Chapter XII: Preface (8)

The St. Francis is the principal river in the Missouri Territory, excepting the river of this name; and it enters the Mississippi just below Tennessee. It is navigable about three hundred miles, and at its mouth is two hundred yards wide. White River runs in the same direction, and enters the Mississippi about eighty miles below. Its width is about one hundred and fifty yards.

Whilst in the state of Mississippi, I crossed a high, broken, and fertile ground, constituting about two hundred acres.

{209} After passing over hundreds of miles of country perfectly level, such an appearance was highly gratifying. On this rise of ground were a few scattering trees, the kinds of some of which I had never before seen. Here grew the China tree, of a beautiful appearance, and bearing fruit of an inviting aspect, but of an unpleasant taste.[193] I stopped a moment to receive instruction—_moral_ beauty only can be depended upon.

This situation reminded me of St. Pierre’s interesting, and affecting story of Paul and Virginia. On one of the broken ridges of this rise of ground stood a raven. He looked as though he had seen a hundred winters, and his appearance inclined me to believe Hesiod’s extravagant account of the longevity of this bird. There are many interesting ideas in relation to this species of bird: In this country they build on high trees; and in Europe in old towers. The Romans hold them in high estimation; and God employed them to carry food to the Prophet Elijah.

After leaving this interesting situation, I passed a place called Point Pleasant, where there are a few small dwelling houses.[194] The country here is perfectly level, and the river wide and beautiful. Here I met with many live oaks, so valuable for ship timber; but I think that on no part of the Mississippi do they so abound as in the State of Georgia. This species of tree grows tall and straight, and has but a very few branches; these, however, are generally large, and well calculated for knees in building.

Between this situation and the city of Natches is a place in the river called the Grand Gulph. Here nature presents an aspect, which blends the sublime and beautiful. She has here, with a majestic air, given to the river an expansive bend; and renders its waters wide, deep, and gentle. On one side of it she presents {210} an interminable lawn, and on the other a broken hill, thickly covered with a variety of trees. How great are the privileges of man! How small his merit, and yet, how noble his nature!

The expansive calmness of this scene, viewed from the hill, suggests to the human heart great and deep things, too sublime for human utterance.—Things which point to the future development of mind, to the high destinies of virtue, and to the nameless peace of heaven. When on this hill it was evening; and the moon, mild in majesty, moved in an unclouded course. She seemed to say, in the language of Young, “How great,—if good, is man!” Under such circumstances the human mind sensibly feels, that every thing, by the sacred and benevolent constitution of nature, belongs to the virtuous man. He here dwells upon St. Paul’s declaration, “All is yours!” and fears not “life, or death, or principalities, or powers.” The good man has, indeed, every thing to excite his hopes; and if his mind is enlightened by science, and polished by taste, he has every thing to excite his admiration.—Is he acquainted with architecture?—“The heavens declare the glory of the Creator, and the firmament showeth his handy work.” Is he fond of music?—let him listen to that of the spheres. Does eloquence charm him?—he hears the voice of God in his own heart, persuading him to be good.

The River Arkansas enters the Mississippi from the west, about one hundred miles below the St. Francis. This river is certainly navigable about five hundred miles, and is, probably, from fifteen hundred to two thousand miles in length. The country on this river will hereafter be known for its productions and trade.[195]

A little below this river is the Cypress Bend. Here grow considerable forests of this interesting {211} tree. They are here covered with moss, and suggest the ideas of old age and death. The growth of the moss, however, is not confined to this species of tree; and it probably is created by some peculiar quality in the atmosphere of the river. This moss sometimes grows to the length of fifteen feet, but generally is much shorter. It proceeds from the bark of the tree, and as to its formation and manner of growth, resembles rock-weed on the seashore. Its colour is that of the dove. Being fibrous, it is laid in water, then dried, threshed, and used as a substitute for horse hair in the stuffing of mattresses, &c. It is, when well prepared, nearly as valuable as hair, and is exported in considerable quantities. The sources of this article on the Mississippi are inexhaustible, whole forests are here covered with it.

In this part of the country too, grows the celebrated plant called misletoe. It is found on the trunk and branches of trees, and may be propagated by rubbing its berries against the bark. This is frequently done by the thrush, in wiping its bill after feeding upon them. Ancient superstition venerated this plant; and it was hung upon the neck to prevent the effect of witchcraft. In modern times it is considered good for epilepsy and other diseases.

In several places near the Mississippi there are situations where hurricanes have prevailed; and it is interesting to see the contrast between their desolated path, and the smiling aspect of the contiguous country. In some places here hundreds of lofty trees have been dashed by the hand of violence; and the spectator inspired by the view, finds a source of regret in not having actually witnessed the grandeur of ruin’s march.

Great minds only imitate the grand in nature. She never proclaims her works, but leaves them to {212} speak for themselves. Sampson possessed a portion of her spirit. Upon his journey to Timnath, he slew a lion; but passing on, told neither father nor mother of it.

