Chapter XVIII: Front Matter (18)

They pay a mighty veneration to any relic of _Mahomet_, his banner is still preserved in the treasury of the Seraglio, and is looked upon as the greatest security of the empire. They believe that it was sent from Heaven, and conveyed into the hands of _Mahomet_ by the Angel _Gabriel_, as a pledge and sign of success and victory in his battels against the Christians, and all other enemies of the _Musulman_ faith. It was sent to _Candia_, to encourage the Soldiers to endure the fatigue of that long and tedious siege; and when it was brought thence after the surrender of that city, to be deposited in it’s usual place, the Vizier gave several Christian slaves, that row’d in the galley that was fraught with this holy ware, their liberty. They pretend to have some rags of _Mahomet_’s vest, to which they ascribe great virtue. In confidence of which the Emperor _Achmet_, in the time of a great fire, which raged at _Constantinople_, when all other means failed, dipt part of them in water to be sprinkled upon the fire to abate the fury of it.

Next to the Mufti or Cadaleskiers are the Mollas, of which these four are the chiefest in dignity. The Molla of _Galata_, _Adrianople_, _Aleppo_, _Prusa_; and after them are reckoned these eight, _Stambol Ephendi_, _Larissa_, _Misir_ or _Cairo_, _Sham_ or _Damuscus_, _Diarbeker_ or _Mesopotamia_, _Cutaia_, _Sophia_, _Philippi_.

The Priests have no habits peculiar to their profession, whereby they are distinguished from others. If they are put from their Mosque for miscarriage or neglect of doing their duty, or if they think fit to resign and be Priests no longer, they may betake themselves without any scandal to secular employments, their former character and quality wholly ceasing. While they remain Priests, they counterfeit a more than ordinary gravity in their discourse and walking: And affect to wear turbants swelling out, and made up with more cross folds; which was all the difference which I could observe by their head-attire, which is various, though I could not find that this was constantly and strictly observed.

In _Byram_-time, which is the great festival of the year, at which time every one looks cheerfully and merrily. Among other signs of mutual respect, they besprinkle one another with sweet water: They indulge to several sports; and some are mightily pleased with swinging in the open air, the ordinary sort of people especially, paying only a few Aspers for the diversion.

The government is perfectly arbitrary and despotical; the will and pleasure of the Emperor having the force and power of a law, and oftentimes is above it. His bare command, without any process, is enough to take off the head of any person (though never so eminent in dignity; though usually for formality, and to silence the murmurings of the soldiery and people, the sentence is confirmed by the Mufti.) Sometimes Bashaws, who have amassed great treasures in their governments, are cut off in their own houses in the midst of their retinue, the messengers of death producing the Imperial Command, usually sent in a black purse, and not a sword drawn in their defence. Others, if they are obnoxious to the least umbrage or jealousy, though dismist the Seraglio with all possible demonstrations of the Grand Signior’s favour, and with rich presents in order to take possession of places of great command in the empire, before they have got two or three days journey from _Constantinople_, have been overtaken and strangled. In the army commands are given according to merit; courage and conduct are sure to be rewarded, the way lying open to the meanest soldier to raise himself to be the chief of his order. But other preferments depend upon meer chance, and upon the fancy of the emperor, whether the person be fit or no, and they are as soon lost. The least ill success or miscarriage proves oftentimes fatal, and a more lucky man is put in his place, and he succeeded by a third, if unfortunate in a design, though managed with never so much prudence and valour. They admit of no hereditary honours, and have no respect to descent or blood, except the _Ottoman_ family; he only is great and noble whom the Emperor favours, and while his command lasts. According to a tradition that passes current amongst them, a Bashaw’s son by a _Sultana_, or a daughter or sister of the Emperor, can rise no higher than to be a _Sangiachi_, or Governor of some little province, much inferiour to a Bashaw, and under his jurisdiction. Being born of slaves for the most part, they do not pride themselves in their birth, very few among them being scarce able to give any account of their grandfathers. They have no sirnames, but are distinguished by their possessions and places of abode, and enjoying by law a liberty of having what women they please, they have little or no regard to alliance or kindred.

Their empire owes the continuance of it’s being to the severity of the government, which oftentimes takes place without regard either to justice or equity, and to their frequent wars, which prevent all occasions of mutiny and faction among the Soldiers, which happen frequently when unemploy’d. So that tho’ ambition may put a warlike Sultan upon enlarging his territories by new conquests, yet reason of state forces a weak and effeminate Prince, such as was _Ibrahim_, to make war for his own security. Their politics are not owing to books and study, and the examples of past-times, but to experience, and the plain suggestions of nature and common sense: They have rules of government, which they firmly adhere to, holding the reins streight, especially being cruel and inexorable to criminals of state, who never are to expect any mercy or pity. Their councils formerly were open, and their designs known, and proclaimed before-hand, as if this had been a bravery becoming their greatness, and that they scorned to steal a conquest. But they have learned since the art of dissimulation, and can lye and swear for their interest, and seem excessive in their caresses to the ministers of those countries, which they intend to invade. But their preparations for arming are made with so much noise, that an ordinary jealousy is soon awakened by it to oppose them, in case of an attack. They seldom or never care to have war at both extremes of the empire at the same time, and therefore they are mighty sollicitous to secure a peace with _Christendom_, when they intend a war upon the _Persian_; and as much as is possible, they avoid quarrelling with two _Christian_ Princes at once, being usually at league either with _Poland_ and _Muscovy_, when they war upon _Hungary_, and so on the contrary; dreading nothing more than a union of the _Christian_ Princes bordering upon them, which would prove so fatal to their Empire, and quickly put a period to their greatness; for hereby they would be put upon a necessity of making a defensive war, to their great loss and disadvantage, and at last either be forced to beg a peace of the Christians, or run the hazard of losing all by a farther prosecution of war.

