.] commigrâsse contra canones.”

Footnote 1341:

Vita Eadw. 412. “Quum caussâ Aldredi Episcopi Dux in Româ
prehendinaret diutiùs, uxorem suam et omnem regiæ dignitatis suæ
comitatum præmiserat cum suis majoris numeri hominibus, et hi
processerant prosperè.”

Footnote 1342:

The Biographer, who first (411) calls them “latrones,” afterwards
(412) promotes them into “militares.”

Footnote 1343:

“Adolescens Gaius Patricius nomine” (411). The same strange perversion
of the name is made by Orderic (512 C). This may be the Gospatric
mentioned there as taking a part in the resistance to William in
Northumberland. It is to be hoped for Tostig’s sake that it was.

Footnote 1344:

“Suis propriis rebus donatus,” says the Biographer, 412.

Footnote 1345:

Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 154. “Ita differenti effectu quum
regrederentur [he conceives Gisa and Walter to have been of the
party], una pariter ærumna omnes involvit; nam prædonibus irruentibus,
præter simplices vestes exspoliatis omnibus, ad nummum valens
corporibus tamen illæsis Romam refugere.”

Footnote 1346:

Vita Eadw. 412. “Confusè ergo et miserabiliter reversis Romana pietas
indoluit, veritusque Dominus Papa maximè clarissimi Ducis petitionem,”
&c.

Footnote 1347:

Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 154. “Futurum ut hæc Rex Anglorum audiens
tributum Sancti Petri meritò Nicolao subtraheret, se non defuturum
rerum veritati exaggerendæ. Hoc minarum fulmine Romani territi Papam
flexerunt.” This follows a good hearty English denunciation, of which
I have given the substance in the text. To the same effect in the Life
of Wulfstan, ii. 250.

Footnote 1348:

Such is William of Malmesbury’s account. The Biographer, in his
rhetoric, leaves out the condition.

Footnote 1349:

Vita Eadw. 412. “Ducem consolatus est caritativâ allocutione, allatis
insuper magis xeniis ex beati Petri largitate.”

Footnote 1350:

See Appendix BB.

Footnote 1351:

See above, p. 116.

Footnote 1352:

Sim. Dun. Gest. Regg. 1061. “Interim Rex Scottorum Malcolmus sui
conjuncti fratris, scilicet Comitis Tostii, comitatum ferociter
depopulatus est, violatâ pace sancti Cuthberti in Lindisfarnensi
insulâ.”

Footnote 1353:

Vita Wlst. 250. Ealdred is to resign Worcester, and a good successor
is to be chosen; “Hujus igitur conditionis arbitros, et quædam alia
ecclesiastica negotia in Angliâ expedituros, Cardinales adductos
Archiepiscopus Regi exhibuit.” Florence (1062) calls them “legatos
sedis apostolicæ ... Armenfredum scilicet, Sedunensem Episcopum, et
alium, qui a Domino Papâ Alexandro pro responsis ecclesiasticis ad
Regem Anglorum Eadwardum missi ... Wigorniæ ... degebant.” I quote the
fuller Life by William of Malmesbury as “Vita Wlstani,” and the
shorter one by Heming by name.

Footnote 1354:

Vita Wlst. 250. “Adeò illum amor Wigorniæ devinxerat.”

Footnote 1355:

Florence mentions their sojourn at Worcester, and their admiration of
Wulfstan; the Life makes them actually his guests.

Footnote 1356:

Fl. Wig. “Exspectantes responsum suæ legationis usque ad curiam
regalem proximi Paschæ.” So the Life, but less clearly.

Footnote 1357:

See above, pp. 372, 436.

Footnote 1358:

Vita Wlst. 251. “Maximæ quantùm ad sæculum prudentiæ, quantùm ad
religionem non minimæ.” But the Evesham historian (p. 87) calls him
“honestis moribus valde probatum, tam generis nobilitate quàm divinâ
lege ac sæculari prudentiâ plurimum valentem.”

Footnote 1359:

Hist. Evesh. pp. 88, 89.

