Chapter VI: As to the after-history of Zululand, it may be briefly

summarized as follows. The Boers were allowed to add a large slice
of the country (“Vryheid” or the New Republic) to their reorganized
State. C̓echwayo was reinstated as king, but soon died. The country
was then divided into various native principalities; but Dinizulu,
C̓echwayo’s son, fomented an insurrection and was exiled to St
Helena. The country was then governed more or less as a British
protectorate by Sir Marshall Clarke and in connection with the
colony of Natal, the Governor of which was also made Governor of
Zululand. In 1897 Zululand was incorporated with the colony of
Natal. In 1887 British protection was extended over Amatongaland up
to the Portuguese boundary, and in 1895 this strip of coast
territory was taken under more direct administration. In 1902 the
Vryheid territory of northern Zululand was withdrawn from the
Transvaal and united once more with Zululand.

As was related in Chapter VI, the Dutch South African Republic, soon
after recovering its independence, sought to invade and absorb
Bechuanaland; but the expedition under Sir Charles Warren (1884-5)
put an end to their hopes in that direction, and a clear path was
made for the British northwards to the Zambezi. In the early
seventies, explorations of men like Thomas Baines and Karl Mauch (a
German explorer) had revealed the existence of gold in the countries
between the Limpopo and the Zambezi, countries which had come under
the sway of a Zulu king, Lobengula, son of Umsilikazi[158]. Mr Cecil
John Rhodes, an Englishman who had brought about the consolidation
of the mines of Kimberley and had acquired great wealth and a
position of political importance at the Cape, had interested himself
firstly in the settlement of the Bechuana question with the Boers;
and when Bechuanaland had been declared a British protectorate, his
thoughts turned to the possibility of gold beyond; for the gold
discoveries in the Transvaal were beginning to make a golden South
Africa dawn on men’s imaginations. He despatched envoys to
Lobengula, and secured from him the right to mine. Other individuals
or syndicates had secured mining rights in that direction, but Mr
Rhodes with patience and fair dealing bought up or absorbed these
rights, and in 1888 began to think of obtaining a charter from the
Imperial Government which would enable the Company he intended
forming to govern South-Central Africa. At one time he seems to have
thought that the De Beers diamond mining company should receive this
charter and perform these functions; for, when he had framed the
articles of association of the De Beers shareholders, he had
inserted clauses enabling the Company to take up such an enterprise.
But there were many reasons why this would not have worked well; and
it was resolved to constitute an independent company to work
Lobengula’s concession first, and to create another South African
state afterwards. Already in 1888 the High Commissioner, Sir
Hercules Robinson, had somewhat reluctantly extended a vague form of
protection over Lobengula’s country; and it had been made clear to
Germany that Great Britain would not submit to be cut off from the
Zambezi. In the early summer of 1889 a charter was granted to the
British South Africa Company, of which Mr Rhodes became and remained
the practical administrator. Mr Rhodes’ ambitions then crossed the
Zambezi, and he co-operated with Sir Harry Johnston in establishing
British influence up to Tanganyika. For several years his Company
afforded a subsidy to the administration of the British Central
Africa Protectorate as well as to the territories under the
Chartered Company’s own control. The African Lakes Trading
Company[159] was given financial support, and enabled to extend its
operations to Tanganyika.

In 1891 Mr Rhodes commenced the organization of the East coast route
from Mashonaland to the sea, and he and his friends practically
subscribed the capital for the Beira Railway. Fort Salisbury and
other settlements in Mashonaland and on the east of Matebeleland
were founded between 1891 and 1893. In the last-named year the
Matebele made an entirely unprovoked attack on the Company’s forces,
but a counter-invasion, most ably directed by Dr (afterwards Sir
Starr) Jameson, achieved a complete victory over the Matebele. King
Lobengula fled, and died soon after he had crossed the Zambezi. His
capital, Buluwayo, became the administrative capital of the
Company’s possessions, to which the inclusive name of Rhodesia
(Northern and Southern) was subsequently given. The development of
Rhodesia proceeded apace. Mr Rhodes had since 1890 been Premier of
Cape Colony; he was high in favour with the Dutch Party in South
Africa; and he was fast becoming the actual, if not nominal Dictator
of Africa, south of the Zambezi, when he made the fatal mistake of
organizing a raid into the Transvaal (see page 287).