This they are very sensible of, and therefore as they take all occasion to promote quarrels and dissentions in _Hungary_ and _Transilvania_, so they greatly rejoice, when the Christian Princes are at war one with another. This is their great time of advantage, and they know, that it is their true interest to pursue it, tho’ they do not always, by reason of the ill condition of their own affairs make use of it. During the civil wars of _Germany_, the Bashaws and other commanders of the army were very importunate with the Grand Signior, to make a war on that side, and to enlarge his conquests as far as _Vienna_, no conjuncture having been ever so favourable to consumate such a design, in which _Solyman_ so unhappily miscarry’d. They promised him an easy victory, assuring him, that the animosities of the Princes of the empire were so heightened, that there was no room left for a reconciliation, that he was but to go in the head of an army to take possession, and that _Austria_ would surrender at the first news of his march towards it. The Emperor was not to be moved at that time by these insinuations and plausible discourses; being continually urged, he as often deny’d. One day when they came to renew their advice about the _German_ war, he having given order before, that several dogs should be kept for some days without meat, commanded that they should be brought out, being almost starved, and meat thrown among them; whereupon they snarl’d and bit one another; in the midst of their noise and fighting he caused a bear to be let loose in the same area; the dogs forgetting their meat and leaving off their fighting, ran all upon the bear, ready to pray upon them singly, and at last killed him. This diversion the Emperor gave his Bashaws, and left them to make the application.

A certain prophecy of no small authority runs in the minds of all the people, and has gain’d great credit and belief among them, that their empire shall be ruin’d by a northern nation, which has white and yellowish hair. The interpretation is as various as their fancy. Some fix this character on the _Moscovites_; and the poor _Greeks_ flatter themselves with foolish hopes, that they are to be their deliverers, and to rescue them from their slavery, chiefly because they are of their communion, and owe their conversion to the Christian faith, to the piety and zeal of the _Grecian_ Bishops formerly. Others look upon the _Sweeds_ as the persons described in the prophecy, whom they are most to fear. The ground and original of this fancy, I suppose, is owing to the great opinion which they have of the valour and courage of that warlike nation. The great victories of the _Sweeds_ in _Germany_, under _Gustavus Adolphus_, were loudly proclaim’d at _Constantinople_, as if there were no withstanding the shock and fury of their arms; and their continued successes confirmed the _Turks_ in their first belief, and their fears and jealousies were augmented afterwards, when _Charles Gustave_, a Prince of as heroic a courage, and as great abilities in the art and management of war, as the justly admired _Gustavus_, entered _Poland_ with his army, and carry’d all before him, seized upon _Warsaw_, and drove _Casimire_ out of his kingdom, and had almost made an entire and absolute conquest, only a few places holding out. This alarmed the Grand Signior and the Bashaws of the _Porte_, as if the prophecy were then about to be fulfilled, who did not care for the company of such troublesome neighbours, who might push on their victories, and joining with the _Cossacks_, advance their arms farther, and make their country the seat of war, which might draw after it fatal consequences. To prevent which couriers are dispatched from _Constantinople_ to _Ragotzki_, Prince of _Transilvania_, then in concert with the _Sweeds_, to command him to retire with his army out of _Poland_, as he valued the peace and safety of his own country, and the friendship of the Grand Signior, whose tributary he was, and by whose favour he had gained that principality; and the _Crim-Tartars_, the sworn enemies of the _Poles_, who at that time lay heavy upon them, were wrought upon by the same motives and reasons of state, to clap up a peace with them, that being freed from these distractions, they might unite their forces the better together, and make head against the _Sweeds_.

The Embassadors of Christian Princes, when they are admitted by the Grand Signior to an audience, their presents being then of course made, which are look’d upon as due, not to say as an homage, are dismist in few words, and referred by him to his _Wakil_ or deputy, as he usually stiles the chief Vizier, and a small number of their retinue only permitted the honour of kissing his vest, and then rudely enough sent away.

The Grand Signiors keep up the state of the old _Asiatic_ Princes; they do not expose themselves often to the view of the people, unless when they ride in triumph, or upon some such solemn occasion; when they go to the Mosques, or divert themselves in the fields, either in riding or hunting, they do not love to be stared upon or approached. It is highly criminal to pry into the sports, such an insolent curiosity being often punished with death. The story is famous of _Morad_ the third, who baiting a bear in the old palace with a mastiff, and espying three fellows upon the tower of _Bajazid_’s Mosque, who had planted themselves to see the sport, commanded their heads to be struck off immediately and be brought before him, which was done accordingly. Instances of such capricios are frequent in the _Turkish_ history; this following happen’d during my stay at _Constantinople_.

Upon the return of Vizier _Achmet_ from _Candia_, after the surrender of that city, and a happy end put by him to that tedious and bloody war, he acquainting the present Emperor, then at _Adrianople_, with the history of that famous siege at large, made such terrible representations of their and the _Venetians_ mining and countermining one another, that the Emperor was resolved out of curiosity to see the experiment made of a thing that seemed to him almost incredible. A work was soon raised and undermined, and above thirty murderers and robbers upon the highway, and such like villains were put into it, as it were to defend it. The Grand Signior stood upon an eminence at some considerable distance, expecting the issue of it: upon a signal given, the mine was sprung, and the fort demolish’d, and the poor wretches torn peacemeal, to his great satisfaction and amazement.

The moon is the auspicious planet of the _Turks_; according to the course of which they celebrate their festivals. They begin their months from the first appearance of it, at which time they chuse, except a delay brings a great prejudice and inconvenience with it, to begin their great actions. The crescent is the ensign of the empire, which they paint in their banners, and place upon the spires of their Mosques. Next to the day of the appearing moon, they pitch upon Friday, to fight upon, to begin a journey, and especially their pilgrimage towards _Mecca_, or do any thing of great consequence, as very lucky and fortunate.