Footnote 1360:

Vit. Wlst. 251. “Quamvis Æthelwius sollicitè anniteretur partibus.”

Footnote 1361:

Ib. “Aldredus, pro pacto quod fecerat Apostolico, nonnullo tempore
fluctaverat animo; utrum ad episcopatum eligeret Ethelwii perspicacem
industriam in sæculo, an Wlstani simplicem religionem in Deo. Erant
enim illi viri Wigornensis diœcesis diverso respectu præstantissimi.”

Footnote 1362:

Flor. Wig. 1062. “Anno ætatis suæ plus quinquagesimo.”

Footnote 1363:

Æthelstan in the Life, Eatstan according to Florence.

Footnote 1364:

Vita Wlst. 244. Ervenius was a skilful illuminator, and wrote a
Sacramentary for King Cnut and a Psalter for the Lady Emma. Cnut (249)
gave both the books to the Emperor Conrad; his son Henry the Third
gave them to Ealdred, who brought them back from Köln and gave them to
Wulfstan. Emma had another Psalter whose adventures in Normandy we
have already come across. See above, p. 233.

Footnote 1365:

The story is given at length in the Life, p. 245.

Footnote 1366:

Brihtheah was Bishop from 1033 to 1038 (Chron. Wig. 1033. Ab. 1038).
This fixes the date of Wulfstan’s ordination and profession. Brihtheah
was one of the embassy which took Gunhild to Germany (Heming, Cart.
267). He had a brother Æthelwig, who enlarged the presbytery of Saint
Peter’s Church in Worcester (Ib. 342).

Footnote 1367:

Vita Wlst. 246. “Obtulit ei plusquam semel Antistes ecclesiam
suburbanam, cujus opulenti reditus ad quotidianam stipem satis
superque sufficerent.”

Footnote 1368:

Ib. 247. “Præpositus, ut tunc, Prior, ut nunc dicitur, monachorum
constitutus.” “Prior et pater congregationis,” says Florence, adding
“ab Aldredo episcopo ponitur.” It will be remembered that, in a
cathedral monastery, the Bishop was Abbot, so the Prior was the
immediate head of the society.

Footnote 1369:

Ib. 248. “Jam enim venalitas ex infernalibus umbris emerserat, ut nec
illud gratis presbyteri præberent infantibus sacramentum, si non
infarcirent parentes marsupium.” Adam of Bremen (iv. 30) brings the
same charge against the Norwegian and Danish clergy; but he allows it
to be their only fault, and attributes it to the unwillingness of the
“barbarians” to pay tithe.

Footnote 1370:

Heming, Vita Wlst. Angl. Sacr. i. 541. “Venerabilis interea Comitissa
Godgiva, famâ bonitatis ejus auditâ, totis illum cœpit diligere
visceribus, et diversis hujus sæculi subvenire necessitatibus.” See
Appendix E.

Footnote 1371:

Will. Malms. Vit. Wlst. 248. See above, p. 41.

Footnote 1372:

Fl. Wig. 1062. “Fit unanimis consensus tam cleri quam etiam totius
plebis in ejus electione, Rege videlicet annuente ut quem sibi vellent
præsulem eligerent.” He goes on to mention the coming of the Legates
and their visit to Worcester, and adds; “Hi videntes, dum ibi
morabantur, ejus laudabilem conversationem, in ejus electione non
tantùm consentiebant, immo etiam tam clerum quam plebem maximè ad hoc
instigabant, suâque auctoritate ejus electionem firmabant.” This
seems, especially considering the passage about the King, certainly to
imply a preliminary election by the clergy and people of Worcester,
which the Witan had to confirm or reject. It is hardly possible that
by “clerus et plebs” he can mean the Gemót itself. He speaks of the
Legates waiting for the Gemót, but it is from the Life that we get the
details of the debate.

Footnote 1373:

Vita Wlst. 251. “Ad Curiam reversi, dum Wigornensis Episcopi
ventilaretur electio, nomen ejus tulerunt in medium.” It must have
been a wholesome thing for Roman Cardinals to come face to face with
an Assembly in whose proceedings order and freedom had already learned
to kiss one another.