After having experienced, for several weeks, much labour and many privations, I arrived at the city of Natches, which is situated on the eastern bank of the Mississippi. In approaching the city, from the banks of the river, nothing is seen but a village of ragged buildings under the hill, a little back of which the city itself is located. This hill is very high, and steep, and its soil is sandy. Along the banks of the river, under the hill, the boats, both in going up and down, frequently stop, either for a market, or information. The number of buildings here is about one hundred, and they are principally occupied for shops and boarding-houses for the boatmen. It is perhaps one of the most wretched places in the world.

The ascent to the city is very steep; and on each side of the road are considerable precipices. The city itself is singular in its aspect; being irregular, and having large unoccupied grounds in different parts of it. After rising the hill, one sees, in front, a wide street leading into the country; on the left a spacious grove of trees, back of which is a precipice of two hundred feet; and on the right of the grove are the principal streets and buildings. Many of the houses and stores are large; but there are not many buildings here which can be termed elegant. The courthouse is inconsiderable, and the theatre is a very ordinary building. In the evening the city is remarkably silent.—Scarcely a person is to be seen in its streets after dark. This place is conspicuous for its hospitality.

Whilst in this place I was on board a boat, with the captain of which I had become acquainted at the {213} mouth of the Cumberland. To this gentleman, a foppish French barber introduced himself; and played with his crew a pretty deep game. The barber was profoundly polite, and extremely disinterested. He begged the captain to sit down and have his hair cut, saying, that it was “all for de pleasure,” and that he “no value de money,” &c. So much apparent good will, although troublesome, seemed to deserve condescension; and the captain yielded to the importunity. After the work was accomplished, payment was tendered, and refused; the barber still insisting, with a thousand flourishes, that it was “all for de pleasure.” The barber then turned his attention to the boatmen, who all admired his liberality, saying, “come sare, me cut your hair bery vel.” The boatmen, one after another, sat down; the Frenchman all the time clipping away as for his life, grinning like a monkey, and declaring, with many airs, “me barber de Buonaparte!” After the barber had effected his object, and had rolled up his napkin, he, with much gravity, and an altered tone, addressed the boatmen, saying, “yentlemen, you be please to pay me.” The poor fellows were ashamed to acknowledge their mistake, and inquired how much it was a piece. The Frenchman replied, with a concerned animation, “Oh sare! only one quarter dollar.” They produced their money, and the barber, well pleased with his success, strutted off.

In the city of Natches slaves are very numerous. There is no branch of trade, in this part of the country, more brisk and profitable than that of buying and selling negroes. They are a subject of continual speculation, and are daily brought, together with other live stock, from Kentucky and other places to the Natches and New-Orleans market. How deplorable is the condition of our country!—{214} So many bullocks, so many swine, and so many human beings in our market! The latter are rated in our prices current.—Enviable distinction!

Notwithstanding the difficulties so frequently suggested, relative to the abolition of slavery within the United States, the evil can easily be removed. Let the people instruct their representatives in Congress to purchase the freedom of every slave in the Union; and to hold the slaves for the discharge of the debt thus incurred: each individual of them to receive an unconditional manumission as soon as they shall, by their labour, offset the amount paid for them.

The law under which the purchase should be made, ought to declare the slaves to be free, and as possessing all the rights and privileges of the white people of the United States; with the declaration, however, that these slaves are individually indebted to the government, according to the price paid for each. The government would then be the guardian of the blacks, for a particular purpose. The latter would be free; they would have no master, and they might, under proper regulations, sue for any invasion of their rights. The government should, in the supposed act, provide for the appointment of agents in all the slave-holding states; which agents should contract for the purchase of the slaves, and for the letting of their services for a length of time sufficient to cancel the debt thus incurred.

I have no doubt that slave holders would, generally, sell their slaves to the United States, for this purpose, upon liberal terms. Indeed, I know it to be a fact, that some of the planters would deduct, in relation to this subject, from 25 to 50 per cent. from the real value of the slave. Many of the planters too, would also hire the slaves of the government {215} according to the proposed plan. Some of the planters prefer hiring to purchasing negroes. This preference is grounded upon many considerations.

As soon as the slaves, upon the supposed plan, should discharge their obligations to the United States, they would be as independent as any of her citizens, and would let their services upon their own contracts, and according to their own calculations.

Some may object to having so many free blacks in the United States; but I think that no danger need be apprehended from them. I am not particularly partial to blacks; but I have a good opinion of their intelligence and disposition. Much of their bad conduct arises from their being slaves. Were they free, they would be more industrious, more honest, and would have no _extraordinary_ grounds for irritation and crime. Besides, being free, they would be much less numerous in one place. They would spread themselves over the country. Some would go to the west and east, and become farmers and day labourers; some would plough the ocean, and some would emigrate to Europe, and perhaps to Africa. Surely, within a territory so vast as ours, we need not fear a population so limited, even if it were a population hostile to the country and to human nature. But the fact is otherwise. They would form a highly valuable population. Under proper systems of instruction, they would become as virtuous as any class of white people in the United States. The free blacks in the West-Indies, are industrious and peaceable. It is the case too, with those in this country; and, as to the abstract question, it may be added, that the freed vassals of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden are equally inoffensive.

This subject suggests many ideas in opposition to popular objections: but my limits will not permit a particular investigation of them.