_An account of the latitude of ~Constantinople~ and ~Rhodes~; written by the learned Mr ~John Greaves~, sometime professor of astronomy in the university of ~Oxford~, and directed to the most reverend ~James Usher~, Archbishop of ~Ardmagh~._

Upon intimation of your Grace’s desires, and upon importunity of some learned men, having finished a table as a key to your Grace’s exquisite disquisition, touching _Asia_, properly so called; I thought myself obliged to give both you and them a reason, why in the situation of _Byzantium_, and the island _Rhodus_, (which two eminent places I have made the παραπήγματα, and bounds of the chart) I dissent from the traditions of the ancients, and from the tables of our late and best Geographers, and consequently dissenting in these, have been necessitated to alter the latitudes, if not longitudes, of most of the remarkable cities of this discourse. And first for _Byzantium_, the received latitude of it by _Appianus_, _Mercator_, _Ortelius_, _Maginnus_, and some others, is forty three degrees and five minutes. And this also we find in the _Basil_ edition of _Ptolomy_’s Geography, procured by _Erasmus_ out of a _Greek_ MS. of _Pettichius_. The same likewise is confirmed by another choice MS. in _Greek_, of the most learned and judicious Mr _Selden_, to whom for this favour and several others, I stand obliged. And as much is expressed in the late edition of _Ptolomey_ by _Bertius_, compared and corrected by _Sylburgius_, with a MS. out of the _Palatine_ library. Wherefore it cannot be doubted, having such a cloud of witnesses, but that _Ptolomy_ assigned to _Byzantium_ as our best modern Geographers have done, the latitude of 43° 5′. And this will farther appear, not only out of geography, where it is often expressed, but also out of his μεγάλη σύνταξις, or _Almagest_, as the _Arabians_ term it, where, describing the parallel passing διὰ Βυζαντίου, he assigns to it 43° 5′. What was the opinion concerning _Byzantium_ of _Strabo_ preceding _Ptolomy_, or of _Hipparchus_ preceding _Strabo_, or of _Eratosthenes_ more ancient, and it may be accurater than all of them, (for _Strabo_ (_lib. 2._) calls him τελευταῖον πραγματευσάμενον περὶ τῆς γεωγραφίας) though _Tully_ (_lib. Ep. ad Att._) makes _Hipparchus_ often reprehend _Eratosthenes_, as _Ptolomy_ after him doth _Marinus_, their writings not being now extant, (unless those of _Strabo_) cannot be determined by us. But as for _Strabo_, in our enquiry, we can expect little satisfaction; for his description of places, having more of the Historian and Philosopher, (both which he hath performed with singular gravity and judgment) than the exactness of a Mathematician, who strictly respects the position of places, without inquisition after their nature, qualities, and inhabitants, (though the best geography would be a mixture of them all, as _Abulfeda_, an _Arabian_ Prince in his _Rectification of Countries_, above three hundred years since hath done;) I say for these reasons, we can expect little satisfaction from _Strabo_, and less may we hope for from _Dionysius Afer_, _Arrianus_, _Stephanus Byzantinus_, and others. Having next therefore recourse to the _Arabians_, who in geography deserve the second place after the _Grecians_, I find in _Nassir Eddin_ the latitude of _Byzantium_, which he terms _Buzantiya_, and _Constantiniya_, to be 45 degrees, and in _Ulug Beg_’s Astronomical Tables the same to be expressed. _Abulfeda_ chiefly follows four principal authors as his guides, in the compiling of his Geographical Tables, those are _Alfaras_, _Albiruny_, _Hon Saiid Almagraby_, lastly, _Ptolomy_, whose geography he terms a _Description of the Quadrant_, (or the fourth part of the earth) inhabited; and all these, according to his assertion, place _Byzantium_ in 45 degrees of latitude. And here it may justly be wonder’d how this difference should arise between the _Greek_ copies of _Ptolomy_, and those translated into _Arabic_ by the command of _Almamon_, the learned Calife of _Babylon_; for _Abulfeda_ expressly relates, that _Ptolomy_ was first interpreted in his time, that is, in the computation of _Almecinus_, in _Erpenius_’s edition, and of _Emir Cond_, a _Persian_ Historiographer, more than 800 years since; concerning which, _Abulfeda_ writes thus, _This book_ (discoursing of _Ptolomy_’s Geography) _was translated out of the ~Grecian~ language into the ~Arabic~ for ~Almamon~_: And, in this I find, (by three fair MSS. of _Abulfeda_) _Byzantium_ to be constantly placed in 45°, and as constantly in the _Greek_ copies in 43° 5′. But in the πρόχειροι κανόνες of _Chrysococca_, out of the _Persian_ tables, (made about the year 1346, in _Scaliger_’s calculation) it is placed in 45°. To reconcile the difference between the _Greeks_ and _Arabians_, may seem impossible, for the common refuge of flying to the corruption of numbers by transcribers, and laying the fault on them, which sometimes is the author’s, will not help us in this particular; seeing the _Greek_ copies agree amongst themselves, and the _Arabic_ amongst themselves.

The best way to end the dispute, will be, to give credit concerning the latitude of _Byzantium_, neither to the _Greeks_ nor _Arabians_. And that I have reason for this assertion, appears by several observations of mine at _Constantinople_, with a brass sextant of above four foot radius. Where, taking in the summer solstice, the Meridian altitude of the Sun, without using any προσθαφαίρεσις, for the parallax and refraction, (which at that time was not necessary) I found the latitude to be 41° 6′. And in this latitude in the chart, I have placed _Byzantium_, and not in that, either of the _Greeks_ or _Arabians_. From which observation, being of singular use in the rectification of geography, it will follow by way of corallary, that all maps for the north-east of _Europe_, and of _Asia_, adjoining upon the _Bosphorus_, _Thracius_, the _Pontus Euxinus_, and much farther, are to be corrected, and consequently the situation of most cities in _Asia_, properly so called, are to be brought more southerly than those of _Ptolomy_, by almost two entire degrees, and than those of the _Arabians_, by almost four.