Footnote 1374:

Ib. “Adstipulabantur votis Cardinalium Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis et
Eboracensis, ille favore, iste testimonio [I suppose this means that
Ealdred spoke from his own knowledge, and Stigand from the report of
others], ambo judicio. Accedebant laudibus etiam Comites Haraldus et
Elgarus, par insigne fortitudinis, non ita religionis.”

Footnote 1375:

Ib. “Sanctus ergo ad Curiam exhibitus jubetur suscipere donum
Episcopatûs [the King’s writ?]. Contra ille niti, et se honori tanto
imparem cunctis reclamantibus clamitare.”

Footnote 1376:

Fl. Wig. 1262. “Illo obstinatissimè renuente, seque indignum
acclamante et cum sacramento etiam affirmante se multò libentiùs
decollationi quàm tam altæ ordinationi succumbere velle.”

Footnote 1377:

“Frustra Cardinales cum Archiepiscopis trivissent operam, nisi
refugienti prætendissent Papæ obedientiam.” So says the Life, p. 251,
and the argument is one which would doubtless be used, though one may
doubt whether Stigand was specially eloquent on behalf of the Papal
claims. But the matter was clearly not settled at once in the Easter
Gemót. Florence witnesses to the final persuasion wrought by the
“inclusus” Wulfsige, who, after his long solitude, was not likely to
be among the assembled Witan. (We shall hear of Wulfsige again.) The
dates also prove the delay. Florence tells us that the canonical
confirmation was on August 29th, the consecration on September 8th.

Footnote 1378:

See Appendix U.

Footnote 1379:

Fl. Wig. 1062. “Coram Rege et regni optimatibus.” Or, as Florence,
when he speaks of the Witan, is rather fond of using popular language,
this may mean some smaller Council.

Footnote 1380:

Ib. “Se nullum jus ecclesiasticæ seu sæcularis subjectionis super eum
deinceps velle clamare, nec propter quod ab eo consecratus est, nec
quia ante consecrationem ejus monachus factus est.”

Footnote 1381:

Vita Wlst. 251. “Rex ergo Edwardus Wlstanum Wigornensi episcopatu ex
solido investivit; licet illum Aldredus potentiâ quâ vigebat multis et
penè omnibus ... prædiis vellicaverit.” The Gloucester historian (i.
9) charges him with having dealt in the same way with that Monastery
on his appointing the other Wulfstan to be its Abbot.

Footnote 1382:

This is the charter in Cod. Dipl. iv. 154, already so often quoted.
The signatures are very numerous. Stigand, though excluded from the
consecration of the minster, signs the charter; so does the Norman
Bishop William, also Bishop Gisa, various French courtiers, Esegar the
Staller, and Earl Ælfgar. Harold’s own signature takes a very
practical shape; “Ego Haroldus Dux _operando consolido_.”

Footnote 1383:

See Appendix GG.

Footnote 1384:

This seems implied in the verses of the Biographer, p. 425;

“Quis canit occiduos modulator in orbe Britannos,
Gentem Caucasiis rupibus ingenitam,
Indomitam fortemque nimis regnante Griphino,
Nec jam contentam finibus occiduis?
Ultra sed sceleris cursum tulit arma Syvernæ,
Vimque ejus regnum pertulit Angligenûm.”

Footnote 1385:

This is implied in the Worcester Chronicle, 1063. “On þissum geare for
Harold Eorl æfter Middanwintre of Gleaweceastre to Rudelan.” Florence
is fuller. Harold goes “jussu Regis Eadwardi,” and the reason assigned
is “ut Regem Walanorum Griffinum, propter frequentes depopulationes
quas in Anglorum finibus agebat, ac verecundias quas domino suo Regi
Eadwardo sæpe faciebat, occideret.” A bill of attainder was seemingly
passed against Gruffydd, just like that which, at another Gloucester
Gemót, nine years before, had been passed against Rhys, the brother of
the other Gruffydd. See above, p. 349.