In the general disturbance which followed, the government of
Southern Rhodesia became disorganized by a revolt of the Matebele in
the spring of 1896. They were soon joined by their former slaves,
the Mashona. The revolt was suppressed partly by hard fighting, and
partly by direct negotiation between Mr Rhodes and the Matebele
chiefs, Rhodes and a few companions going unarmed to meet the
_induna_ in the Matopo hills. But the Mashona continued fighting
until 1897. Rhodes did much to atone for his one mistake by the
enormous pecuniary sacrifices he made in pushing on the railways
from Southern Rhodesia to Beira and the Zambezi, and in constructing
the telegraph line from Mafeking to Tanganyika. There were signs
that he was recovering to a considerable extent his influence in
Cape Colony, and that he might yet play a great part in South
Africa; but the terrible events of the great South African War of
1899-1902 interrupted the great work of development on which he had
set his heart and ultimately caused his death.

In British South Africa momentous events took place after the summer
of 1899. The trouble engendered between the British and Boers in
South Africa by the policy of Paul Kruger and the Jameson Raid
culminated in the great South African War of 1899-1902. As these
episodes recede into history it has become clear to most seekers
after truth that the Jameson Raid was brought about by the following
trend of circumstances. Ever since 1884 there had been a revulsion
of feeling on the part of even Liberal and liberal-minded
politicians in Great Britain against the Boers of South Africa. Mr
Gladstone’s restoration of their independence after the brief
struggle of 1881 was esteemed a generous act. It gave the Boers of
the Transvaal an opportunity to show what they could do in wise
self-government under but the slightest control of their foreign
relations by Great Britain. Three years afterwards the Boers of the
Transvaal, in spite of treaty and other obligations, were invading
Bechuanaland and attempting to cut off the British colonies to the
south from any advance towards the Zambezi. It then began to be
realized by the British public that the Boers, besides fighting very
legitimately for their own independence in the Transvaal territory
as well as in the Orange Free State, were aiming at something much
greater—a domination over the whole of Africa south of the Zambezi.
Both Liberal and Conservative administrations set themselves to
resist this movement. At the close of the eighties Cecil Rhodes
arose as an advocate for union between Boer and Briton in the common
interests of the white man in South Africa. For a time he secured
the suffrages of both; but the gold-mining industry became more and
more powerful in the Transvaal and found the rule of a Boer
Government irksome and obstructive. The mining industry set itself
to influence public opinion in Britain and to organize in South
Africa a movement against Boer independence. President Kruger played
into the hands of the mining magnates by occasional breaches of his
agreements with Britain. Among these was the famous “Drifts”
question, by which Kruger in the summer of 1895 attempted to close
access to the Transvaal from the rest of South Africa by any other
routes than those of the Netherlands Railway, which was a privileged
corporation. Mr Joseph Chamberlain, who had become Secretary of
State for the Colonies in 1895, took up this question with vigour
and found himself fully supported by the Dutch colonists in Cape
Colony and Natal. It seemed as though there was to be war with the
Transvaal, in which case, on this question of the Drifts, Great
Britain would have been thoroughly supported by her Dutch-speaking
subjects in South Africa. As part of the plan of campaign conceived
in the case of war, was a movement from the British South Africa
Company’s territory through Bechuanaland into the western and
northern parts of the Transvaal; this in fact was the germ of the
Jameson Raid.

Kruger gave way on the subject of the Drifts when he saw how united
was the rest of South Africa against him; and it seemed to persons
in authority in Great Britain as well as in South Africa that the
great opportunity for solving the Boer question in South Africa had
gone by. Insufficient measures were taken, or no measures at all
were taken, to restrain the preparations of Dr Jameson (the
Administrator of Rhodesia) for a descent on the Transvaal.
Consequently the Jameson Raid took place—a most unfortunate
occurrence, since it put Great Britain entirely in the wrong on a
question where otherwise she could plead legitimate griefs and
annoyances.

