Chapter IV: Introduction (2)

The Canadian boundary had been established along the lakes; the Ohio was lost to the Indians; for them there was left only extermination or removal to the west. Their bravest warriors were slain. Their ablest chieftain, who had led them to victory against St Clair, had bowed to the inevitable, and was now regarded as one with a white man’s heart and a traitor to his race. A brooding dissatisfaction settled down on the tribes. Who shall deliver them from the desolation that has come on them?

Now arose among the Shawano another prophet to point out to his people the “open door” leading to happiness. In November, 1805, a young man named Laulewasikaw (Lalawe′thika, a rattle or similar instrument—_Gatschet_), then hardly more than 30 years of age, called around him his tribesmen and their allies at their ancient capital of Wapakoneta, within the present limits of Ohio, and there announced himself as the bearer of a new revelation from the Master of Life, who had taken pity on his red children and wished to save them from the threatened destruction. He declared that he had been taken up to the spirit world and had been permitted to lift the veil of the past and the future—had seen the misery of evil doers and learned the happiness that awaited those who followed the precepts of the Indian god. He then began an earnest exhortation, denouncing the witchcraft practices and medicine juggleries of the tribe, and solemnly warning his hearers that none who had part in such things would ever taste of the future happiness. The firewater of the whites was poison and accursed; and those who continued its use would after death be tormented with all the pains of fire, while flames would continually issue from their mouths. This idea may have been derived from some white man’s teaching or from the Indian practice of torture by fire. The young must cherish and respect the aged and infirm. All property must be in common, according to the ancient law of their ancestors. Indian women must cease to intermarry with white men; the two races were distinct and must remain so. The white man’s dress, with his flint-and-steel, must be discarded for the old time buckskin and the firestick. More than this, every tool and every custom derived from the whites must be put away, and they must return to the methods which the Master of Life had taught them. When they should do all this, he promised that they would again be taken into the divine favor, and find the happiness which their fathers had known before the coming of the whites. Finally, in proof of his divine mission, he announced that he had received power to cure all diseases and to arrest the hand of death in sickness or on the battlefield. (_Drake_, _Tecumseh, 1._) To avoid repetition, it may be stated that, except when otherwise noted, the principal facts concerning Tecumtha and the prophet are taken from Drake’s work, the most valuable published on the subject. The prophet and his doctrines are also spoken of at some length by Tanner, Kendall, Warren, and Catlin, as hereafter quoted, while the history of Tecumtha is a part of the history of Ohio valley, to be found in any work treating of that section and period.)

In an account quoted by Drake, probably from an English writer, it is stated that the prophet was noted for his stupidity and intoxication until his fiftieth (?) year, when one day, while lighting his pipe in his cabin, he suddenly fell back apparently lifeless and remained in that condition until his friends had assembled for the funeral, when he revived from his trance, and after quieting their alarm, announced that he had been to the spirit world and commanded them to call the people together that he might tell them what he had seen. When they had assembled, he declared that he had been conducted to the border of the spirit world by two young men, who had permitted him to look in upon its pleasures, but not to enter, and who, after charging him with the message to his people already noted, had left him, promising to visit him again at a future time. (_Drake, Ab. Races, 1._)

Although the language of this account is somewhat overdrawn, the main statements are probably correct, as it is in complete accordance with the Indian system by which all truth has been revealed in dreams and trances from the first dawn of tradition down to Smohalla and the messiah of the Ghost dance.

His words aroused an intense excitement among his hearers, and the impression deepened as the tidings of the new gospel were carried from camp to camp. Those who were addicted to drunkenness—the besetting sin of the Indians since their acquaintance with the whites—were so thoroughly alarmed at the prospect of a fiery punishment in the spirit world that for a long time intoxication became practically unknown among the western tribes. Their zeal led also to the inauguration of a crusade against all who were suspected of dealing in witchcraft or magic arts; but here the prophet took advantage of this feeling to effectually rid himself of all who opposed his sacred claims. It was only necessary for him to denounce such a person as a witch to have him pay the forfeit with reputation, if not with life.