Footnote 1386:

Fl. Wig. 1063. “Equitatu non multo secum assumpto.” The Housecarls
were clearly the only troops fitted for a sudden enterprise of this
kind. Riding to the field, but fighting on foot, they were _dragoons_
in the earlier sense of the word.

Footnote 1387:

Flor. Wig. “Eodemque die rediit.”

Footnote 1388:

Joan. Sarisb. Polyc. vi. 6 (iv. 16—18 Giles). His general argument is,
“Videsne quantùm electio ducis et exercitium juventutis militiæ
conferant?” He introduces Harold thus; “Anglorum recens narrat
historia, quod, quum Britones, irruptione factâ, Angliam
depopularentur, à piissimo Rege Edwardo ad eos expugnandos missus est
Dux Haraldus, vir quidem in armis strenuus [his common epithet with
Florence], et laudabilium operum fulgens insignibus, et qui tam suam
quam suorum posset apud posteros gloriam dilatare, nisi meritorum
titulos, nequitiam patris imitans, perfidè præsumpto regno,
decoloraret.”

Footnote 1389:

He enlarges at some length on the inadequate preparations made in his
time to resist the invaders; “Nivicollini Britones irruunt, et jam
protendunt terminos suos, et egressi de cavernis suis latebrisque
silvarum, plana occupant, nobilium procerum, videntibus ipsis,
impugnant, expugnant, et diruunt, aut sibi retinent, munitiones.”
After some rhetorical complaints of the luxury of his own age, he goes
on, “Depopulantur illi fines nostros; dum juventus nostra instruitur,
et dum nobis miles armatur, hostis evadit.” Presently comes the
account of Harold.

Footnote 1390:

De Illaud. Walliæ, ii. 7, ap. Ang. Sacr. ii. 451. He describes
Harold’s campaign, and adds, “Ob has igitur tam cruentas tamque
recentes Anglorum de hâc gente victorias primi tres Normannorum Reges
in tantâ subjectione tamque pacificam suis diebus Walliam tenuere.”

Footnote 1391:

Fl. Wig. 1063. “Frater suus Comes Tostinus, ut Rex mandârat, cum
equestri occurrit exercitu.” The Worcester Chronicle says, “Tostig fór
mid landferde ongean.” “Landferd” is here opposed to Harold’s fleet.
Tostig had probably troops of both kinds in his army, but the
“equestris exercitus” implies that some were Housecarls.

Footnote 1392:

See above, p. 389.

Footnote 1393:

Giraldus (Angl. Sacr. ii. 452), in his very curious remarks on the
right way to carry on a Welsh war, enlarges on the necessity of being
prepared for poor fare. The Marchers are “Gens ... cibo potuque non
delicata, tam Cerere quam Baccho caussis urgentibus abstinere parata.”
It was now no doubt that Harold showed that power of enduring
“infinitos labores, vigilias, et inediam,” of which the Biographer had
spoken, p. 409. See above, p. 38.

Footnote 1394:

The Biographer makes a distinct allusion to the change of tactics, p.
425;

“Quum volucres Angli sub Haroldo præside juncti
Tostini cuneis agminibusque citis.”

Were this writer less rhetorical, one might think that _cunei_ meant
specially the Housecarls, as distinguished from the “agmina cita” of
the light-armed. Cf. Giraldus (ii. 451); “Haroldus ultimus, qui pedes
ipse, cumque pedestri turmâ et levibus armis victuque patriæ conformi
[see on the Welsh fare just above], tam validè totam Kambriam et
circuivit et transpenetravit.” But the fullest account is given by
John of Salisbury (iv. 18); “Quum ergo gentis cognosceret levitatem,
quasi pari certamine militiam eligens expeditam, cum eis censuit
congrediendum, levem exercens armaturam, perornatus incedens fasciis
pectus et præduro tectus corio, missilibus eorum levia objectans
ancilia, et in eos contorquens nunc spicula, nunc mucronem exercens,
sic fugientium vestigiis inhærebat, ut premeretur ‘pede pes et cuspide
cuspis,’ et umbo umbone repelleretur.”