Sir Alfred (afterwards Viscount) Milner had been appointed in 1897
to succeed Lord Rosmead (Sir Hercules Robinson) as Governor of Cape
Colony and High Commissioner of South Africa. Attempts were made
between 1897 and the spring of 1899 to solve the South African
problem peacefully by inducing the Boer Government of the South
African Republic to grant the franchise to the “Outlanders”
(foreigners) after a term of residence of a few years’ duration; but
Kruger would accept no sufficiently short term to enfranchise those
most agitating for a voice in the Transvaal administration. But the
war that broke out in October 1899 was due immediately to an
ultimatum from the Transvaal Government requiring Great Britain to
cease any preparations for offence or defence on the Transvaal
frontiers. The Orange Free State immediately made common cause with
the Boers of the South African Republic, and a Boer invasion of
Natal took place, to be followed by similar invasions of the eastern
part of Cape Colony. The British were taken unprepared. Disaster
followed disaster. Had the Boer leaders been wider in their
knowledge and more daring, they might have taken possession of Natal
and have gone far to wreck the British Empire in South Africa. But
they delayed over the siege of Ladysmith, ably defended by Sir
George White. British reinforcements on a large scale were sent to
South Africa under the leadership of Lord (afterwards Earl) Roberts
and Lord Kitchener. The British marched through the Orange Free
State to Bloemfontein and Pretoria, and the Boers were finally
expelled from Natal and Bechuanaland. It seemed as though, by the
summer of 1900, the war was at an end; but after the flight of
President Kruger, Boer activities revived in such a marvellous way
that the world wondered at the tenacity of the struggle, and for
nearly two years longer the Boer forces held out against the
British, and made an effective occupation of the Orange Free State
and the Transvaal impossible. The Boers in their turn, however, were
worn out by the persistency of Viscount Kitchener and his ‘sweeping’
movements. In the summer of 1902 the Boer leaders asked for peace,
and obtained it on terms highly honourable to themselves.

Cecil John Rhodes, the promoter of so much that was adventurous and
history-making in British South Africa, died in March, 1902, the
immediate cause of his death being, not political heart-break
(though that was the cause of his weakened constitution), but
vexation resulting from a law-suit affecting his private affairs. Dr
Jameson, however, recovered from the check to his career which
followed his unsuccessful raid. He set himself in a spirit of
moderation and tolerance to grapple with the local questions and
general interests of Cape Colony, of which country he became Premier
in 1904, remaining for four years afterwards at the head of the Cape
Ministry. In 1908-9 he was one of the representatives who discussed
and settled the conditions of the South African Union. In 1911 he
was knighted as Sir Starr Jameson, and in 1912 he retired from South
African politics. President Kruger died in Holland in July 1904. In
the same year his political opponent, Lord Milner—whose seven years’
work in South Africa, though it inspired many fierce contentions,
yet cut through several Gordian knots—retired from the control of
South African affairs to enter political life at home.