{216} Under the system proposed, the United States need not incur any expense, or make any pecuniary advances. In most cases, those who should sell their slaves would hire them of the government, and of course no money need be advanced. The expense of transacting the business, and also the interest upon any advance of cash, might be added to the amount of the purchase. The price of the slaves in the United States would not, probably, average more than 300 dollars each.

I know it to be the case, that the slave holders, generally, deprecate the practice of buying and selling slaves, and they would, no doubt, aid the government in its efforts to enfranchise them.

Should the government act upon the supposed plan, she would greatly increase her reputation and security; relieve an unfortunate and oppressed portion of the human race, and remove forever this dark stain upon her glory. Should she make this uncostly effort, Freedom would call us her own peculiar people, and in some future, trying day, might remember and defend us.

Why do we boast of liberty, when, every day, we violate its most sacred principles? As it is in our power to give freedom to the slaves within our jurisdiction, we do, by delaying to take this step, sanction and support their oppression. Should a slave endeavour to obtain his freedom, which, no doubt, he has a right to do, the law of the land,—the whole power of the Union, would enforce his obedience, and again rivet his chains. Oh, cruel nation! Oh, detestable system! The slave holder cannot, consistently with the law of the land, take the life of his slave; but he may scourge him, overwhelm his heart with grief, and by a lingering torture bring him to a premature grave. This is frequently the case. Indeed, slaves are often killed {217} at once, and that with impunity. How is the act to be known, when it is committed on a plantation?

The oppressor is hateful to the eye of Heaven: and Heaven’s justice may be preparing for us pestilence, famine, and subjugation. The wisdom of the world, the policy of states, the pride of birth, the love of wealth, the calculations of avarice, the luxuries of indolence, and the thoughtlessness of inhumanity, may all prate about the inexpediency of giving freedom to the slave; but there is an Almighty arm, and the cause of the oppressed will not always be unavenged.

Whilst in Natches I met with a company of Indians, of the Choctaw tribe. Most of them were intoxicated, and all highly painted. A few days before my visit to this place, an Indian had, in a moment of passion, murdered one of the company. The law of the tribe declared the act worthy of death; and the criminal was immediately called upon to meet his fate. With a fearless and composed aspect, he marched off, faced his executioners, and opened his arms to receive their fire.—In a moment he was a dead man. It is a singular fact, that Indians when condemned to die for the violation of the laws of their tribe, never attempt to escape.—The rules of education are more operative than those of legislatures.

Before I left Natches, I witnessed an interesting race between two Indians. Their speed was very great.

Having, in the course of my tour, seen hundreds of Indians, both of the northern and southern tribes, I was able to form an opinion as to their relative aspect. The northern Indians are more athletic than the southern. They are also more grave, and as to manner resemble the Germans. The southern {218} Indians are slender, volatile, cunning, vindictive, and in their manners resemble the Italians.

In Natches there are a great many Turkey Buzzards; and their colour and tameness remind one of Pliny’s crows. The Buzzard is nearly as large as a small turkey. By day these birds fly about the city, occasionally lighting upon the houses, and in the yards, like pigeons. Towards night they all retire to the highest part of the precipice fronting the river, and there remain until the morning. Seeing them thus assembled, suggests the idea of Milton’s conclave in Pandemonium.

These birds are very useful in warm climates, as they devour animals which die and remain upon the surface of the ground. In the southern states they are numerous, and are protected by law.

During the last summer, business in Natches was dull. But the constant arrival of boats from up and down the river, gave an active appearance to the place. The profits attending the business of steam boats upon the western rivers are almost beyond belief; but the competition arising from this circumstance is daily lessening them. The steam boats move with so much velocity, even up the river, that the expenses of a trip are not great, whilst the freight of goods, and the price of passage are very high.

I think there can be no doubt, that foreign goods will for the future, be transported from New-Orleans to the settlements above, in steam boats, instead of proceeding down the rivers from the east and south. Although the western rivers present a dangerous navigation to steam boats, yet they may be very profitably employed, even after paying a reasonable premium for insurance, and reducing the price of freight thirty per cent.

{219} After remaining at Natches two or three days, I progressed towards New-Orleans. About sixty miles below the former are Loftus’ Heights, and just below these, stands Fort Adams.[196] Not far from the fort, the country becomes in some measure settled; and for about one hundred miles above New-Orleans, both banks of the river are under a high state of cultivation. The country continues thus cultivated for twenty miles below the city. The plantations within these limits are superb beyond description. Some of them resemble villages. The dwelling houses of the planters are not inferior to any in the United States, either with respect to size, architecture, or the manner in which they are furnished. The gardens, and yards contiguous to them, are formed and decorated with much taste. The cotton, sugar, and ware houses are very large, and the buildings for the slaves are well finished. The latter buildings are, in some cases, forty or fifty in number, and each of them will accommodate ten or twelve persons. The plantations are very extensive, and on some of them there are hundreds of negroes. The planters here derive immense profits from the cultivation of their estates. The yearly income from them is from 20,000 to 30,000 dollars. Their produce is sent down to the New-Orleans market, at which place prompt payment in specie is immediately realized. At Natches and New-Orleans, gold and silver are as plenty in the market as any other article. Some of the noted plantations above mentioned are those of Balay, Arnold, Baronge, and Forteus.