Among the first of his victims were several Delawares—Tatepocoshe
(more generally known as Teteboxti), Patterson, his nephew,
Coltos, an old woman, and an aged man called Joshua. These were
successively marked by the prophet, and doomed to be burnt alive.
The tragedy was commenced with the old woman. The Indians roasted
her slowly over a fire for four days, calling upon her frequently
to deliver up her charm and medicine bag. Just as she was dying,
she exclaimed that her grandson, who was then out hunting, had it
in his possession. Messengers were sent in pursuit of him, and when
found he was tied and brought into camp. He acknowledged that on
one occasion he had borrowed the charm of his grandmother, by means
of which he had flown through the air over Kentucky, to the banks
of the Mississippi, and back again, between twilight and bedtime;
but he insisted that he had returned the charm to its owner, and,
after some consultation, he was set at liberty. The following
day a council was held over the case of the venerable chief
Tatepocoshe, he being present. His death was decided upon after
full deliberation; and, arrayed in his finest apparel, he calmly
assisted in building his own funeral pile, fully aware that there
was no escape from the judgment that had been passed upon him. The
respect due to his whitened locks induced his executioners to treat
him with mercy. He was deliberately tomahawked by a young man, and
his body was then placed upon the blazing fagots and consumed. The
next day the old preacher Joshua met a similar fate. The wife of
Tatepocoshe and his nephew Billy Patterson were then brought into
the council house and seated side by side. The latter had led an
irreproachable life, and died like a Christian, singing and praying
amid the flames which destroyed his body. While preparations were
making for the immolation of Tatepocoshe’s wife, her brother, a
youth of 20 years of age, suddenly started up, took her by the
hand, and, to the amazement of the council, led her out of the
house. He soon returned, and exclaiming, “The devil has come among
us (alluding to the prophet), and we are killing each other,” he
reseated himself in the midst of the crowd. This bold step checked
the wild frenzy of the Indians, put an end to these cruel scenes,
and for a time greatly impaired the impostor’s influence among the
Delawares. (_Drake, Tecumseh, 2._)

The prophet now changed his name to Tenskwatawa, “The Open Door” (from _skwa′te_, a door, and _the′nui_, to be open; frequently spelled Elskwatawa), significant of the new mode of life which he had come to point out to his people, and fixed his headquarters at Greenville, Ohio, where representatives from the various scattered tribes of the northwest gathered about him to learn the new doctrines. Some, especially the Kickapoo, entered fervently into his spirit, while others were disposed to oppose him. The Miami, who regarded the Shawano as intruders, were jealous of his influence, and the chiefs of his own tribe were somewhat inclined to consider him in the light of a rival. To establish his sacred character and to dispel the doubts of the unbelievers, he continued to dream dreams and announce wonderful revelations from time to time, when an event occurred which effectually silenced opposition and stamped him as one inspired.

By some means he had learned that an eclipse of the sun was to take place in the summer of 1806. As the time drew near, he called about him the scoffers and boldly announced that on a certain day he would prove to them his supernatural authority by causing the sun to become dark. When the day and hour arrived and the earth at midday was enveloped in the gloom of twilight, Tenskwatawa, standing in the midst of the terrified Indians, pointed to the sky and cried, “Did I not speak truth? See, the sun is dark!” There were no more doubters now. All proclaimed him a true prophet and the messenger of the Master of Life. His fame spread abroad and apostles began to carry his revelations to the remotest tribes.

We get but fragmentary light in regard to the details of the doctrine and ceremonies of this religious revival, as well as of that which preceded it. There were then no railroads, no newspaper correspondents to gather each day’s proceedings, and no telegraph to flash the news across the continent before nightfall; no reservation system, with its attendant army of employees, everyone a spy when an emergency arose; and no investigators to go among the tribes and study the matter from an ethnologic point of view. Our information is derived chiefly from military officers, who knew these things only as vague rumors of Indian unrest fomented by British agents; from the statements of a few illiterate interpreters or captives among the savages, and from the misty recollections of old men long after the excitement had passed away. Of the dances which are a part of every important Indian ceremony, the songs which they chanted, the peculiar dress or adornments which probably distinguished the believers—of all these we know nothing; but we may well surmise that the whole elaborate system of Indian mythology and ceremonial was brought into play to give weight to the words of the prophet, and enough is known to show that in its leading features the movement closely resembled the modern Ghost dance.

It is impossible to know how far the prophet was responsible for the final shaping of the doctrine. Like all such movements, it undoubtedly grew and took more definite form under the hands of the apostles who went out from the presence of its originator to preach to the various tribes. A religion which found adherents alike in the everglades of Florida and on the plains of the Saskatchewan must necessarily have undergone local modifications. From a comparison of the various accounts we can arrive at a general statement of the belief.

The prophet was held to be an incarnation of Manabozho, the great “first doer” of the Algonquian system. His words were believed to be the direct utterances of a deity. Manabozho had taught his people certain modes of living best suited to their condition and capacity. A new race had come upon them, and the Indians had thrown aside their primitive purity of life and adopted the innovations of the whites, which had now brought them to degradation and misery and threatened them with swift and entire destruction. To punish them for their disobedience and bring them to a sense of their duty, Manabozho had called the game from the forests and shut it up under the earth, so that the tribes were now on the verge of starvation and obliged to eat the flesh of filthy hogs. They had also lost their old love for one another and become addicted to the secret practices of the poisoner and the wizard, together with the abominable ceremonies of the calumet dance. They must now put aside all these things, throw away the weapons and the dress of the white man, pluck out their hair as in ancient times, wear the eagle feather on their heads, and clothe themselves again with the breechcloth and the skins of animals slain with the bows and arrows which Manabozho had given them. (_Kendall, 1._) They must have done with the white man’s flint-and-steel, and cook their food over a fire made by rubbing together two sticks, and this fire must always be kept burning in their lodges, as it was a symbol of the eternal life, and their care for it was an evidence of their heed to the divine commands. The firewater must forever be put away, together with the medicine bags and poisons and the wicked juggleries which had corrupted the ancient purity of the Midé rites. Instead of these the prophet gave them new songs and new medicines. Their women must cease from any connection with white men. They were to love one another and make an end of their constant wars, to be kind to their children, to keep but one dog in a family, and to abstain from lying and stealing. If they would listen to his voice and follow his instructions, the incarnate Manabozho promised that at the end of four years (i. e., in 1811) he would bring on two days of darkness, during which he would travel invisibly throughout the land, and cause the animals which he had created to come forth again out of the earth. (_Kendall, 2._) They were also promised that their dead friends would be restored to them.