But the prosperity of South Africa did not at once revive with the
conclusion of peace in 1902. It was found that the devastations of
the three years’ war had reduced much of the Orange Free State, the
eastern parts of Cape Colony, and above all, of the Transvaal to a
desert, and time was required to repair the ravages to crops and
agriculture and bring about the re-establishment of homes. So many
of the inhabitants—Boers and Britons alike—had drifted towards the
towns and there found it hard to maintain themselves under the
extravagant cost of living; which seems to be at present an
irremediable evil in South Africa, due to unwise fiscal laws,
shipping combines, and railway rates. It was hoped that prosperity
would return so soon as mining operations on the Rand could be
resumed. But the local supply of unskilled labour proved to be
insufficient for the enormous development of mining enterprise
projected by individuals and companies. The labour problem is not
yet completely solved. Some propose to meet it by drafts on the
abundant negro population north of the Zambezi, these labourers
being conveyed to and from South Africa under proper guarantees.
Others urge the throwing open of the land and the mines to white
labour, so as to increase the European population of temperate South
Africa. Many reasons have been put forward to combat the
practicability of each scheme, either the increase of the black
labour supply or the introduction of the white man in considerable
numbers. Those in power in the period 1904-6 preferred to redress
the balance by the importation under special restrictions of the
Chinaman. This step was adversely criticized by the Liberal party in
Great Britain, not because that party was inclined to deny that a
share of African development might be allowed to the Asiatic, but on
the ground that the conditions under which the indentured Chinamen
were to serve in the South African mines were not only opposed to
British ideas of freedom but were detrimental to health and
morality. Their anticipations of the bad results which might accrue
from the employment of Chinese labourers in compounds were
fulfilled; and in 1906-8 the Chinese were gradually repatriated from
the Rand (as the mining area of the Southern Transvaal is called).
The great question of the participation of the Asiatic in the
development of South Africa and East Africa depends on the
determination of the white man and the black man to be
self-sufficing for the development respectively of the tropical and
temperate districts of that continent. The black man must be less
lazy and the white man likewise, as well as less proud, if both
together are to be justified in denying to the yellow man a share of
the Dark Continent, either as a settler or a merchant. It is
interesting, however, to note that the white population of Cape
Colony showed a considerable increase between 1891 and 1904. In 1891
the population of European descent numbered 366,608. In 1904 it was
stated at 579,741. In the Transvaal the white population rose to
300,225; in Natal to 97,109; in the Orange Free State to 143,419; in
Rhodesia to 12,623; and in Basuto- and Bechuanaland to 1899. In
British South Africa the coloured (mainly negro) population was
nearly 5,500,000. In 1912, the total white population in British
Africa, south of the Zambezi, was about 1,306,400, and the negro and
negroid about 5,800,000. There were also about 192,000 Asiatics,
chiefly in Natal; and these Asiatics consisted mainly of natives of
Southern India (some 172,000), together with 15,000 Malays in Cape
Colony, a few Chinese, Japanese, Arabs, and Syrians. North of the
Zambezi, in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, there are about 2200
whites, 1000 Asiatics and nearly 2,000,000 negroes: a total
population of about 9,300,000. The area of all British South and
South Central Africa (including Walfish Bay and the islets off the
south-west coast) is 1,148,619 square miles, extending from the
frontiers of Angola and the Belgian Congo, Tanganyika and German
East Africa to the coasts of Cape Colony and Natal—an Empire which
is barely 100 years old, and which began in 1814[160] with an area
of 125,000 square miles, with a population of about 150,000, of whom
some 26,000 were whites and the remainder Negroes, Hottentots,
half-breeds, and Malays.