The plantations on the Mississippi produce vast quantities of sugar and cotton. The latter article grows in pods, upon a stalk; and the appearance of the latter is not much unlike that of the bean. These pods, when ripe, open; and the cotton is then {220} gathered from the stalk, and separated from the seeds by a machine which will clean 1000 pounds in a day. An acre of land will yield about 800 pounds.

Cotton is sewed in drills about eight feet apart. The seed is thrown in thick; and after they spring, the stalks are thinned so as to make them eighteen inches apart. They are then weeded, and the earth taken from the upper roots, so as to leave them bare. A few weeks after this process, the earth is hoed up to the stalk, and the roots covered. Then there is a third hoeing like the second. If the ground is well prepared, and the growth favourable, the rows of cotton, when fully grown, will nearly meet each other.

The sugar cane is a jointed stalk, not unlike that of corn; and it grows from three to seven feet in length, and from one half inch to an inch in diameter. It is pithy, like the corn stalk, and affords a copious supply of juice. No sweet is less cloying, and no vegetable substance so nutritious as the sugar cane.

Sugar is cultivated by cuttings, set two inches from each other, in drills eight feet apart. Each cutting possesses one joint; and one setting answers for two years. In getting in the harvest the first year, the stalks are cut within about eight inches of the ground. In the production of sugar, the stalks are passed end ways through smooth brass nuts, and the juice thus extracted is boiled down to a thick syrup. It is then put into other vessels, and as it becomes cool, it forms into small grains, and thus becomes sugar. Molasses is produced from the drainings of the sugar; and after this process there is another by distillation; and here rum is obtained. The sugar and molasses of New-Orleans are celebrated for their excellence.

{221} Most of the planters on the lower parts of the Mississippi are French; and there are in New-Orleans, and on other parts of the river many French people, who have, since the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty, emigrated thither from France. Many of them are very interesting characters.

Before reaching Natches, I had travelled considerably in the state of Louisiana, on the west side of the river; but there is nothing here to distinguish it from the lower part of the Missouri Territory.

The old line of demarcation, between the United States and Florida, is about sixty miles below Natches. At Point Coupe on the right side of the river, there are many elegant dwelling houses, and they are superbly furnished.[197] At the front and back of the houses, there are piazzas, and the doors and windows extend to the floor. In summer the former are removed, and their place supplied with duck, which excludes the sun, and, by its motion, creates air. In the front yards are many ornamental trees, and the yards back of the houses are filled with a great variety of domestic fowls. Here one almost supposes himself in the West-Indies.

When I arrived at this village, the weather and prospects were delightful. A tree in blossom there presented colours, the powers of which seen at a distance, are indescribable. These colours wore an astonishing combination of crimson and pink; and viewed through the medium of the sun’s reflection, appeared celestial. How great and various are the powers of the human eye, when aided by fancy! The blossoms of Point Coupe spake of the bright colours of heaven, and the livery of angels.

Opposite this settlement is Bayou Sara; and here there are a few buildings.

Not far from these situations there is another settlement; but it is not so large as Point Coupe. {222} When I passed through it the weather was mild, and the sun about setting. Large herds of cattle were feeding luxuriantly upon the banks of the river; the negroes had finished their work, and some of them were wrestling on the green, some fishing near the shore, some swimming in the stream, and some running their horses. The scene was interesting.

Above Point Coupe, and near a little village, called Tunica, is Red River. This river enters the Mississippi from the west, and is navigable to a great distance. About one hundred and fifty miles from its mouth, is Nachitoches. Black river enters the Red river about fifty miles from the junction of the latter with the Mississippi. Red river is becoming of considerable note, and will, in time, furnish much produce for the New-Orleans market. A little below this river, is the Bayou Chafalia.

On the east of the Mississippi, and not far below the old line of demarcation, is Baton Rouge. About the same distance above this line is Clarkeville. Baton Rouge is a very considerable place. The plantations near this situation are superb indeed. The buildings upon them evince great wealth, and refinement in modes of living. Ships of 500 tons sometimes ascend the river to the vicinity of Baton Rouge, and receive from the plantations, cargoes of sugar and cotton.[198] The enclosed fields of the planters are very spacious, and highly cultivated. The negroes upon these plantations are numerous; and vast herds of cattle feed upon the banks of the river. The cattle are large and beautiful. The horses are fleet, and well calculated for labour; but they are small, and far from being handsome.

The river below Baton Rouge is very spacious. Here, towards evening, the piazzas and porticos of the dwelling houses are filled with ladies. Their {223} appearance, together with the expansive and serene aspect of the river, the mild azure of the heavens, the silver moon, rising in the majesty of meekness, and the almost celestial music, which proceeds from the gently gliding boats, remind one of primeval innocence, and point the heart to that Being, in whose smile is everlasting life.

In this part of the country there are many Bayous, which I have not mentioned. The principal of them are Manchac, Plaquemine, and De la Fourche. There are here also many churches, some of which are Contrelle, Bona Cara, and Red Church. In the morning and evening, cavalcades of gentlemen and ladies, may frequently be seen going thither, to attend marriage and other ceremonies.