The ideas as to the catastrophe that was to usher in the new era seem to have varied according to the interpreter of the belief. Among the Ottawa, and perhaps among the lake tribes generally, there was to be a period of darkness, as already stated. Among the Cherokee, and probably also among the Creek, it was believed that there would be a terrible hailstorm, which would overwhelm with destruction both the whites and the unbelievers of the red race, while the elect would be warned in time to save themselves by fleeing to the high mountain tops. The idea of any hostile combination against the white race seems to have been no part of the doctrine. In the north, however, there is always a plain discrimination against the Americans. The Great Father, through his prophet, is represented as declaring himself to be the common parent alike of Indians, English, French, and Spaniards; while the Americans, on the contrary, “are not my children, but the children of the evil spirit. They grew from the scum of the great water, when it was troubled by an evil spirit and the froth was driven into the woods by a strong east wind. They are numerous, but I hate them. They are unjust; they have taken away your lands, which were not made for them.” (_Kendall, 3._)

From the venerable James Wafford, of the Cherokee nation, the author in 1891 obtained some interesting details in regard to the excitement among the Cherokee. According to his statement, the doctrine first came to them through the Creek about 1812 or 1813. It was probably given to the Creek by Tecumtha and his party on their visit to that tribe in the fall of 1811, as will be related hereafter. The Creek were taught by their prophets that the old Indian life was soon to return, when “instead of beef and bacon they would have venison, and instead of chickens they would have turkeys.” Great sacred dances were inaugurated, and the people were exhorted to be ready for what was to come. From the south the movement spread to the Cherokee, and one of their priests, living in what is now upper Georgia, began to preach that on a day near at hand there would be a terrible storm, with a mighty wind and hailstones as large as hominy mortars, which would destroy from the face of the earth all but the true believers who had previously taken refuge on the highest summits of the Great Smoky mountains. Full of this belief, numbers of the tribe in Alabama and Georgia abandoned their bees, their orchards, their slaves, and everything else that might have come to them through the white man, and, in spite of the entreaties and remonstrances of friends who put no faith in the prediction, took up their toilsome march for the mountains of Carolina. Wafford, who was then about 10 years of age, lived with his mother and stepfather on Valley river, and vividly remembers the troops of pilgrims, with their packs on their backs, fleeing from the lower country to escape from the wrath to come. Many of them stopped at the house of his stepfather, who, being a white man, was somewhat better prepared than his neighbors to entertain travelers, and who took the opportunity to endeavor to persuade them to turn back, telling them that their hopes and fears alike were groundless. Some listened to him and returned to their homes, but others went on and climbed the mountain, where they waited until the appointed day arrived, only to find themselves disappointed. Slowly and sadly then they took up their packs once more and turned their faces homeward, dreading the ridicule they were sure to meet there, but yet believing in their hearts that the glorious coming was only postponed for a time. This excitement among the Cherokee is noted at some length in the Cherokee Advocate of November 16, 1844, published at Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation. Among the Creek the excitement, intensified by reports of the struggle now going on in the north, and fostered and encouraged by the emissaries of Spain and England, grew and spread until it culminated in the summer of 1813 in the terrible Creek war.

Enough is known of the ceremonial of this religion to show that it must have had an elaborate ritual. We learn from Warren that the adherents of the prophet were accustomed to perform certain ceremonies in solemn councils, and that, after he had prohibited the corrupt secret rites, he introduced instead new medicines and songs, and that at the ancient capital of the Ojibwa on Lake Superior the Indians collected in great numbers and performed these dances and ceremonies day and night. (_Warren, 1._) They were also instructed to dance naked, with their bodies painted and with the warclub in their hands. (_Kendall, 4._) The solemn rite of confirmation, known as “shaking hands with the prophet,” was particularly impressive. From the narrative of John Tanner, a white man captured when a child from his home in Kentucky and brought up among the wild Ojibwa, we get the best contemporary account of the advent of the new doctrine in the north and its effect on the lake tribes. He says:

It was while I was living here at Great Wood river that news
came of a great man among the Shawneese, who had been favoured
by a revelation of the mind and will of the Great Spirit. I was
hunting in the prairie, at a great distance from my lodge, when
I saw a stranger approaching. At first I was apprehensive of
an enemy, but as he drew nearer, his dress showed him to be an
Ojibbeway; but when he came up, there was something very strange
and peculiar in his manner. He signified to me that I must go
home, but gave no explanation of the cause. He refused to look at
me or enter into any kind of conversation. I thought he must be
crazy, but nevertheless accompanied him to my lodge. When we had
smoked, he remained a long time silent, but at last began to tell
me he had come with a message from the prophet of the Shawneese.
“Henceforth,” said he, “the fire must never be suffered to go out
in your lodge. Summer and winter, day and night, in the storm,
or when it is calm, you must remember that the life in your body
and the fire in your lodge are the same and of the same date.
If you suffer your fire to be extinguished, at that moment your
life will be at its end. You must not suffer a dog to live; you
must never strike either a man, a woman, a child, or a dog. The
prophet himself is coming to shake hands with you; but I have
come before, that you may know what is the will of the Great
Spirit, communicated to us by him, and to inform you that the
preservation of your life, for a single moment, depends on your
entire obedience. From this time forward we are neither to be
drunk, to steal, to lie, or to go against our enemies. While we
yield an entire obedience to these commands of the Great Spirit,
the Sioux, even if they come to our country, will not be able to
see us; we shall be protected and made happy.” I listened to all
he had to say, but told him, in answer, that I could not believe
we should all die in case our fire went out; in many instances,
also, it would be difficult to avoid punishing our children; our
dogs were useful in aiding us to hunt and take animals, so that I
could not believe the Great Spirit had any wish to take them from
us. He continued talking to us until late at night; then he lay
down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake first in the morning,
and, perceiving the fire had gone out, I called him to get up and
see how many of us were living and how many dead. He was prepared
for the ridicule I attempted to throw upon his doctrine, and told
me that I had not yet shaken hands with the prophet. His visit had
been to prepare me for this important event, and to make me aware
of the obligations and risks I should incur, by entering into
the engagement implied in taking in my hand the message of the
prophet. I did not rest entirely easy in my unbelief. The Indians,
generally, received the doctrine of this man with great humility
and fear. Distress and anxiety was visible in every countenance.
Many killed their dogs, and endeavored to practice obedience to
all the commands of this new preacher, who still remained among
us. But, as was usual with me, in any emergency of this kind, I
went to the traders, firmly believing that if the Deity had any
communications to make to men, they would be given, in the first
instance, to white men. The traders ridiculed and despised the
idea of a new revelation of the Divine will, and the thought that
it should be given to a poor Shawnee. Thus was I confirmed in my
infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not openly avow my unbelief to
the Indians, only I refused to kill my dogs, and showed no great
degree of anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As long
as I remained among the Indians, I made it my business to conform,
as far as appeared consistent with my immediate convenience and
comfort, with all their customs. Many of their ideas I have
adopted, but I always found among them opinions which I could not
hold. The Ojibbeway whom I have mentioned remained some time among
the Indians in my neighborhood, and gained the attention of the
principal men so effectually that a time was appointed and a lodge
prepared for the solemn and public espousing of the doctrines of
the prophet. When the people, and I among them, were brought into
the long lodge, prepared for this solemnity, we saw something
carefully concealed under a blanket, in figure and dimensions
bearing some resemblance to the form of a man. This was accompanied
by two young men, who, it was understood, attended constantly upon
it, made its bed at night, as for a man, and slept near it. But
while we remained no one went near it or raised the blanket which
was spread over its unknown contents. Four strings of mouldy and
discoloured beans were all the remaining visible insignia of this
important mission. After a long harangue, in which the prominent
features of the new revelation were stated and urged upon the
attention of all, the four strings of beans, which we were told
were made of the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried with
much solemnity to each man in the lodge, and he was expected to
take hold of each string at the top, and draw them gently through
his hand. This was called shaking hands with the prophet, and was
considered as solemnly engaging to obey his injunctions, and accept
his mission as from the Supreme. All the Indians who touched the
beans had previously killed their dogs; they gave up their medicine
bags, and showed a disposition to comply with all that should be
required of them.

We had now been for some time assembled in considerable numbers.
Much agitation and terror had prevailed among us, and now famine
began to be felt. The faces of men wore an aspect of unusual
gloominess; the active became indolent, and the spirits of the
bravest seemed to be subdued. I started to hunt with my dogs, which
I had constantly refused to kill or suffer to be killed. By their
assistance, I found and killed a bear. On returning home, I said to
some of the Indians, “Has not the Great Spirit given us our dogs to
aid us in procuring what is needful for the support of our life,
and can you believe he wishes now to deprive us of their services?
The prophet, we are told, has forbid us to suffer our fire to be
extinguished in our lodges, and when we travel or hunt, he will not
allow us to use a flint and steel, and we are told he requires that
no man should give fire to another. Can it please the Great Spirit
that we should lie in our hunting camps without fire, or is it
more agreeable to him that we should make fire by rubbing together
two sticks than with a flint and a piece of steel?” But they would
not listen to me; and the serious enthusiasm which prevailed among
them so far affected me that I threw away my flint and steel, laid
aside my medicine bag, and, in many particulars, complied with the
new doctrines; but I would not kill my dogs. I soon learned to
kindle a fire by rubbing some dry cedar, which I was careful to
carry always about me, but the discontinuance of the use of flint
and steel subjected many of the Indians to much inconvenience and
suffering. The influence of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly
and painfully felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had any
knowledge, but it was not the common impression among them that
his doctrines had any tendency to unite them in the accomplishment
of any human purpose. For two or three years drunkenness was much
less frequent than formerly, war was less thought of, and the
entire aspect of affairs among them was somewhat changed by the
influence of one man. But gradually the impression was obliterated;
medicine bags, flints, and steels were resumed; dogs were raised,
women and children were beaten as before, and the Shawnee prophet
was despised. At this day he is looked upon by the Indians as an
impostor and a bad man. (_Tanner, 1._)