Concerning _Rhodes_, it may be presumed, that having been the mother and nurse of so many eminent Mathematicians, and having long flourished in navigation, by the direction of these, and by the vicinity of the _Phœnicians_, they could not be ignorant of the precise latitude of their country, and that from them _Ptolomy_ might receive a true information. Though it cannot be denied, but that _Ptolomy_, in places remoter from _Alexandria_, hath much erred. I shall only instance in our own country, where he situates λονδίνιον, that is _London_, in 54° of latitude, and the περὶ μέσον, or the middle of the _Isle of Wight_ (which in the printed copies is falsly termed οὐίκτησις, but in the MSS. rightly οὐῆκτις) in 52° and 20′ of latitude. Whereas _London_ is certainly known to have for the altitude of the pole, or latitude of the place, only 51° and 32′; and the middle of the _Isle of Wight_ not to exceed 50°, and some minutes.

But in my judgment _Ptolomy_ is very excusable in these and the like errors, of several other places far distant from _Alexandria_, seeing he must for their position, necessarily have depended either upon relations of travellers, or observations of Mariners, or upon the longitude of the day, measured in those times by _Clepsydræ_; all which how uncertain they are, and subject unto error, if some celestial observations be not joined with them, and those exactly taken with large instruments, (in which kind the ancients have not many, and our times (excepting _Tycho Brayhe_, and some of the _Arabians_) but a few) I say no man, that hath conversed with modern travellers and navigators, can be ignorant. Wherefore to excuse these errors of his (or rather of others fathered by him) with a greater absurdity, by asserting the poles of the world since his time, to have changed their site, and consequently all countries their latitudes, as _Mariana_, the master of _Copernicus_, and others after him have imagined; or else to charge _Ptolomy_, being so excellent an artist, with ignorance, and that even of his own country, as _Cluverius_ hath done, from which my observations at _Alexandria_ and _Memphis_ may vindicate him; the former were too great a stupidity, and the latter too great a presumption. But to return to _Rhodes_, an island in _Eustathius_’s Comment upon _Dyonisius_’s περιήγησις of 920 furlongs circuit, where according to _Ptolomy_, the parallel passing διὰ ῥόδου, hath 36° of latitude, and so hath _Lindus_, and Ἰηλυσσός the chief cities of the island; the same is confirmed by the MS. but where the printed copy and _Eustathius_ read Ἰηλυσσὸς, which _Mercator_ renders _Talyssus_, the MS. renders Ιλισὸς. _Abulfeda_ in some copies, situates the island _Rhodes_, (for he mentions no cities there) in the latitude of 37° and 40′: And the geography of _Said Ibn Aly Algiorgany_, commended by _Gilbyrtus Gaulmyn_, in 37°, if it be not by a transposition in the MS of the numerical letters in _Arabic_, 37 for 36, which, by reason of their similitude, are often confounded in _Arabic_ MSS. By my observations under the walls of the city _Rhodes_, with a fair brass _Astrolabe_ of _Gemma Frisius_, containing 14 inches in the diameter, I found the latitude to be 37° and 50′. A larger instrument I durst not adventure to carry on shore in a place of so much jealousy. And this latitude in the chart, I have assigned to the city _Rhodes_, from the island so denominated, upon which, on the north-east side, it stands situated, better agreeing with the _Arabians_ than with _Ptolomy_, whom I know not how to excuse.

CHAP. VI.

_Some Observations made in a voyage to ~Egypt~. By M. ~Belon~._

In our sailing between _Rhodes_ and _Alexandria_, a sort of Falcon came and sate two hours upon our sails. Abundance of Quails flying from the north, southwards, fell into our ship. We observ’d in our sailing many Pelicans, and some unknown birds.

At _Alexandria_, I observ’d them to burn the _Kali_ for fuel, wood being scarce; they calcine lime with the ashes, then call it _Soda_, and sell it to the _Venetians_, who melt it with a particular stone brought from _Pavia_, by the river _Tesino_, and so make their famous chrystal glass at _Muran_; but the _French_ find the sand brought from _Estampes_ to serve as well as the _Pavian_ stone. From this place they send their commodities and merchandize into all parts of the world.

In my passage to and from Grand _Cairo_, and during my abode there, I observed besides other things, the animals and Plants.

As the _Garaffa_, or _Camelopardalus_; the _Bubalus_ of _Afric_, different from the Buffalo; flocks of the _Oryx_, and of _Gazells_ which they shoot; the _Axis_, a most beautiful creature (_by the description it may be the ~Zebra~, or ~Zembra~ of ~Afric~_) great varieties of Monkeys at _Cairo_; the _Hippopotamus_ about the lakes and rivers; Goats with very long ears hanging down almost to the ground; Sheep with great tails, and vast laps under their chin; the _Ichneumon_ tame in their houses like cats; this animal destroys Rats and Mice like Weasils, hunts Serpents which the people eat, destroys Camelions and other Lizards, it creeps and darts upon it’s prey; ’tis bigger and much stronger than a Cat. I observ’d at _Cairo_, many Civet-Cats.

Two kinds of Camelions frequently sitting on the _Rhamnus_, catching of insects with their tongues as they fly by; Crocodiles common in the lakes and rivers; the little _Lacerta Chalcidica_, hunts insects under the walls; the _Stellio_ or swift Lizard, is common about the Pyramids, and the other Sepulchres, where it runs after Flies; the excrement of this animal is sold up and down for an excellent Cosmetic: I saw also the Serpent call’d _Cerastes_. The great Bats abound in the caves.