About seventy miles below Baton Rouge, the country is wonderfully fine. No description of mine can do justice to the appearance of its principal establishments. There are here the most superb dwelling houses. They are second to none in size, architecture, or decorations. The gardens attached to them are spacious, and elegantly ornamented with orange and fig trees. At a little distance from them are vast buildings, occupied for sugar mills and cotton presses, and for the storage of the immense productions of the plantations. Near these, are from fifty to one hundred neat buildings, for the negroes, beyond them are spacious and elegant oblong fields, constituting one hundred acres, and under the highest state of cultivation.

In many places, along the banks of the river are large orange groves, and here almost all kinds of fruits are raised for the New-Orleans market. My journal says, this is, indeed, a fascinating country! Here are all the splendours of wealth, and the blandishments {224} of beauty: but to the rocky land of my birth, my heart will ever be supremely attached.

Upon the banks of the Mississippi, there is a luxuriant growth of white clover, which feeds thousands of cattle. These cattle drink from the river. Some of the planters yearly mark thousands of calves, and send them into the prairies to feed. Here their maintenance costs nothing.

The cattle of this part of the country are not often fat. This circumstance is, probably, owing to many causes; some of which are, their being much troubled by flies, not being salted, and the food which they eat being of rapid growth, and of course unsubstantial. The latter does not possess the consistency of the New-England grass. The flies and musquetoes on the Mississippi are so numerous and voracious, that nothing is more common here than to see horses tied in the fields to feed, and a small fire by them for the purpose of keeping at a distance these troublesome assailants.

The cattle in this part of the country are not worth, in the market, more than one fourth of the price of New-England cattle. The cows seldom calve more than once in two years, and they give very little milk. The milk of a Yankee cow will make more butter than that of ten of them.

In progressing towards the tropics, appearances peculiar to the various degrees of climate were continually presenting themselves. Many kinds of trees, flowers, and grasses, and many species of birds and quadrupeds, entirely new to me, made their appearance. The rains, winds, thunder and lightning too, of the country, towards the equator, are peculiar. The latter are here more sudden, loud, and vivid than those of the north. The rains near the Mississippi resemble, in a measure, those of the West-Indies. Here it frequently rains violently at a little {225} distance, whilst where one stands there is a clear sunshine. These showers sound quite loud, and present an interesting appearance.

I have repeatedly spoken of the slaves in the south and west. Some of them are treated kindly; but some suffer all the evils incident to this wretched condition. All the pride, all the ill-nature, all the petulance of man are frequently wreaked upon these friendless beings. I speak from experience. For a venial fault, I have witnessed cruel inflictions. Whilst passing a plantation on the lower part of the Mississippi, my ears were assailed by sounds novel and distressing. The shriek of anguish, and the sound of the hateful lash quickly brought me to the theatre of suffering. There I witnessed a madning sight. A poor negro, fastened to the ground, in vain implored for mercy; whilst an iron-hearted overseer, enraged by his own cruelty, was inflicting unlimited vengeance. I believe my presence unbound the victim.—Shame frequently achieves what conscience cannot accomplish. I could mention cruelties inflicted upon slaves, which would excite the tears of humanity, the blush of virtue, and the indignation of freedom. On the Mississippi there are large oak frames for whipping slaves,—without law, and without any rule, excepting that of self-will and uncontrolled power.

Man, when uncontrolled, is a tyrant; and no human being should, for a moment, be without the protection of natural, or municipal law.

There are prejudices against the race of blacks, and I pronounce them vulgar! Some even pretend that negroes are not human beings; but history and daily observation prove the contrary. Oh! how detestable are the prejudices of avarice and inhumanity. Our vanity teaches us to think better of our own colour than of theirs. They entertain the {226} same opinion of white, which we do of black. On the coast of Africa the Evil Spirit, which we call Devil, is there imagined under the hideous semblance of a white man.

Many too, speak against the disposition of Negroes. They no doubt possess strong passions; but their passions may all be enlisted on the side of virtue. The quickness and strength of their feelings, connected with their intelligence, prove their greatness. It is evident that negroes are capable of being rendered great philosophers, divines, physicians, legislators and warriors. They are likewise capable of being, in their principles and conduct, real gentlemen; and as to fidelity and affection, they are second to no people on the face of the earth. Some will sneer at these ideas; but I rejoice in defending this despised and oppressed race of men; and, would to heaven that my power was equal to my regard for them! In the course of the last war there was as much courage and patriotism evinced by a negro, as by any individual in the nation. During a naval engagement he was dreadfully mangled by a cannon ball; and just as his soul was departing, he exclaimed, “_no haul a colour down!_”