Tanner’s account is confirmed by Warren, from the statements of old men among the Ojibwa who had taken part in the revival. According to their story the ambassadors of the new revelation appeared at the different villages, acting strangely and with their faces painted black—perhaps to signify their character as messengers from the world of shades. They told the people that they must light a fire with two dry sticks in each of their principal settlements, and that this fire must always be kept sacred and burning. They predicted the speedy return of the old Indian life, and asserted that the prophet would cause the dead to rise from the grave. The new belief took sudden and complete possession of the minds of the Ojibwa and spread “like wildfire” from end to end of their widely extended territory, and even to the remote northern tribes in alliance with the Cree and Asiniboin. The strongest evidence of their implicit obedience to the new revelation was given by their attention to the command to throw away their medicine bags, the one thing which every Indian holds most sacred. It is said that the shores of Lake Superior, in the vicinity of the great village of Shagawaumikong (Bayfield, Wisconsin), were strewn with these medicine bags, which had been cast into the water. At this ancient capital of the tribe the Ojibwa gathered in great numbers, to dance the dances and sing the songs of the new ritual, until a message was received from the prophet inviting them to come to him at Detroit, where he would explain in person the will of the Master of Life. This was in 1808. The excitement was now at fever heat, and it was determined to go in a body to Detroit. It is said that 150 canoe loads of Ojibwa actually started on this pilgrimage, and one family even brought with them a dead child to be restored to life by the prophet. They had proceeded a considerable distance when they were met by an influential French trader, who reported, on the word of some who had already visited the prophet’s camp and returned, that the devotees there were on the brink of starvation—which was true, as the great multitude had consumed their entire supply of provisions, and had been so occupied with religious ceremonies that they had neglected to plant their corn. It was also asserted that during the prophet’s frequent periods of absence from the camp, when he would disappear for several days, claiming on his return that he had been to the spirit world in converse with the Master of Life, that he was really concealed in a hollow log in the woods. This is quite probable, and entirely consistent with the Indian theory of trances and soul pilgrimages while the body remains unconscious in one spot. These reports, however, put such a damper on the ardor of the Ojibwa that they returned to their homes and gradually ceased to think about the new revelation. As time went on a reaction set in, and those who had been most active evangelists of the doctrine among the tribe became most anxious to efface the remembrance of it. One good, however, resulted to the Ojibwa from the throwing away of the poisonous compounds formerly in common use by the lower order of doctors, and secret poisoning became almost unknown. (_Warren, 2._)

When the celebrated traveler Catlin went among the prairie tribes some thirty years later, he found that the prophet’s emissaries—he says the prophet himself, which is certainly a mistake—had carried the living fire, the sacred image, and the mystic strings (see portrait and description) even to the Blackfeet on the plains of the Saskatchewan, going without hindrance among warring tribes where the name of the Shawano had never been spoken, protected only by the reverence that attached to their priestly character. There seems no doubt that by this time they had developed the plan of a confederacy for driving back the whites, and Catlin asserts that thousands of warriors among those remote tribes had pledged themselves to fight under the lead of Tecumtha at the proper time. His account of the prophet’s methods in the extreme northwest agrees with what Tanner has reported from the Ojibwa country. (_Catlin, 1._) But disaster followed him like a shadow. Rivals, jealous of his success, came after him to denounce his plans as visionary and himself as an impostor. The ambassadors were obliged to turn back to save their lives and retrace their way in haste to the far distant Wabash, where the fatal battle of Tippecanoe and the death of his great brother, Tecumtha, put an end to all his splendid dreams.

+Chapter IV+

TECUMTHA AND TIPPECANOE

These lands are ours. No one has a right to remove us, because we
were the first owners.—_Tecumtha to Wells, 1807._

The Great Spirit gave this great island to his red children.
He placed the whites on the other side of the big water. They
were not contented with their own, but came to take ours from
us. They have driven us from the sea to the lakes—we can go no
farther.—_Tecumtha, 1810._

The President may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while
you and I will have to fight it out.—_Tecumtha to Harrison, 1810._

And now we begin to hear of the prophet’s brother, Tecumtha, the most heroic character in Indian history. Tecumtha, “The Meteor,” was the son of a chief and the worthy scion of a warrior race. His tribe, the Shawano, made it their proud boast that they of all tribes had opposed the most determined resistance to the encroachments of the whites. His father had fallen under the bullets of the Virginians while leading his warriors at the bloody battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774. His eldest and dearest brother had lost his life in an attack on a southern frontier post, and another had been killed fighting by his side at Wayne’s victory in 1794. What wonder that the young Tecumtha declared that his flesh crept at the sight of a white man!