Amongst the Birds, the Ostrich, whose skins and feathers are in use amongst the _Turks_, the Pelican, with whose bills and bags, the watermen of the _Nile_ throw the water out of their boots; the _Vulp-Anser_ is common in the watery places. I observed also the _Crex_ and the _Ibis_. The inhabitants never hatch their eggs under hens, but all in ovens or furnaces.

The common trees are the Tamarisk, loaded with galls, or animal excrescencies; the Date-Palm; the _Acacia_, or Gum-_Arabic_-tree; the _Cassia Solutiva_; the Tamarind; the true Sycamore, or _Pharaoh_’s _Fig_-tree; the _Musa Arbor_, or the Plantane; the _Siliqua_, or _Carob_; yellow Jessamine, and yellow Roses; _Syringa_; _Alcanna_, a sort of _Ligustrum_, Cotton-trees, _&c._

The most remarkable Herbs I took notice of, were the _Papyrus Nilotica_ (a sort of _Cyperus_ out of whose threads, or filaments, the ancients made their paper.) The _Colocasia_, or great _Egyptian Arum_, whose root they boil with most of their meats: The Sugar-cane, or Reed, by the fuel whereof they melt their Metals, wood being scarce in _Egypt_; _Hyoscyamus niger_, out of whose root they prepare an oil for their lamps and other uses: A milky _Convolvulus_ on the walls (perhaps an _Apocynum_ being podded;) several _Phaseoli_ or Kidney-beans; Gourds, Pumpions, Thorn-apples, _Coloquintida_; many _Ocimums_ or wild Basils; the _Harmala_, common about _Alexandria_ (a sort of Rue, with great white flowers) the _Abrus_, two _Senna_’s, _Bammia_, _Melochia_, _Stratiotes_, &c.

The Eagle-stone is found up and down _Egypt_ in very great plenty.

MORE

OBSERVATIONS

MADE IN

_EGYPT_,

BY

Guilandinus, Alpinus, _and others_.

CHAP. I.

_Of the weather and seasons in ~Egypt~._

The months of _January_ and _February_ make the spring in _Egypt_, the trees beginning to germinate and put forth, and the herbs to flower, so that then the fields and gardens are in their glory.

They reckon two summers, their first is in _March_, _April_, _May_, which is the most inconstant, unequal, and most sickly season of the year, as also the hottest and most scorching; which is imputed to the east and south winds, that blow generally for fifty days together over desart sandy places, accompanied with a hot burning sand, that spoils all their eyes; Strangers during this season, retire into grotts and subterraneous places, and drink much of the water of the _Nile_, which is excellent in quenching epidemical thirst at that time.

Their second summer is in _June_, _July_, _August_, which is equal, constant, and healthful, the wind blowing then from the north over sea, the _Nile_ also swelling and overflowing by the rains falling in _Ethiopia_, and the air moist and refreshing. Now all the people abstain from business and labour, follow spectacles, games, plays, _&c._ the land being under water.

_September_ and _October_ make their autumn, at the end whereof they sow their wheat, which they reap in _March_ following. This autumn is temperate and salubrious.

_November_ and _December_ are their winter; ice, snow, and hail are seldom or never seen: Rain falls rarely in the inner parts of _Egypt_, only a dew; but at _Alexandria_, and other places near the sea they have rain, and a more healthful air; these showers come most in _November_.

CHAP. II.

_Of the meats and drinks of ~Egypt~._

The inhabitants, especially the Mahometans, live abstemiously, eat little and often; their diet is generally simple, abhorring mixtures and variety. Rice boiled in mutton broth, Lentils, Pulse, and legumes; Bete, Mallows call’d _Bamia_, Cucumbers, Melons, Citruls, Dates, Figs of the Sycamore, Plantanes, Pomegranates, Grapes, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Sugar-canes, _Colocasia_-root, _&c._ make up the greatest part of their diet.

The richest sort eat mutton, poultry, and several sorts of fish from the _Nile_, which tho’ fat, are not esteemed wholsome, because the bottom of that river is very muddy, and the water much troubled. All their bread is made of Wheat, and they make abundance of milk-meats. Their kitchen herbs are water’d every day, all their gardens being planted near the banks of the _Nile_, which is one reason that their salleting is more watry and insipid than in _Italy_; yet if they did not water them every day in _Egypt_, they would soon be dried up. There are no gardens but near the river, because there is no rain nor fresh water in other parts.

The ordinary people will eat Camels, Buffaloes, and Crocodiles. The water of the _Nile_, purged and clarified, either by standing in jars, or precipitated with powder and pastes of sweet Almonds, is the general drink of the country, being esteem’d the lightest, the most nutritious, and the most refreshing liquor in the world, the water running so far under a hot sun, and falling down so many cataracts.

The inhabitants sleep little, indulge venery, having many wives and concubines, are generally idle, yet live long, and see more years than the _Poles_, _Germans_, and other northern nations, where gluttony and drunkenness are much more in fashion than in the _Egyptian_ climate. The _Jews_ and Christians, as also the _Turkish_ soldiers, will often debauch at Grand _Caire_, with those rich wines brought from _Candy_, _Rhodes_, and _Cyprus_; those from _Italy_, _Corfou_, and _Zant_, will not keep in _Egypt_, the heat soon pricking them.

CHAP. III.

_Of the diseases, and physic._

The most epidemical and endemical distempers of _Egypt_, are sore eyes, from the east and south winds bringing along with them a burning sand and piercing nitre mix’d with it, which makes them frequently wash and cleanse their eyes with the _Nile_ water at that season. Leprosies from their salt and rotten fish. Inflammatory phrenzies, killing in three or four hours time. A pestilential small pox, and pestilential feavers, especially at _Alexandria_ in autumn. Ruptures are very common, by reason of their moist and watry diet: But that which destroys most is the plague, which they take no care to obstruct or avoid, depending upon their principle of inevitable fate and predestination; therefore in the year 1580, they lost above 500,000 souls in six or seven months time, in the single city of Grand _Cairo_.