The slaves are accused of committing crimes; but are not white men sometimes criminal? and, I would ask, are they not as frequently so? Besides, what can be expected of slaves? Why do we not give them their liberty, and admit them to the privileges of citizenship? We are men of like passions; yet does God grind down and oppress us?—No, but has enabled us to preserve our liberty, and sends his Holy Spirit to regenerate and redeem us. Oh! what a requital of his goodness do we display in the thraldom of our brethren. Among slaves, nature, in her own defence sometimes lifts the arm of death. Can she bear every thing? Oppressed, and scourged, and {227} without refuge, self protection is her only law; and God, under such circumstances, justifies homicide. The brethren of Moses were enslaved; and seeing an Egyptian smite a Hebrew, he slew him. Has a slave a right to his liberty? Certainly. Then no one has a right to deprive him of it; and in attempting to do so, the assailant must abide by the consequences. Will the laws of this country condemn the slave to die in this case? If so my country sanctions murder as well as robbery. What should we think of a christian system which should warrant slavery, or even be silent respecting it? Stand forth ye ministers of our holy religion, ye vicegerents of a righteous God, and speak the truth in behalf of the slave. Why should our pulpits be silent upon this great subject? Why do not our Christian preachers constantly pray as David did, “break thou the arm of the oppressor.” Why do they not inquire with the voice of authority, and in the Almighty’s name, “what mean ye, that ye beat my people to pieces, saith the Lord God of Hosts.”

I am disposed to offer a few ideas upon the origin of the race of blacks. Their colour is generally supposed to arise from climate; but the idea is not well supported. Some too, imagine that their colour is a peculiar mark which the Creator put upon them for some special purpose; but these suggestions are chimerical. The speculations upon this topic have ever been very numerous: for my own part, however, I think there is no difficulty involved in the subject. Where an effect cannot be satisfactorily accounted for but upon one principle; and this principle is conclusive in point of analogy, we need not look any further.

Now, certain it is that Nature, in all her works, evinces a great fondness for variety, both in relation to colour and form. Man, _as to his physical nature_, {228} is an animal; and black and white in men, are as easily accounted for as black and white among beasts and birds, or any other part of animated nature. There is no species of animal, among which a greater variety of form and of simple colours exist, than among men. Here we see every shade of complexion, from jet black to the clearest white; here too, we find every variety of feature. Why should there not be the same variety among men as among mere animals? We see this variety in every particular, and yet as to black we doubt the universality of the principle. Why do we not inquire as to the cause of the colour of the black horse? Why do we not ask, whether his remote ancestors were not born in the Torrid Zone? Besides, the variety of which I speak exists in the vegetable world; and in order to remove the principle upon which the argument is predicated, the most conspicuous attribute of nature must be disproved.

Some learned writers have supposed the negro race to be the descendants of Cain, and that their colour is the mark which the Deity set upon their great progenitor, on account of the murder of his brother Abel. Others imagine that the negroes have proceeded from the loins of Ham; and that he was rendered black by the hard cursing of his father Noah. As to Noah’s curse producing this effect, if such a notion deserves any thing but ridicule, it may be observed, that the descendants of Ham occupied Africa; and that here the inhabitants are not all black. In that part of Asia too, where it is supposed the descendants of Seth, a favourite son, reside, the people are full as black as any of the negroes of Africa.

The heat of the climate cannot be the cause of blackness in negroes; for a great part of the continent of America lies within the Torrid Zone, and {229} yet there were no black people here until Europeans transported them thither from Africa.

Climate, education, modes of living, customs and manners, do, no doubt, affect the form, aspect, and features of individuals; but all these causes are not sufficient to produce a total change in complexion or any other particular.

About the middle of June I arrived at New-Orleans. The general aspect of the city, viewed at a little distance from it, is much in its favour. It appears large, ancient, and populous. I entered the city at noon day. Its streets were crowded with people of every description. Perhaps no place in the world, excepting Vienna, contains a greater variety of the human race than New-Orleans. Besides foreigners of all nations, there are here a various population peculiarly its own. These are of every shade of complexion. Here may be seen in the same crowd Creoles, Quadroons, mulattoes, Samboes, Mustizos, Indians, and Negroes; and there are other commixtures which are not yet classified. As to negroes, I may add that whilst in this place I saw one who was perfectly white. This peculiarity, however, is rarely witnessed in this country.

Dissipation in New-Orleans is unlimited. Here men may be vicious without incurring the ill opinion of those around them:—for all go one way. Here broad indeed is the road to ruin; and an insulated spectator, sees the multitude passing down the stream of pleasure to the gulf of remorse. Surrounded by the fascinations of wealth, the blandishments of beauty, and the bewitching influences of music, they do not realize that they are losing the dignity of their nature, and preparing for themselves the most bitter self-reproach:—they do not realize that an eternity cannot undo an ignoble deed.

“Fair laughs the morn, and soft the zephyr blows;
While proudly riding o’er the azure realm,
In gallant trim the gilded vessel goes,—
Youth on the prow, and Pleasure at the helm!
Regardless of the sweeping whirlwind’s sway,
Which, hush’d in grim repose, expects his ev’ning prey.”

The gambling houses in this city are almost innumerable, and at any hour, either by night or day, the bustle of these demoralizing establishments may be heard. Here too, the Sabbath is devoted to recreation. On this day the negroes assemble, and amuse themselves and spectators by dancing. Religion, in behalf of the slave, has thus benevolently wrested one day in seven from hardhearted avarice.

I am happy in being able to say, that New-Orleans is much less corrupt, in many particulars, than it used to be. The American population there is rapidly increasing; and New-England customs, manners and habits, are there gaining ground. This population will, no doubt, be contaminated; but it is sincerely hoped that there will be a balance in favour of morality. The police of this place is still in the hands of the French.