But his was no mean spirit of personal revenge; his mind was too noble for that. He hated the whites as the destroyers of his race, but prisoners and the defenseless knew well that they could rely on his honor and humanity and were safe under his protection. When only a boy—for his military career began in childhood—he had witnessed the burning of a prisoner, and the spectacle was so abhorrent to his feelings that by an earnest and eloquent harangue he induced the party to give up the practice forever. In later years his name was accepted by helpless women and children as a guaranty of protection even in the midst of hostile Indians. Of commanding figure, nearly six feet in height and compactly built; of dignified bearing and piercing eye, before whose lightning even a British general quailed; with the fiery eloquence of a Clay and the clear-cut logic of a Webster; abstemious in habit, charitable in thought and action, brave as a lion, but humane and generous withal—in a word, an aboriginal American knight—his life was given to his people, and he fell at last, like his father and his brothers before him, in battle with the destroyers of his nation, the champion of a lost cause and a dying race.

His name has been rendered “The Shooting Star” and “The Panther Crouching, or Lying in Wait.” From a reply to a letter of inquiry addressed to Professor A. S. Gatschet, the well-known philologist, I extract the following, which throws valuable light on the name system and mythology of the Shawano, and shows also that the two renderings, apparently so dissimilar, have a common origin:

Shawano personal names are nearly all clan names, and by their
interpretation the clan to which the individual or his father or
mother belongs may be discovered. Thus, when a man is called “tight
fitting” or “good fit,” he is of the _Rabbit_ clan, because the
fur fits the rabbit very tightly and closely. The name of Tecumtha
is derived from _nila ni tka′mthka_, “I cross the path or way of
somebody, or of an animal.” This indicates that the one so named
belongs to the clan of the round-foot or claw-foot animals, as
panther, lion, or even raccoon. Tecumtha and his brother belonged
to the clan of the manetuwi msipessi or “miraculous panther”
(_msi_, great, big; _pishiwi_, abbreviated _pessi_, cat, both
combined meaning the American lion). So the translations “panther
lying in wait,” or “crouching lion,” give only the sense of the
name, and no animal is named in it. But the _msi-pessi_, when the
epithet miraculous (_manetuwi_) is added to it, means a “celestial
tiger,” i. e., a meteor or shooting star. The _manetuwi msi-pessi_
lives in water only and is visible not as an animal, but as a
shooting star, and exceeding in size other shooting stars. This
monster gave name to a Shawano clan, and this clan, to which
Tecumtha belonged, was classed among the claw-foot animals also.
The quick motion of the shooting star was correctly likened to that
of a tiger or wildcat rushing upon his prey. Shooting stars are
supposed to be souls of great men all over America. The home of the
dead is always in the west, where the celestial bodies set, and
since meteors travel westward they were supposed to return to their
western home.

One of the finest looking men I ever saw—about 6 feet high,
straight, with large, fine features, and altogether a daring,
bold-looking fellow.—_Captain Floyd, 1810._

One of those uncommon geniuses which spring up occasionally
to produce revolutions and overturn the established order of
things—_Governor Harrison._]

EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 58

This portrait is a copy of the one given by Lossing in his American
Revolution and the War of 1812, +III.+ (1875), page 283. He quotes
a description of Tecumtha’s personal appearance by a British
officer who saw him in 1812, and then goes on to give the history
of the portrait. “Captain J. B. Glegg, Brock’s aid-de-camp, has
left on record the following description of Tecumtha at that
interview: ‘Tecumseh’s appearance was very prepossessing; his
figure light and finely proportioned; his age I imagined to be
about five and thirty [he was about forty]; in height, 5 feet 9
or 10 inches; his complexion light copper; countenance oval, with
bright hazel eyes, bearing cheerfulness, energy, and decision.
Three small silver crosses or coronets were suspended from the
lower cartilage of his aquiline nose, and a large silver medallion
of George the Third, which I believe his ancestor had received from
Lord Dorchester when governor-general of Canada, was attached to
a mixed-colored wampum string and hung round his neck. His dress
consisted of a plain, neat uniform, tanned deerskin jacket, with
long trowsers of the same material, the seams of both being covered
with neatly cut fringe, and he had on his feet leather moccasins,
much ornamented with work made from the dyed quills of the
porcupine.’ The portrait of Tecumtha above given is from a pencil
sketch by Pierre Le Dru.... In this I have given only the head by
Le Dru. The cap was red, and in front was a single eagle’s feather,
black, with a white tip. The sketch of his dress (and the medal
above described), in which he appears as a brigadier-general of
the British army, is from a rough drawing, which I saw in Montreal
in the summer of 1858, made at Malden soon after the surrender of
Detroit, where the Indians celebrated that event by a grand feast.
It was only on gala occasions that Tecumtha was seen in full dress.
The sketch did not pretend to give a true likeness of the chief,
and was valuable only as a delineation of his costume. From the
two we are enabled to give a pretty faithful picture of the great
Shawnoese warrior and statesman as he appeared in his best mood.
When in full dress he wore a cocked hat and plume, but would not
give up his blue breechcloth, red leggings fringed with buckskin,
and buckskin moccasins.”