The plague in _Egypt_ rages for the most part from the beginning of _September_ to _June_, at which time it never fails to cease, the wind turning then to the salubrious quarter of the north, and the _Nile_ swelling with fresh streams.

They reckon this plague is constantly brought either from _Barbary_, _Lybia_, or other _African_ countries, or else from _Syria_ or _Greece_; that from _Barbary_ is most furious and pernicious, the other two mild and gentle.

Their practical physic consists in Phlebotomy, which they administer universally in almost every disease; in cauterizing or burning, in scarrifying, in cupping, bathing in a few lenative purgatives, and cooling quieting alteratives.

They bleed by cutting or pricking the veins and arteries themselves in most parts of the body; yet in eunuchs, women, children, and other soft constitutions, they take away blood by scarrifying the thighs, ears, lips, nostrils, gums, _&c._ They generally bleed after meat. Their cupping-glasses are of different figures from ours, and their cautery is Cotton set on fire.

They have a gross way of cutting in dropsies to let the water out. Their manner of extracting stones out of the bladder, is by blowing and extending the _Urethra_, then pressing the stones to the neck of the bladder, by their fingers put into the _Anus_, or fundament, and afterwards sucking them out through the expanded passages.

Their women bathe very much, and use all manner of arts to soften and plump their bodies.

They abstain from all hot or violent purgatives, as _Scammony_, _Coloquintida_, _Elaterium_, Hellebores, _Cataputia_, _Metezon_, &c. and use only the most gentle lenitives, as _Cassia_, Tamarinds, Manna, _Myrobalans_, sometimes Rheubarb and a little _Sena_, as also cooling clysters.

Their alterative physic consists of coolers and anodyns, as _Nymphæa_, Poppy, Endive, Lettice, Berberries, _China_-root (never _Guaicum_ or _Sursa_) _Opium_, flowers of the _Alcanna_, Coffee: The women will eat _Hermodactyls_ like roasted Chesnuts at night. They have few compound medicines, unless a _Theriaca_ different from the _Venetian_, or that of _Andromachus_, in the preparing of which, they seem very careful and ceremonious. Some amongst them pretend to many _Arcanums_ against feavers.

For a full catalogue of such trees, shrubs, and herbs as grow in _Egypt_, together with their synonymous names and places, the reader may consult Mr _Ray_’s _Collection of Exotick Catalogues_, published at _London_ 1693, and annexed at the end of this work, amongst which he will find an _Egyptian_ one.

The manner of hatching chickens at Grand _Cairo_, with a particular delineation of the ovens, fire, mats, _&c._ may be read at large in Mr _Greave_’s _Relation_, printed in the _Philosoph. Trans._ Nᵒ 137. pag. 923, 924, 925.

Several conjectures and experiments upon the _Egyptian_ nitre, commonly call’d _Natron_, (found floating on the lake _Latron_ near _Nitria_, a town lower upon the _Nile_ than Grand _Cairo_) may be read in the _Philosoph. Trans._ Nᵒ 160. from pag. 609. to pag. 619. also in Nᵒ 167, pag. 837, 838. where ’tis proved to be little different from _Sal Armoniac_, and may owe it’s original to a natural union or mixture of the fossile salt of the lakes with the urinose one, that comes from the Crocodiles, _Hippopotami_, and other animal inhabitants of those waters.

_Of the PYRAMIDS of ~Egypt~: By Mr ~Greaves~, Professor of Astronomy in the University of ~Oxford~._

_A description of the Pyramids in ~Egypt~, as I found them in the 1048th year of the ~Hegira~, or in the year 1638, and 1639 of our Lord, after the ~Dionysian~ account._

_A description of the first and fairest Pyramid._

The first and fairest of the three greater Pyramids is situated on the top of a rocky hill, in the sandy desart of _Lybia_, about a quarter of a mile distant to the west, from the plains of _Egypt_, above which the rock riseth an hundred feet or better, with a gentle and easy ascent. Upon this advantageous rise, and upon this solid foundation the Pyramid is erected; the height of the situation adding to the beauty of the work, and the solidity of the rock giving the superstructure a permanent and stable support. Each side of the Pyramid, computing it according to _Herodotus_, contains in length 800 _Græcian_ feet; and in _Diodorus Siculus_’s account 700. _Strabo_ reckons it less than a furlong, that is less than 600 _Græcian_ feet, or 625 _Roman_. And _Pliny_ equals it to 883. That of _Diodorus Siculus_, in my judgment, comes nearest to the truth, and may serve in some kind to confirm those proportions, which in another discourse I have assigned to the _Græcian_ measures; for measuring the north side of it near the Basis, by an exquisite Radius of ten feet in length, taking two several stations, as Mathematicians use to do, when any obstacle hinders their approach, I found it to be 693 feet, according to the _English_ standard; which quantity is somewhat less than that of _Diodorus_. The rest of the sides were examin’d by a line for want of an even level, and a convenient distance to place my instruments, both which the Area on the former side afforded.

The Altitude of this Pyramid was long since measured by _Thales Milisius_, who according to _Tatianus Assyrius_ lived about the fiftieth Olympiad, but his observations are no where by the ancients express’d; only _Pliny_ tells us of a course proposed by him, how it might be found, and that is by observing such an hour, when the shadow of the body is equal to it’s height. A way at the best, by reason of the faintness and scattering of the extremity of the shadow, in so great an Altitude, uncertain, and subject unto error. And yet _Diogines Laërtius_, in the life of _Thales_, hath the same story, from the authority of _Hieronymus_, who reports, that he measured the Pyramids by their shadow, marking when they are of an equal quantity. Wherefore I shall pass by his, and give my own observations. The Altitude is something defective of the Latitude; tho’ in _Strabo_’s computation it exceeds; but _Diodorus_ rightly acknowledges it to be less, which if we measure by it’s perpendicular, is 481 feet; but if we take it as the Pyramid ascends inclining, as all such figures do, then it is equal, in respect of the lines subtending the several angles, to the Latitude of the Basis, that is to 693 feet.