The city of New-Orleans is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi, about eighty-five miles from the Gulf of Mexico. The city stands immediately upon the bank, and upon a curve or bend in the river. The land here, like the whole country below Natches, and indeed generally below the mouth of the Ohio, is low and level. The water is kept from flowing into the city by a Levee or embankment, which was raised by the Spanish government. The Levee extends from Fort Plaquemine, about forty miles below the city, to one hundred and twenty miles above it. This embankment is about four feet high and fifteen feet wide. A great deal {231} has been said respecting this road; but it is not deserving of much notice. The undertaking was not great, and its execution displays no ingenuity or neatness. All the market-people bring their produce upon the Levee; and here the inhabitants of the place take their evening walk.

The city extends, on the river, about a mile and a quarter; and its breadth is about a half mile. The streets cross each other at right angles, and the side walks of some of them are paved with flat stones or bricks. Most of the streets are narrow. On the river side of the city the buildings are large, and many of them are built of brick and covered with slate or plaster; but those on the back of the place are very small, and consist of wood. The former are compact, and the latter scattered. From the Levee to the buildings fronting the river the distance is about seven rods. At the upper part of the city, near the river, is the Custom-House; and at the lower part of it is the Fort and Cantonment. Not far from these is a spacious establishment, which is occupied by an association of Nuns. The Cathedral stands near the centre of the town.

The streets near the Levee are generally crowded with thousands of women, who are employed in vending fruits and goods. There is in this city much female beauty:—fine features, symmetry of form, and elegance of manners; but the virtuous man often perceives in these the fatal testimony of moral aberration. Here the fascinations of accomplished dissipation move in the guise of delicacy, and captivate the youthful heart; but the moralist views their momentary and belittling influence, with the indifference,—not of pride, but of reason, religion, and sentiment. Youths of my country, to conquer ourselves is victory indeed!—to foil temptation in the doubtful field, is imperishable renown!

{232} New-Orleans is situated on the island of Orleans. This island is formed by the Mississippi, the Lakes Pontchartrain and Maurepas, and the river Ibberville. The latter river is an outlet of the Mississippi fifteen or eighteen miles below Baton Rouge. Lake Pontchartrain is about thirty miles long, and nearly the same distance in breadth. Its depth is ten or fifteen feet. Lake Maurepas is about ten miles long, and seven or eight broad.

It may here be observed that the Louisiana purchase was made in 1803. This territory is of immense extent; but its boundaries are doubtful. It would be well for the government to satisfy themselves upon the subject, and to run their lines, and establish their forts without delay. Seasons of public tranquillity are the seasons for such business.

The city of New-Orleans is a place of immense business. In the course of fifty years it will probably be, in a mercantile point of view, second to none in the world. At this place inland and maritime commerce combine their energies. An immense tract of the most productive country in the world, is continually sending its produce, through a thousand channels, to this great mart. Already five or six hundred vessels, some of which are very large, may occasionally be seen lying at the Levee; and upon this embankment are vast piles of produce of every description. Foreign vessels frequently arrive here with from 500,000 to 1,000,000 dollars in specie, for the purpose of purchasing cargoes of sugar, cotton, and tobacco. Perhaps in no place is specie more plenty, or more free in its circulation than at New-Orleans. The banks here sometimes refuse to receive it as a deposit. From the future imports into this city, and the shipping employed here, the General Government will derive an immense revenue. The country above is more and {233} more supplied with foreign goods from New-Orleans, by steam boats and other vessels, instead of receiving them, as formerly, from Baltimore and Philadelphia, by the way of Pittsburg; and from Richmond by the rivers Cumberland and Tennessee.

Vast quantities of provisions of every kind, proceed from the Ohio, the Mississippi, and their tributaries, for the consumption of the people of New-Orleans, for ship stores, and for foreign markets. The immense value and rapid rise of real estate in this place, proves the flourishing condition of its trade. A small lot of land there is almost a fortune; and a large building lets for 3000 dollars per year,—an interest upon 50,000. Within twelve months, real estate there has risen from fifty to seventy-five per cent.

New-Orleans is, no doubt, an unhealthy place; but I believe it is much less so than is generally supposed. Much might be done to improve it in this respect. When the municipal concerns of this city shall be directed by Americans, which will probably be very soon, the place will become less unhealthy and less dissipated than it is. In this case, people who now go thither merely for the purposes of trade, will permanently reside there, and will, of course, be more interested in the destinies of the place. The police of the city is, at present, quite inefficient. Murders here are frequent, and sometimes not enquired into; and the streets are suffered to be very dirty. It may be observed too, that but little respect is paid to the dead at New-Orleans. The burying-ground lies in the heart of the city, is in an exposed situation, and the surface of it is covered with human bones. People here generally go armed, particularly the Spaniards, French, and Portuguese. Owing to the unhealthiness of this place, its principal characters spend the summer months at {234} the Eastward, and in some cases at the Bay of St. Louis, situated about fifty miles from the city.[199] This is said to be a healthy situation. The American population at New-Orleans are hospitable.

The orange groves, and the Levee, at and near this place, and which travellers have glowingly described, by no means equal their representations. Of the latter I have already spoken, and as to the former they are small and unflourishing.