Footnote 1395:

Vita Eadw. 426;

“Gnarus inaccessis scrobibus se credere miles,
Tutius hostiles involet unde acies,
Saltibus et scopulis fretus regione malignâ,
Sic vexat longâ lite Duces geminos.”

So John of Salisbury (iv. 18); “Nivium itaque collem ingressus,
vastavit omnia.”

Footnote 1396:

Giraldus (ii. 451). “In cujus victoriæ signum perpetuamque memoriam
lapides in Walliâ more antiquo in titulum erectos locis, in quibus
victor exstiterat, literas hujuscemodi insculptas habentes plurimos
invenies; Hic fuit victor Haroldus.” I am not aware that any of these
monuments now remain. The stones at Trelech in Monmouthshire,
sometimes thought to be a memorial of one of Harold’s victories, must
be far older, and Monmouthshire is not likely to have been the scene
of war.

Footnote 1397:

Ib. (ii. 453). “Ibi capiuntur milites, hic decapitantur; ibi
redimuntur, hic perimuntur.”

Footnote 1398:

Joan. Sarisb. iv. 18. “Usque ad miserationem parvulorum omnem masculum
qui inveniri potuit interficiens, in ore gladii pacavit provinciam.”
So Harold’s biographer, though confounding the chronology (see above,
p. 442), says (Vita Haroldi, 155) truly enough, “Viribus autem
corporis quantum præstiterit, quam acer et strenuus [mark the standing
epithet] animis armisque innotuerit, subacta, immo ad internecionem
per Haroldum penè deleta, Wallia est experta.”

Footnote 1399:

Giraldus (ii. 451). “Ut in eâdem fere mingentem ad parietem non
reliquerit.”

Footnote 1400:

John of Salisbury extends the campaign over two years, and Florence
places the death of Gruffydd in 1064. But both the Worcester and the
Peterborough Chronicles distinctly place the whole story between May
and August 1063.

Footnote 1401:

Fl. Wig. 1063. “Regem suum Griffinum exlegantes abjecerunt.”

Footnote 1402:

Chron. Wig. 1063. “Se wæs kyning ofer eall Wealcyn.”

Footnote 1403:

I quote literally the Brut y Tywysogion. Its wrong date, 1061, is
corrected in the Annales Cambriæ into 1063. “Griffinus filius Lewelini
Rex Britonum nobilissimus dolo suorum occisus est.”

Footnote 1404:

Chron. Wig. He is slain “fram his agenum mannum, þurh þæt gewin þe he
won wiþ Harold Eorl.”

Footnote 1405:

The Peterborough Chronicler is almost startling in his terse brevity;
“And þæt folc heom gislodon and to bugon, and foron syððan to, and
ofslogon heora cyng Griffin and brohton Harolde his heafod.” By John
of Salisbury’s time it was forgotten that Gruffydd was killed by his
own people; with him Harold “Reges cepit et capita eorum Regi qui eum
miserat præsentavit” (iv. 18). The death of Gruffydd had however been
decreed in the Christmas Gemót. See above, p. 468.

Footnote 1406:

Chron. Wig. “And Harold hit [Gruffydd’s head] þam kynge brohte, and
his scipes heafod and þa bone þermid.” I do not know what the “bone”
means. The Biographer (426) says nothing about the death of Gruffydd,
but is eloquent about the spoil, especially the

“Proram cum puppi, pondus grave scilicet auri,
Artificum studio fusile multiplici.”

Footnote 1407:

The Worcester Chronicle (1063) says expressly that the two princes
were Gruffydd’s brothers; “And se kyng Eadward betæhte þæt land his
twam gebroþran Bleþgente and Rigwatlan.” In the two Welsh Chronicles
no notice is taken of this investiture of Gruffydd’s successors, but
in 1068 we find Bleddyn and Rhiwallon reigning; they are however
called sons of Cynfyn, and are described as waging war with the sons
of Gruffydd. Of Bleddyn we have heard before in the invasion of
Herefordshire. See above, p. 388.