What excessive heights some fancy to themselves, or borrow from the relation of others, I shall not now examine. This I am certain of, that the shaft or spire of St _Paul_’s in _London_, before it was casually burnt, being as much or somewhat more than the Altitude of the tower now standing (1647) did exceed the height of this Pyramid. For _Cambden_ describes it to have been in a perpendicular 520 feet from the ground.

If we imagine upon the sides of the Basis, which is perfectly square, four equilateral Triangles mutually propending, and enclining, till they all meet on high as it were in a point, for so the top seems to them which stand below, then shall we have a true notion of the just dimension and figure of this Pyramid: the Perimeter of each triangle comprehending 2079 feet, besides the Latitude of a little plain or flat on the top, and the Perimeter of the Basis 2772 feet; whereby the whole Area of the Basis (to proportion it to our measures,) contains 480,249 square feet, or eleven _English_ acres of ground, and 1089 of 43560 parts of an acre. A proportion so monstrous, that if the ancients did not attest as much, and some of them describe it to be more, this age would hardly be induced to give credit to it. But _Herodotus_ describing each side to contain 800 feet, the Area must of necessity be greater than that by me assigned, the sum amounting to 640,000, or computing it as _Diodorus Siculus_ doth, the Area will comprehend 490,000 feet, and in the calculation of _Pliny_, if we shall square 883, which is the number allotted by him to the measure of each side, the product 779,689, will much exceed both that of _Herodotus_ and this of _Diodorus_. Tho’ certainly _Pliny_ is much mistaken, in assigning the measure of the side to be 883 feet, and the Basis of the Pyramid to be but eight _jugera_, or _Roman_ acres; for if we take the _Roman jugerum_ to contain in length 240 feet, and in breadth 120, as may be evidently proved out of _Varro_, and is expressly affirmed by _Quintilian_, then will the superficies or whole extention of the _jugerum_ be equal to 28,800 _Roman_ feet, with which if we divide 779,689, the result will be 27 _Roman jugera_, and 2089 of 28800 parts of an acre. Wherefore if we take those numbers 883 of _Pliny_ to be true, then I suppose he writ 28 _jugera_ instead of 8, or else in his proportion of the side to the Area of the Basis he hath erred.

The ascent to the top of the Pyramid is contrived in this manner: From all the sides without we ascend by degrees; the lowermost degree is near four foot in height, and three in breadth. This runs about the Pyramid in a level, and at the first, when the stones were entire, which are now somewhat decay’d, made on every side of it a long but narrow walk. The second degree is like the first, each stone amounting almost to four feet in height, and three in breadth; it retires inward from the first near 3 feet, and this runs about the Pyramid in a level as the former. In the same manner is the third row placed upon the second, and so in order the rest, like so many stairs rise one above another to the top. Which ends not in a point, as mathematical Pyramids do, but in a little flat or square.