Tecumtha was now in the prime of manhood, being about 40 years of age, and had already thought out his scheme of uniting all the tribes in one grand confederation to resist the further encroachments of the whites, on the principle that the Indians had common interests, and that what concerned one tribe concerned all. As the tribes were constantly shifting about, following the game in its migrations, he held that no one tribe had any more than a possessory right to the land while in actual occupancy, and that any sale of lands, to be valid, must be sanctioned by all the tribes concerned. His claim was certainly founded in justice, but the government refused to admit the principle in theory, although repeatedly acting on it in practice, for every important treaty afterward made in Mississippi valley was a joint treaty, as it was found impossible to assign the ownership of any considerable section to any one particular tribe. The Shawano themselves hunted from the Cumberland to the Susquehanna. As a basal proposition, Tecumtha claimed that the Greenville treaty, having been forced on the Indians, was invalid; that the only true boundary was the Ohio, as established in 1768, and that all future cessions must have the sanction of all the tribes claiming rights in that region.

By this time there were assembled at Greenville to listen to the teachings of the prophet hundreds of savages, representing all the widely extended tribes of the late region and the great northwest, all wrought up to the highest pitch of excitement over the prospect of a revival of the old Indian life and the perpetuation of aboriginal sovereignty. This was Tecumtha’s opportunity, and he was quick to improve it. Even those who doubted the spiritual revelations could see that they were in danger from the continued advances of the whites, and were easily convinced that safety required that they should unite as one people for the preservation of a common boundary. The pilgrims carried back these ideas to their several tribes, and thus what was at first a simple religious revival soon became a political agitation. They were equally patriotic from the Indian point of view, and under the circumstances one was almost the natural complement of the other. All the evidence goes to show that the movement in its inception was purely religious and peaceable; but the military spirit of Tecumtha afterward gave to it a warlike and even aggressive character, and henceforth the apostles of the prophet became also recruiting agents for his brother. Tecumtha himself was too sensible to think that the whites would be destroyed by any interposition of heaven, or that they could be driven out by any combination of the Indians, but he did believe it possible that the westward advance of the Americans could be stopped at the Ohio, leaving his people in undisturbed possession of what lay beyond. In this hope he was encouraged by the British officials in Canada, and it is doubtful if the movement would ever have become formidable if it had not been incited and assisted from across the line.

In the spring of 1807 it was estimated that at Fort Wayne fifteen hundred Indians had recently passed that post on their way to visit the prophet, while councils were constantly being held and runners were going from tribe to tribe with pipes and belts of wampum. It was plain that some uncommon movement was going on among them, and it also was evident that the British agents had a hand in keeping up the excitement. The government became alarmed, and the crisis came when an order was sent from the President to Tecumtha at Greenville to remove his party beyond the boundary of 1795 (the Greenville treaty). Trembling with excitement, Tecumtha rose and addressed his followers in a passionate speech, dwelling on the wrongs of the Indians and the continued encroachments of the whites. Then, turning to the messenger, he said, “These lands are ours. No one has a right to remove us, because we were the first owners. The Great Spirit above has appointed this place for us, on which to light our fires, and here we will remain. As to boundaries, the Great Spirit above knows no boundaries nor will his red children acknowledge any.” (_Drake, Tecumseh, 3._) From this time it was understood that the Indians were preparing to make a final stand for the valley of the Ohio. The prophet continued to arouse their enthusiasm by his inspired utterances, while Tecumtha became the general and active organizer of the warriors. At a conference with the governor of Ohio in the autumn of 1807 he fearlessly denied the validity of the former treaties, and declared his intention to resist the further extension of the white settlements on Indian lands.

The next spring great numbers of Indians came down from the lakes to visit Tecumtha and his brother, who, finding their following increasing so rapidly, accepted an invitation from the Potawatomi and Kickapoo, and removed their headquarters to a more central location on the Wabash. The Delaware and Miami, who claimed precedence in that region and who had all along opposed the prophet and Tecumtha, protested against this move, but without effect. The new settlement, which was on the western bank of the river, just below the mouth of the Tippecanoe, was known to the Indians as Kehtipaquononk, “the great clearing,” and was an old and favorite location with them. It had been the site of a large Shawano village which had been destroyed by the Americans in 1791, and some years later the Potawatomi had rebuilt upon the same place, to which they now invited the disciples of the new religion. The whites had corrupted the name to Tippecanoe, and it now generally became known as the Prophet’s town.