On May 31, 1902, the Peace of Vereeniging had brought the
fratricidal South African war to a conclusion. Only four years
afterwards the Liberal administration in Great Britain tried the
bold experiment of granting responsible government to the Transvaal
State by passing an act to that effect which came into force on
January 1st, 1907. In the following year similar powers of
self-government were bestowed on the Orange Free State (as it was
eventually re-named). These concessions to the sturdy nationalism of
the Boers were intended to pave the way for that long desired Union
of South Africa. Negotiations were conducted between the statesmen
of Cape Colony, Natal, the Orange Free State, and the Transvaal,
which resulted in 1909 in an agreement and an Act of Union. This Act
was ratified by the British Parliament and received the sanction of
King Edward VII (who ever since his coming to the throne had striven
earnestly to bring about peace in South Africa) on September 21,
1909. The Union of South Africa includes under one, central, South
African Parliament at Pretoria, and one Governor-General, the states
of Cape Colony (with British Bechuanaland and Walfish Bay), Natal,
the Orange Free State, and the Transvaal. The native states of
Basutoland, Swaziland, and Bechuanaland, and the territories of
Southern and Northern Rhodesia and the Nyasaland Protectorate remain
outside the Union for a variety of reasons most of which may not
have a permanent value. But one of these reasons is the distrust
which is felt in Great Britain as to the ability and fair-mindedness
of the white population to act as the governors of the states above
mentioned in which the negro population very greatly preponderates
over the white, or which, as in Basutoland, Bechuanaland and
Swaziland, have been more or less reserved for negro colonization
and expansion. Cape Colony, it is true, has a negro population of
nearly 1,700,000, contented and admirably governed for the most
part, possessing a large proportion of the good land, and holding
the franchise to the Cape Legislature on the same terms as white
men. But the liberal-minded Cape Colony, in which one scarcely ever
hears of native troubles or “Black perils,” is only one of the
states composing the Union; and the others, notably the Transvaal,
have shown themselves—the Transvaal still keeps up this evil
reputation—unfair and harsh in their treatment of the black man.
When the provisions of the Act of Union were laid before the British
Parliament they were found to exclude any man of colour from the
franchise[161]. British ministers expressed regret at this
illiberality, but passed the measure to end strife in other
directions. Nevertheless the “Native question” will long continue to
bar the way to a Greater South Africa, a vast confederation which
shall extend from the Belgian Congo to the Southern Ocean. It is a
question that is very complex, and one from which sentimentality,
rash legislation, arbitrary pronouncements, and race prejudice must
be carefully excluded. Had it been dealt with by far-sighted men
like Sir George Grey in earlier times when the foundations of
British South Africa were being laid, many causes of future trouble
might have been eliminated. For instance some other solution of the
Basuto claims might have been found than the handing over (fifty
years ago) to the Basuto negroes 11,000 square miles of the finest
mountain country of South Africa, a region intended by nature to
have been the Empire state of that region. Basutoland is a beautiful
mountain country, well watered, with fertile valleys and
snow-crowned peaks. Owing to its cold climate it was rather shunned
by the South African negroes until the ancestors of the Basuto were
driven thither in the early 19th century to take refuge from the
raiding Zulus. Had we offered the original ten to twenty thousand
Basutos good locations on fertile land at lower levels when we first
intervened to save them from Boer attacks (the Boers having
intervened earlier still to save them from the Zulu hordes) they
would have accepted. Now they are a well-armed people of nearly half
a-million, no longer grateful to the white man, but the possible
nucleus of a Black confederation. Their influence can only be stayed
by the fair treatment of the Black man outside Basutoland, by the
policy of Cape Town and not that of Johannesburg. The contentment of
and the hold which education is getting over the million and a half
of Kafirs in Cape Colony are valuable counter-agents to Basuto
presumption and ambition, and a proof that our oldest colony in
South Africa possesses statecraft.

After dealing with such striking events, such potent personages and
vast territories, it is rather an anti-climax to have to treat of
the little island of Mauritius, which is not as large as the county
of Surrey, and which, except under its first Governor, Sir Robert
Farquhar (who tried from this vantage ground to annex Madagascar),
has had no stirring connection with events of great importance.
Mauritius was taken by the British from the French in 1810. The
French had known it by the name of Île de France, but the British
revived the older Dutch name of Mauritius. The French had introduced
the sugar cane and other valuable plants; and these plantations were
half-heartedly cultivated by means of slave labour until the slave
trade was abolished. Then, in the fifties, Indian kuli labour was
introduced with great success; and now the inhabitants of Indian
descent in the colony number nearly 40,000, while Indian half-breeds
are also numerous. The total population in 1912 was about 370,500.
The negro, negroid and Malagasy element was important—over 50,000.
Deducting the Asiatics (20,000, mainly Indian, a few Chinese and
Arabs) there remain about 120,000 white and 160,000 half-castes and
Eurasians. The European population is almost entirely of French
descent; and the marked French sympathies of the white inhabitants
have sometimes caused a dissonance between the Governor and the
governed, though ample concessions have been made to the Mauritians
by the equal recognition afforded to French laws and the French
language. Nevertheless, in spite of these political questions, and
the occasional hurricanes which visit the island with disaster, it
is a prosperous colony in ordinary years (doing a trade with an
annual value of about £5,000,000), and only has to appeal to the
Treasury of Great Britain for assistance on such rare occasions as
when unusually great damage has been done by cyclones.