The market, at New-Orleans, is very long and spacious. Near this place are a great many poultry-boats, which are employed in bringing poultry from the plantations in the vicinity. The beef in the market is very inferior. Owing to the climate, or bad management, the cattle, although large and elegant, are poor. All the wealth of New-Orleans could not purchase there a piece of any kind of flesh equal to what is every day seen in the New-England markets. Vegetables are plenty at New-Orleans, but provisions of every kind are here very high. Turkies are from four to six dollars apiece, fowls one dollar each, beef about twenty cents, and butter seventy-five cents per pound. The best boarding here is eighty dollars per month. Some of the hotels are superb establishments. Money is here easily obtained and expended; its circulation is free. Wages are here very high, and labourers in great demand. Indolence characterizes a portion of the people. There are two theatres and a circus at New-Orleans. The principal season for amusement is the winter. In the summer, a very considerable proportion of the population leave the city, and during this period but little business, comparatively, is done.

I have mentioned the Nunnery at New-Orleans.[200] In entering some of the apartments of this interesting seclusion, I was much less disposed to censure than to venerate the motives of its inmates. Man {235} is a religious being: and he often realizes that this world is not his home. This is particularly the case in seasons of affliction. Here the human mind, sensible of its unworthiness, and of its dependence upon God, seeks the favour of that Being, who only can forgive and render happy. When the affections of man are weaned from the world, he sighs for the purity and peace of heaven. Human society no longer interests him. He wishes well to mankind; but prefers to their society, the seclusions of meditation. Sometimes this is the immediate effect of the spirit of regeneration; and sometimes it proceeds from the loss of some earthly friend, upon whom the heart continually dwelt; and in whom it might be said to move and have its being:—some friend, the remembrance of whose lovely life,—whose almost superhuman aspect, manner, and converse, alienates the affections from earth, and points them, with a pure and tranquil spirit, to an anticipated reunion in a better world.

Under such circumstances have females, of the most enlightened minds, and purest hearts, received the veil.

There is, probably, in New-Orleans and its vicinity, a population of about 40,000. About a third part of these may be presumed to be slaves. The French here are more numerous than any other distinct class. Among them are many persons, who have lately emigrated from France. Some of these persons are gentlemen of great talents and noble principles. It seems unnatural that they should have left their native country in the hour of her adversity; but, no doubt, their object is to preserve their lives, in this land of liberty, for the service of France when she shall again be true to herself. Colonel L. who was at the fatal battle of Waterloo, is a real Frenchman. He considers Buonaparte a {236} great and good man; but says, that in several instances he acted imprudently. The Colonel almost hates his country for abandoning that great General, who had so long defended France, and who had acquired for her unparalleled fame. France was, indeed, great; and Frenchmen have had much cause for pride. All Europe combined for her subjugation. The coalition of a world was necessary to subdue a single nation, acting under the auspices of the mighty genius of her Emperor. This man, even in his humiliation, is the terror of all Europe; and this terror arises from their sense of his superiority. All Europe are now engaged in legislating upon this wonderful character; whole fleets are employed in guarding him; and vast armies are stationed on the confines of France, to prevent the rise of that spirit which he had created in her bosom. Shame to England! shame to her Continental allies! Why do not these Powers who boast of their strength and their magnanimity, leave this King of men to choose his own residence? He overthrew Monarchs, but he did not trample upon them,—he generously restored them their crowns and their liberty. If England,—if the powers of the continent wish to destroy Buonaparte, why do they not issue, at once, an order for his execution? Why do they disgrace themselves, by the infliction of contemptible privations? Well may this great man say, when deprived of that liberty which is essential to health, “if these proceedings should be fatal to me, I bequeath my death to the reigning house of England.”

I am not sensible of any undue partiality for France. I wish, in this world of error, to be a candid spectator of passing events, and, in my humble sphere, to approve of what is great, and to censure what is mean. Many persons cannot bear the name of France, on account of the horrors of her Revolution; {237} but they should reflect, that these excesses were the natural consequence of oppression. The Monarchy of France was corrupt and tyrannical. Her religion was foul, and deceptive. When the light of liberty shone upon the recesses of her pollutions, the people were shocked; and in a paroxism of astonishment, and indignation, declared that the Christian Religion itself was a mere name. Did not England go as far as this? Previous to the Restoration, her Parliament declared the Decalogue to be without authority.

Opposite the City of New-Orleans the river is more than a mile wide. The channel is very deep, and the current rapid. Boats, destined for the city, are sometimes swept down the stream for several miles, before they can make a landing. The inhabitants of the place procure all their water from the Mississippi; but it is generally filtered before using. The boatmen, however, drink it as it is; and some suppose it, in this state, conducive to health. It must not, however, be taken from the eddies.

The numerous stories, which have so often been circulated, and believed, respecting the cruel modes of fighting, prevalent among the boatmen of the west, are, generally speaking, untrue. During the whole of my tour, I did not witness one engagement, or see a single person, who bore those marks of violence which proceed from the inhuman mode of fighting, said to exist in the west, particularly in Kentucky and Tennessee. The society of this part of the world is becoming less savage, and more refined.