Nothing else of moment occurred during this year, but it was learned that Tecumtha contemplated visiting the southern tribes in the near future to enlist them also in his confederacy. In 1809, however, rumors of an approaching outbreak began to fill the air, and it was evident that the British were instigating the Indians to mischief in anticipation of a war between England and the United States. Just at this juncture the anger of Tecumtha’s party was still further inflamed by the negotiation of treaties with four tribes by which additional large tracts were ceded in Indiana and Illinois. The Indians now refused to buy ammunition from the American traders, saying that they could obtain all they wanted for nothing in another quarter. In view of the signs of increasing hostility, Governor Harrison was authorized to take such steps as might be necessary to protect the frontier. Tecumtha had now gained over the Wyandot, the most influential tribe of the Ohio region, the keepers of the great wampum belt of union and the lighters of the council fire of the allied tribes. Their example was speedily followed by the Miami, whose adhesion made the tribes of the Ohio and the lakes practically unanimous. The prophet now declared that he would follow in the steps of Pontiac, and called on the remote tribes to assist those on the border to roll back the tide which would otherwise overwhelm them all. In return, the Sauk and Fox sent word that they were ready whenever he should say the word.

In the summer of 1810, according to a previous arrangement, Tecumtha, attended by several hundred warriors, descended the river to Vincennes to confer with Governor Harrison on the situation. The conference began on the 15th of August and lasted three days. Tecumtha reiterated his former claims, saying that in uniting the tribes he was endeavoring to dam the mighty water that was ready to overflow his people. The Americans had driven the Indians from the sea and threatened to push them into the lakes; and, although he disclaimed any intention of making war against the United States, he declared his fixed resolution to insist on the old boundary and to oppose the further intrusion of the whites on the lands of the Indians, and to resist the survey of the lands recently ceded. He was followed by chiefs of five different tribes, each of whom in turn declared that he would support the principles of Tecumtha. Harrison replied that the government would never admit that any section belonged to all the Indians in common, and that, having bought the ceded lands from the tribes who were first found in possession of them, it would defend its title by arms. To this Tecumtha said that he preferred to be on the side of the Americans, and that if his terms were conceded he would bring his forces to the aid of the United States in the war which he knew was soon to break out with England, but that otherwise he would be compelled to join the British. The governor replied that he would state the case to the President, but that it was altogether unlikely that he would consent to the conditions. Recognizing the inevitable, Tecumtha expressed the hope that, as the President was to determine the matter, the Great Spirit would put sense into his head to induce him to give up the lands, adding, “It is true, he is so far off he will not be injured by the war. He may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will have to fight it out.” The governor then requested that in the event of an Indian war Tecumtha would use his influence to prevent the practice of cruelties on women and children and defenseless prisoners. To this he readily agreed, and the promise was faithfully kept. (_Drake, Tecumseh, 4._)

The conference had ended with a tacit understanding that war must come, and both sides began to prepare for the struggle. Soon after it was learned that the prophet had sent belts to the tribes west of the Mississippi, inviting them to join in a war against the United States. Outrages on the Indians by settlers intensified the hostile feeling, and the Delawares refused to deliver up a murderer until some of the whites who had killed their people were first punished. Harrison himself states that the Indians could rarely obtain satisfaction for the most unprovoked wrongs. In another letter he says that Tecumtha “has taken for his model the celebrated Pontiac, and I am persuaded he will bear a favorable comparison in every respect with that far-famed warrior.”

In July, 1811, Tecumtha again, visited Harrison at Vincennes. In the course of his talk he said that the whites were unnecessarily alarmed, as the Indians were only following the example set them by the colonies in uniting for the furtherance of common interests. He added that he was now on his way to the southern tribes to obtain their adhesion also to the league, and that on his return in the spring he intended to visit the President to explain his purposes fully and to clear away all difficulties. In the meantime he expected that a large number of Indians would join his colony on the Wabash during the winter, and to avoid any danger of collision between them and the whites, he requested that no settlements should be made on the disputed lands until he should have an opportunity to see the President. To this Harrison replied that the President would never give up a country which he had bought from its rightful owners, nor would he suffer his people to be injured with impunity. This closed the interview, and the next day Tecumtha started with his party for the south to visit the Creek and Choctaw. About the same time it was learned that the British had sent a message to the prophet, telling him that the time had now come for him to take up the hatchet, and inviting him to send a party to their headquarters at Malden (now Amherstburg, Ontario) to receive the necessary supplies. In view of these things Harrison suggested to the War Department that opportunity be taken of Tecumtha’s absence in the south to strike a blow against his confederacy. Continuing in the same letter, he says of the great Indian leader:

The implicit obedience and respect which the followers of Tecumseh
pay to him is really astonishing, and more than any other
circumstance bespeaks him one of those uncommon geniuses which
spring up occasionally to produce revolutions and overturn the
established order of things. If it were not for the vicinity of the
United States, he would perhaps be the founder of an empire that
would rival in glory Mexico or Peru. No difficulties deter him. For
four years he has been in constant motion. You see him to-day on
the Wabash, and in a short time hear of him on the shores of Lake
Erie or Michigan or on the banks of the Mississippi, and wherever
he goes he makes an impression favorable to his purposes. He is now
upon the last round, to put a finishing stroke to his work. I hope,
however, before his return that that part of the fabric which he
considered complete will be demolished, and even its foundations
rooted up. (_Drake, Tecumseh, 5._)