Numerous small islands in the Indian Ocean are dependent on the
Government of Mauritius. All had much the same history—discovered by
Portugal, they were eventually utilized by France, and finally
captured and annexed by England. The most important among these
Mauritian dependencies are the Island of Rodriguez, and the Oil
Islands Group (Diego Garcia). The Seychelles were formerly
associated with Mauritius, but since 1897 have been an independent
colony under a full Governor. They consist of 90 small islands in
the Seychelles group, the Almirante, Aldabra, Cosmoledo, and other
tiny archipelagoes; the total land area being only 160 square miles,
with a population white and coloured of 26,000. The Seychelles were
taken possession of by the French in 1743. Prior to that date they
were uninhabited, though there are on them the traces of ancient
habitation which may represent the halting places of Malagasy
sea-wanderers on their way from Sumatra to Madagascar. Their name of
Seychelles is a misspelling of “de Séchelles,” the surname of a
French minister of finance in 1756. The British fleet captured the
principal island (Mahé) in 1794, but allowed the French Governor to
continue to rule the islands until 1810, when they were taken
possession of definitely; partly for the reason that the French in
Mauritius and Réunion had abused the tolerance shown to them, by
directing constant privateering attacks on British shipping. It was
in Mauritius that one of the noblest heroes of British colonial
pioneering—Matthew Flinders, of the Royal Navy—was imprisoned for
six years, eating his heart out, losing all the advantages he might
have gained from his truly wonderful circumnavigating survey of the
Australian coasts[162]. To remove from the French all possible base
of operations in the Indian Ocean, Bourbon (Réunion), an island
slightly larger than Mauritius, and the most southern member of the
Mascarene group, was also occupied by the British, who on this
occupation and that of Mauritius, of Tamatave and other points on
the coast of Madagascar, founded claims to a protectorate over the
large island of Madagascar, as will be related in greater detail in
a later chapter. Bourbon, however, was restored to the French in
1816 and renamed at a later date Réunion.

-----

Footnote 141:

As against an area for all British South Africa up to the Congo
boundary of 1,152,619 square miles in 1912; all of which has grown
from the Cape Colony of 125,000 square miles annexed in 1806.

Footnote 142:

X̓osa is pronounced with a preliminary click of the tongue like a
cluck to encourage horses.

Footnote 143:

The Negro and Malay slaves then numbered in all about 39,000.

Footnote 144:

He was at that time Sir Charles Grant, and a member of the great
Reform ministry. His action in the matter was prompted by a
mischievous personality, a Dr Philip, representative of a
missionary society in South Africa, who conceived a great and
unjust hatred of the Boers, and an affection for the negro
invaders of Cape Colony, which was exaggerated and unreasonable.
Much may be learnt of his attitude towards public questions in my
_Life of Livingstone_ (1891).

Footnote 145:

“Grikwa” was the cant name (Gri-kwa) given to the half-castes
between Boers and Hottentots.

Footnote 146:

The Fingo—properly Amamfengu—Kafirs, were mostly fugitives into
Cape Colony from Natal, sent flying westward from the Zulu
slaughter-raids of Chaka and others.

Footnote 147:

Discovered by the Portuguese in 1502, its existence was kept
secret by them until 1588, when Captain Cavendish returning from a
cruise round the world suddenly lighted on it. The Dutch twice
seized it and held it each time for a few months in 1665 and 1673.
In this last year it was definitely allotted to the East India
Company.

Footnote 148:

The largest of a little group of islets in the South Atlantic,
about 1260 miles west of the Cape of Good Hope. Tristan D’Acunha
has an area of about 45 square miles, and is extremely
mountainous, rising to 8264 feet.

Footnote 149:

Or “Land of the Abambo,” the name of one of the original Bantu
tribes of the country. The root _-mbo_ is very common as a tribal
name among the Bantu, and occurs repeatedly in Central Africa.

Footnote 150:

To which were added in later years tea (a great success) and
coffee—the latter subsequently destroyed by the Ceylon coffee
disease.

Footnote 151:

Nov, 1912, nearly 1,000,000.

Footnote 152:

Twelve years later the northern railway line had traversed British
Bechuanaland and had reached Buluwayo. It attained the Zambezi in
1903, and now enters the Belgian Congo in Katanga.