Footnote 1408:

See Appendix DD. The Peterborough Chronicle leaves out all mention of
Eadward; “And he [Harold] sette oþerne cyng þærto.”

Footnote 1409:

Chron. Wig. “And hig [Bleddyn and Rhiwallon] aþas sworon and gislas
saldan þæm Cynge _and þæm Eorle_, þæt heo him on allum þingum
unswicende beon woldon, and eighwar him gearwe, on wætere and on
lande, and swylc of þam lande gelæstan swylc man dyde toforan ær oþrum
kynge.”

Footnote 1410:

Joan. Sarisb. iv. 18. “Legem statuit ut quicumque Britonum exinde
citra terminum, quem eis præscripsit, fossam scilicet Offæ, cum telo
inveniretur, ei ab officialibus regni manus dextra præcideretur.”

Footnote 1411:

Ib. “Adeoque virtute Ducis tunc Britones confecti sunt ut fere gens
tota deficere videretur, et ex indulgentiâ jam dicti Regis mulieres
eorum nupserunt Anglis.”

Footnote 1412:

I shall speak more largely of her in my third volume.

Footnote 1413:

Brut y Tywysogion, 1039. “Gruffydd overcame Howel and captured his
wife, and took her to be his own wife.”

Footnote 1414:

It is certainly hard measure when Sir Francis Palgrave (Hist. Ang.
Sax. p. 372) speaks of Harold’s wife as “her whose husband he had
murdered.” Did Alexander murder Darius?

Footnote 1415:

See vol. i. p. 411.

Footnote 1416:

Excepting Dr. R. Vaughan (Revolutions in English History, i. 300),
who, from some undescribed sources not open to other writers, has
found out that “the marriage could hardly have been a happy one.
Ea[l]dgyth was a woman of great ambition, and unscrupulous in her use
of means to gratify her passions.”

Footnote 1417:

Chron. Ab. 1065. “Harold Eorl ... þone Kingc Eadward þar to habbene
for huntnoþes þingon.” So Flor. Wig. “Ut Dominus suus Rex Eadwardus
illic aliquamdiu venationis caussâ degere possit.”

Footnote 1418:

See above, p. 387. Florence expressly distinguishes him as “filius
Regis Suth-Walanorum Griffini, quem ante paucos annos Griffinus Rex
North-Walanorum occiderat, ejusque regnum invaserat.”

Footnote 1419:

R. Wend. i. 507. “Craddoc, Griffini filius, quem anno præterito
exsulaverat Haroldus.” This may however be some confusion with the
outlawry of Gruffydd ap Llywelyn.

Footnote 1420:

Chronn. Ab. and Wig. 1065. “Þa for Cradoc Griffines sunu to, mid
eallum þam þe he begytan mihte, and þæt folc mæst eall ofsloh þe þar
timbrode, and þæt gód genam þe þar gegaderod wæs.”

Footnote 1421:

Chron. Wig. “Ne wiston we hwa þone unræd ærest gerædde.”

Footnote 1422:

Vita Eadw. 421. “Interea quorumdam nobilium factione quos ob nequitias
suas gravi presserat dominatûs sui jugo, conjurant in invicem in ejus
præjudicio.”

Footnote 1423:

Chron. Ab. 1065. “Forþam þa he rypte God ærost.”

Footnote 1424:

Ib. “And ealle þa bestrypte þe he ofer mihte, æt life and æt lande.”

Footnote 1425:

Ib. “Ealle þa mid hym þe unlage rærdon.” On the untranslatable phrase
of _unlaw_, see above, p. 336.

Footnote 1426:

Fl. Wig. 1065. “Pro immensitate tributi quod de totâ Northhymbriâ
injustè acceperat.”