Of this _Herodotus_ hath no where left us the dimensions, but _Henricus Stephanus_, an able and deserving man, in his comment hath supply’d it for him; for he makes it to be eight _orgyiæ_; where if we take the _orgyia_, as both _Hesychius_ and _Suidas_ do, for the distance between the hands extended at length, that is for the fathom, or 6 feet, then should it be 48 feet in breadth at the top. But the truth is, _Stephanus_, in this particular, whilst he corrects the errors of _Valla_’s interpretation, is to be corrected himself; for that Latitude which _Herodotus_ assigns to the admirable bridge below, (of which there is nothing now remaining) he hath carry’d up, by a mistake, to the top of the Pyramid. _Diodorus Siculus_ comes nearer to the truth, who describes it to be but 9 feet. _Pliny_ makes the breadth at the top to be 25 feet, _Altitudo_ (I would rather read it _latitudo_) _à cacumine pedes 25_. By my measure it is 13 feet, and 280 of 1000 parts of the _English_ foot. Upon this flat, if we assent to the opinion of _Proclus_, it may be supposed that the _Egyptian_ Priests made their observations in Astronomy; and that from hence, or near this place they first discovered, by the rising of _Sirius_, their _annus_ κυνικὸς, or _Canicularis_, as also their _periodus Sothiaca_, or _annus magnus_ κυνικὸς, or _annus Heliacus_, or _annus Dei_, as it is termed by _Censorinus_, consisting of 1400 sidereal years, in which space their _Thoth Vagum_, and _fixum_, came to have the same beginning. That the Priests might near these Pyramids make their observations, I no way question, this rising of the hill being, in my judgments as fit a place as any in _Egypt_ for such a design, and so much the fitter by the vicinity of _Memphis_. But that these Pyramids were designed for observatories, (whereas by the testimonies of the ancients I have proved before, that they were intended for sepulchres) is no way to be credited upon the singular authority of _Proclus_. Neither can I apprehend to what purpose the Priests with so much difficulty should ascend so high, when below with more ease, and as much certainty, they might from their own lodgings hewn in the rocks upon which the Pyramids are erected, make the same observations; for seeing all _Egypt_ is but as it were one continued plain, they might from these cliffs have, over the plains of _Egypt_, as free and open a prospect of the heavens, as from the tops of the Pyramids themselves. And therefore _Tully_ writes more truly, _Ægyptii, aut Babylonii, in camporum patentium æquoribus habitantes, cum ex terra ad nihil emineret, quod contemplationi cœli officere posset, omnem curam in siderum cognitione posuerunt._ The top of this Pyramid is covered not with one[18] or three[19] massy stones, as some have imagin’d, but with nine, besides two which are wanting at the angles. The degrees by which we ascend up (as I observed in measuring many of them) are not all of an equal depth, for some are near four foot, others want of three, and these the higher we ascend, do so much the more diminish; neither is the breadth of them alike, the difference in this kind being, as far as I could conjecture, proportionable to their depth. And therefore a right line extended from any part of the Basis without, to the top, will equally touch the outward angle of every degree. Of these it was impossible for me to take an exact measure, since in such a revolution of time, if the inner parts of the Pyramid have not lost any thing of their first perfection, as being not exposed to the injury of the air[20], yet the outward parts, that is these degrees or rows of stone, have been much wasted and impaired by both. And therefore they cannot conveniently now be ascended, but either at the south side, or at the east angle on the north. They are well stiled by _Herodotus_ βωμίδες, that is, little altars, for in the form of altars they rise one above another to the top; and these are all made of massy and polish’d stones, hewn according to _Herodotus_ and _Diodorus_, out of the _Arabian_ mountains, which bound the upper part of _Egypt_, or that above the _Delta_, on the east, as the _Lybian_ mountains terminate it on the west, being so vast, that the breadth and depth of every step is one single and entire stone. The relation of _Herodotus_ and _Pomponius Mela_ is more admirable, who make the least stone in this Pyramid to be thirty feet. And this I can grant in some, yet surely it cannot be admitted in all, unless we interpret their words, that the least stone is thirty square, or to speak more properly, thirty cubical feet; which dimension, or a greater, in the exteriour ones, I can without any difficulty admit. The number of these steps is not mentioned by the ancients, and that caused me and two that were with me, to be the more diligent in computing them, because by modern writers, and some of those too of repute, they are described with much diversity and contrariety. The degrees, saith _Bellonius_, are two hundred and fifty, each of them single contains in height forty five digits, at the top it is two paces broad; for this I take to be the meaning or what _Clusius_ renders thus: _A basi autem ad cacumen ipsius supputationem facientes, comperimus circiter, 250 gradus, singuli altitudinem habent 5 solearum calcei 9 pollicum longitudinis, in fastigio duos passus habet._ Where I conceive his _passus_ is in the same sense to be understood here above, as not long before he explains himself in describing the Basis below, which in his account is _324 passus paululum extensis cruribus_. _Albertus Lewenstainius_ reckons the steps to be 260, each of them a foot and an half in depth. _Johannes Helfricus_ counts them to be 230. _Sebastianus Serlius_, upon a relation of _Grimano_ the Patriarch of _Aquileia_, and afterwards Cardinal, who in his travels in _Egypt_ measured these degrees, computes them to be 210, and the height of every step to be equally three palms and a half. It would be but lost labour to mention the different and repugnant relations of several others; that which by experience and by a diligent calculation I and two others found, is this, that the number of degrees from the bottom to the top is 207, tho’ one of them in descending reckoned 208.

Such as please, may give credit to those fabulous traditions of some, that a _Turkish_ archer standing at the top, cannot shoot beyond the bottom, but that the arrow will necessarily fall upon these steps. If the _Turkish_ bow (which by those figures which I have seen in ancient monuments, is the same with that of the _Parthians_, so dreadful to the _Romans_) be but as swift and strong as the _English_; as surely it is much more, if we consider with what incredible force some of them will pierce a plank of six inches in thickness, (I speak what I have seen) it will not seem strange, that they should carry twelve score in length, which distance is beyond the Basis of this Pyramid.

_The description of the inside of the first Pyramid._

Having finish’d the description of the superficies of the greater Pyramid, with the figure and dimensions of it, as they present themselves to the view without; I shall now look inwards, and lead the reader into the several spaces, and partitions within; of which if the ancients have been silent, we must chiefly impute it to a reverend and awful regard, mixed with superstition, in not presuming to enter those chambers of death, which religion and devotion had consecrated to the rest and quiet of the dead. Wherefore _Herodotus_ mentions no more, but only in general, ‘That some secret vaults are hewn in the rock under the Pyramid.’ _Diodorus Siculus_ is silent, though both enlarge themselves in other particulars less necessary. _Strabo_ is also very concise, whose whole description both of this and the second Pyramid is included in this short expression: ‘Forty stadia, or furlongs, from the city _Memphis_, there is a certain brow of an hill, in which are many Pyramids, the sepulchres of Kings, three of them are memorable, two of these are accounted amongst the seven miracles of the world; each of these are a furlong in height; the figure is quadrilateral, the altitude somewhat exceeds each side, and the one is somewhat bigger than the other. On high, as it were in the midst, between the sides, there is a stone that may be removed, which being taken out, there is an oblique, or shelving, entrance, for so I render that which by him is termed σῦριγξ σκολία leading to the tomb.’ _Pliny_ expresses nothing within, but only a well, (which is still extant) of 86 cubits in depth, to which he probably imagines, by some secret aqueduct, the water of the _Nile_ to be brought. _Aristides_ in his oration entituled Αἰγύπτιος, upon a misinformation of the _Egyptian_ Priests, makes the foundation of the structure to have descended as far below, as the altitude ascends above. Of which I see no necessity, seeing all of them are founded upon rocks; his words are these: ‘Now as with admiration we behold the tops of the Pyramids, but that which is as much more under ground opposite to it, we are ignorant of, I speak of what I have received from the Priests.’ And this is that which hath been delivered to us by the ancients, which I was unwilling to pretermit, more out of reverence of antiquity, than out of any special satisfaction. The _Arabian_ writers, especially such as have purposely treated of the wonders of _Egypt_, have given us a more full description of what is within these Pyramids; but that hath been mix’d with so many inventions of their own, that the truth hath been darkn’d, and almost quite extinguish’d by them. Which traditions of theirs are little better than a _Romance_; and therefore leaving these, I shall give a more true and particular description out of my own experience and observations.