Footnote 153:

The Jews, as we have seen, played a considerable part in the
development of North Africa since the 1st century of the Christian
era. They have similarly had much to do with the progress of South
Africa. Between 1840 and 1860 important Jewish houses of business
were established in Cape Town and Port Elizabeth. Noteworthy
amongst these firms was that of the De Pass brothers. The De Pass
family specially concerned itself with the acquisition and
development of the guano islets off what is now the coast of
German South-West Africa. They developed the copper mining
industry of Port Nolloth, were the first to manufacture ice in
South Africa, and started the sugar planting in Natal. The firm of
Mosenthal, of the Eastern province of Cape Colony, did much to
promote agriculture and stock-rearing, the introduction of the
Angora Mohair goat, ostrich farming, sheep and cattle breeding.
Other South African Jews who have taken a prominent part in
science, in the legal profession, in political, philanthropic,
industrial, and mining affairs have been the Hon. Simeon Jacobs (a
Judge of the Supreme Court), the Mendelssohns, Rapaports,
Rabinowitzes, Solomons, Lilienfelds, Kisches, Neumanns, Moselys;
Alfred Beit, Sir David Harris, Sir Lionel Phillips, and Sir George
Albu.

Footnote 154:

To which was added later, over all Portuguese Africa south of the
Zambezi.

Footnote 155:

Damara is the Hottentot name applied to these black Bantu negroes,
who call themselves Ova-herero, Ova-mbo, etc.

Footnote 156:

Dingiswayo (the “Wanderer”), a Zulu of the Abatetwa clan, may
perhaps be regarded as the founder of Zulu power. All this portion
of South African history is described in some detail in my
_History and Description of the British Empire in Africa_.

Footnote 157:

Driven out of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal by the
action of Boers, British, and Basuto, a section of the Zulus
conquered much of Portuguese South-East Africa, with nearly all
modern Rhodesia, and carried their raids past Nyasa and Tanganyika
to the vicinity of the Victoria Nyanza.

Footnote 158:

A rebellious general of Chaka’s, often known by his Sesuto name,
“Moselekatse.”

Footnote 159:

The African Lakes Trading Corporation (as it is now called) was
founded mainly by the energies of the brothers John and Frederick
Moir (sons of an Edinburgh doctor) about 1878, as an adjunct to
the missionary enterprise in the Shire Highlands. In course of
time they established trading stations on Lake Nyasa, and cut a
track or rough road over mountains and forest from the north-west
corner of Lake Nyasa to the south end of Tanganyika, conveying
over this “Stevenson Road” (so called because a Mr James
Stevenson, a director of the Company, provided the cost of this
undertaking) a little steamer in sections for the London
Missionary Society. This steamer, the _Good News_, was the first
to navigate the waters of Tanganyika. The African Lakes Company,
being established at the north end of Lake Nyasa, inevitably came
into contact with the slave-trading Arabs who had settled there
about ten years before. In 1887 the agents of the Company
intervened to protect natives from being raided by the Arabs. The
Arabs retorted by attacking the white men. Volunteers hastened to
their relief from several quarters. Amongst these were two men
afterwards to become famous as African governors—Sir Frederick
Lugard and Sir Alfred Sharpe. But the Arab question was not
definitely settled until the Protectorate had been established for
four years (1895). The African Lakes Corporation certainly did the
pioneer work of British trade in South Central Africa.

Footnote 160:

The cession of Cape Colony from Holland to Britain took place on
August 13, 1814.

Footnote 161:

The franchise is limited to men of European race and descent only;
while women are not granted the parliamentary vote, as is the case
in Australia; New Zealand; California, Colorado, Wyoming, and
three other states of the American Union; the Isle of Man;
Finland; and Norway. In these points, the framers of the Act of
Union have shown the unprogressive spirit characteristic of the S.
African Dutch.

Footnote 162:

He reached England in 1811 but was treated there with a neglect
and ingratitude by the British Government which will long remain a
scandal in our Imperial History, and for which as yet no public
reparation has been made. His only descendant is Prof.
Flinders-Petrie, the Egyptologist.