Footnote 1427:

Flor. Wig. 1065. “Pro exsecrandâ nece ... Gamelis filii Orm ac Ulfi
filii Dolfini quos anno præcedenti Eboraci in camerâ suâ, sub pacis
fœdere, per insidias, Comes Tostius occidere præcepit.” Dolfin and Orm
both appear in Domesday, seemingly as holders under William of small
parts of great estates held under Eadward. See 278 _b_, 330 _b_, 331
_b_. Orm married Æthelthryth, a daughter of Earl Ealdred (Sim. Dun. X
Scriptt. 82) and sister-in-law of Earl Siward (see vol. i. p. 587),
but Gamel was not her son.

Footnote 1428:

See vol. i. p. 588.

Footnote 1429:

See vol. i. p. 416.

Footnote 1430:

Fl. Wig. “Pro exsecrandâ nece ... Gospatrici, quem Regina Edgitha,
germani sui Tostii caussâ, in curiâ Regis, quartâ nocte Dominicæ
nativitatis, per insidias occidi jussit.” The deed here attributed to
Eadgyth reminds one of the old crimes of Eadric at Oxford and
Shrewsbury. See vol. i. pp. 356, 411.

Footnote 1431:

See above, p. 457.

Footnote 1432:

Chron. Wig. 1065. “And sona æfter þisan gegaderedon þa þegenas hi
ealle on Eoforwicscire and on Norðhymbralande togædere.” Here we have
perhaps the earliest use of the name Yorkshire, and of the name
Northumberland in its modern sense. See vol. i. p. 585. The Abingdon
Chronicle has only “on Eoforwicscire,” and Peterborough says “foron
Norðhymbra togædere.”

Footnote 1433:

I have, as usual, made a comparison of the narratives in an Appendix
(Note HH), referring here only to details.

Footnote 1434:

Flor. Wig. 1065. “Cum cc. militibus.”

Footnote 1435:

The names come from Florence. All three appear in Domesday as great
landowners, Gamel especially, in King Eadward’s time. In 1086 Gamel
still holds _in capite_ a small part of his vast estates in Yorkshire
(331), while his small Staffordshire holding seems to be increased
(250 _b_). Dunstan has sunk to be a tenant of Ilbert of Lacy (317
_b_), while Glonieorn, called in Domesday Glunier (298 et al.), has,
either by death or by confiscation, vanished altogether.

Footnote 1436:

See Appendix HH.

Footnote 1437:

The regulations made for the King’s reception at Shrewsbury (Domesday,
252) show that his presence there was not unlikely, and there was at
least one Gemót held there in the time of Æthelred. See vol. i. p.
356. One of the legends of Harold and Tostig (see Appendix Z) implies
the King’s probable presence at Hereford; but we do not distinctly
hear of him further north than Gloucester.

Footnote 1438:

See above, p. 377.

Footnote 1439:

Sim. Dun. Hist. Eccl. Dun. iii. 14 (X Scriptt. 37). “Quidam vocabulo
Copsi, qui sub Tosti totius comitatûs curam gerebat.” Gest. Regg.
Angl. a. 1072 (X Scriptt. 204). “Rex Willelmus comitatum Osulfi
commisit Copsio, qui erat partis Tostii Comitis viro consiliario et
prudenti.” In Domesday also (298 _b_ et al.) he figures as Copsi, but
his estates do not seem to have been very large. His gifts to the
Church of Durham are mentioned by Simeon (X Scriptt. 37). The Norman
writers, as William of Poitiers (148 ed. Giles), turn his name into
Coxo, out of which Thierry, by way of being specially Teutonic, has
made _Kox_. (Cf. “Alwinus _Coc_ Bedellus” in Domesday 190, a prudent
man who held at the Survey what he had held T. R. E.) They also call
him “Comes,” though Simeon (X Scriptt. 37) seems, even under William,
to give him no higher title than “Procurator” = Gerefa?

Footnote 1440:

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. 1065. The Abingdon Chronicler omits this decree,
which marks the gathering as intended to assume the character of a
lawful Gemót.

Footnote 1441:

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. “And sendon æfter Morkere Ælfgares sunu Eorles,
and gecuron hine heom to Eorle.” To the same effect afterwards Chron.
Ab. “Hig namon heom þa Morkere to Eorle.” Vita Eadw. 421. “Utque
efferæ temeritatis haberent auctoritatem, caput sibi et dominum
faciunt Ducis Alfgari filium juniorem, ejusque fratrem natu majorem,
ad hanc societatem dementiæ suæ invitant.”

Footnote 1442:

See above, p. 378.

Footnote 1443:

See above, p. 434.

Footnote 1444:

See above, p. 482.

Footnote 1445:

Sim. Dun. Gest. Regg. 1072 (X Scriptt. 204). “Morkarus vero, quoniam
aliàs gravibus negotiis impeditus fuerat, comitatum ultra Tynam
tradidit Osulfo adolescenti, filio præfati Comitis Eadulfi.” We shall
hear of him again.

Footnote 1446:

The names come from Florence, who (see Appendix HH) describes them as
“illius [Tostii] Danicos huscarlas, Amundum et Reavensvartum.”
“Danicus” is an ambiguous word, and does not show whether they were
simply adventurers from Denmark or sons of followers of Cnut. The name
would hardly be applied to descendants of the elder Danish settlers.
At any rate, one of these men was a considerable landowner, and both,
from their special mention, must have been men of some importance,
probably officers in command of the force. Reavenswart is doubtless
the man who, under several spellings, occurs as a landowner T. R. E.
in Yorkshire, Shropshire, and Cheshire (Domesday, 257, 266, 268 _b_,
301 _b_). The Amund of Suffolk, 433, 433 _b_, and 441 _b_, is a
different person, but may not “Anand huscarl R. E.” in Hertfordshire,
140 _b_, be a corrupt form of our Amund?

Footnote 1447:

See Appendix HH.

Footnote 1448:

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. 1065. “And naman ealle his wæpna on Eoforwic and
gold and seolfer and ealle his sceattas, þe hig mihton ahwær þær
geacsian.” Fl. Wig. “Ærarium quoque ipsius fregerunt, et omnibus quæ
illius fuerant ablatis, recesserunt.” Will. Malms. (ii. 200). “Homines
ejus, et Anglos et Danos, obtruncârunt, equos et arma, et
supellectilem omnem corradentes.”

Footnote 1449:

See Appendix HH.

Footnote 1450:

See vol. i. pp. 51, 64, 411.

Footnote 1451:

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. “And eac fela Bryttas comon mid him.”

Footnote 1452:

See above, p. 479.

Footnote 1453:

Chron. Wig. “And þa Ryðrenan dydan mycelne hearm abutan Hamtune, ...
ægþær þæt hi ofslogon menn, and bærndon hús and corn, and namon eall
þæt orf þe hig mihton to cuman, þæt wæs feola þusend, and fela hund
manna hi naman, and læddan norð mid heom.” I do not know that the word
“Ryðrenan” occurs elsewhere; but the hope that it might mean Welshmen
is dispelled by the word “norð,” and still more clearly by the words
of the Peterborough Chronicler, who, for “þa Ryðrenan” reads “þa
norðerne menn.” The evil doers were clearly the original Northumbrian
revolters.

Footnote 1454:

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. 1065. “Swa þæt seo scir and þa oðra scira þæ ðær
neah sindon wurdan fela wintra ðe wyrsan.”

Footnote 1455:

On the negotiations, see Appendix HH.

Footnote 1456:

See above, p. 136.

Footnote 1457:

Will. Malms. ii. 200. “Se nullius Ducis ferociam pati posse.” See
Appendix HH.

Footnote 1458:

Ib. “Proinde, si subditos velit, Markerium filium Elgari eis
præficiat, re experturum quam dulciter sciant obedire, si dulciter
tractati fuerint.”

Footnote 1459:

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. “And eac ærendracan mid him sendon.”

Footnote 1460:

Vita Eadw. 422. “Accitis undique regni primatibus, habebat ibi
consilium quid super tali negotio esset opus.”

Footnote 1461: