Chapter XXIII: Book THE FIFTH (2)

But we have reason to believe that God had otherwise ordained it, as a punishment for his late disloyalty to the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, of which you have heard elsewhere in these Memoirs; how he seized upon his person, contrary to his solemn promise and engagement, delivered him to the king to be put to death, and sent all his letters and contracts to serve as an evidence against him at his trial. And though the duke had just reason to bear a mortal hatred against the constable, and to pursue him even to death, yet he should have done it without breaking his faith; nor can all the reasons that could be alleged in this case extenuate the crime, or cover the dishonour that will always be a stain and blot on the duke’s character; for notwithstanding the safe-conduct and protection that he granted the constable, he yet seized upon him afterwards, and sold him for covetousness, not only to obtain the town of St. Quentin and other fortresses, inheritances and moveables belonging to the constable, but also in the hope of taking Nancy the first time he besieged it; for after many excuses and dissimulations he delivered up the constable, for fear that the king’s army in Champagne might interrupt his enterprise; his majesty having threatened to do so by his ambassadors, unless he should perform his articles, by which the first that took the constable was obliged to deliver him up within eight days, or to see him executed himself. But the duke had deferred his surrender for several days longer than was agreed upon between them; and the fear of being called to account for this, and of being interrupted in the siege of Nancy, prevailed with him to deliver up the constable, as you have heard.

And it is worthy of our observation, that as, in his first siege of Nancy, he was guilty of that dishonourable action towards the constable; and in his second, he ordered Cifron to be hanged (for he would not hear him, like a person whose understanding was infatuated, and his ears stopped to his own ruin)—so, in the same place he was deceived and betrayed himself by the very person in whom he reposed most confidence (and not altogether unjustly, if we reflect upon what has been said before), both in regard to the constable and Nancy. But the determination of such events depends only upon God; and I have given my opinion only to illustrate my proposition, that a good prince ought never to consent to such a base and ignominious action, whatsoever plausible reasons may be urged in vindication of it; for it often happens that those who give their advice in such an affair do it either out of flattery, or fear of contradicting their prince, though, when the thing is done, they are heartily sorry for it, knowing how liable they are to be punished in this world and the next; however, such counsellors as these are better far off, than near any prince.

Thus you have seen how God, the sole Governor of human affairs, raised up the Count of Campobasso to be the instrument of His vengeance in the case of the constable, in the same place, and after the same manner, but with more circumstances of cruelty; for he betrayed the very person who had entertained him in his service when he was old, poor, and friendless, and had given him an annual sum of 10,000 ducats, with which to pay his soldiers, besides other posts of great advantage. And, when he first began his conspiracy he was on his journey into Italy with 40,000 ducats to raise his regiment; and yet, in that very journey, he made overtures in two several places, first, to a physician at Lyons, called Simon of Pavia, next, to another person in Savoy, as you have already heard; and at his return with his regiment, being quartered in certain small towns in the county of Marle in Lannois, he fell to his old practices, and offered to deliver up all the towns he held; or, if that were not sufficient, if the king would but face his master, and pretend to give him battle, when they were drawn up, and ready to engage, upon a signal to be agreed on between the king and him, he would come over to him and join his majesty’s army with the troops under his command; but the king was not pleased with this last overture by any means. He offered, likewise, the first time his master lay in the field, either to take him prisoner, or kill him, as he was reviewing his army; and indeed he might easily have done it; for the duke’s custom was, as soon as he was alighted from his horse, at the place where his army was to encamp, to pull off the rest of his armour, and with his cuirass only, to mount upon a little palfrey, and, attended only by eight or ten archers on foot, or two or three gentlemen of his bed-chamber, to ride about the army, and see that it was strongly enclosed; so that with a small party of ten horse, the count might have performed this execrable action without much difficulty. The king, observing the restless malice of this man against his master, and that he was conspiring against him even during the time of the truce between them, and being not well informed of the object of these overtures, resolved upon showing a singular piece of friendship and generosity to the Duke of Burgundy, and sent him in writing, by the Lord of Contay (whom I have so often mentioned in these Memoirs), the whole progress of the count’s conspiracy. I was present at the delivery of the letters, and I am sure the Lord of Contay acquitted himself faithfully to his master; but the duke would give no credit to his information, and said, that if there was any truth in it, the king would never have communicated it. This was long before the duke’s arrival before Nancy, and I verily believe he never took any notice of it to the count, for he continued his old practices afterwards.

CH. VII.—How the Duke of Lorraine with a powerful Army of Germans took the field, and encamped at St. Nicholas, whilst the Duke of Burgundy lay before Nancy; and how the King of Portugal, who was in France at that time, paid a visit to the Duke in his Camp before that Town.—1477.

But now to proceed with our principal subject. You must know that the Duke of Burgundy besieged Nancy in the depth of winter, with a small army which was ill provided and ill paid. Several of his officers had entered into a conspiracy against him, and there was a general mutiny among the common soldiers, who censured and despised all his enterprises; which, as I have observed at large before, is the common fate in times of adversity; but nobody practised against his person and dominions except the Count of Campobasso, for his subjects were all loyal to him. The Duke of Burgundy being in this miserable condition, the Duke of Lorraine treated with the old and new allies[551] (whom I have mentioned before) for a supply of troops to enable him to give the duke battle, and raise the siege of Nancy. They all readily consented, and every town furnished him with a body of troops, so that now his only want was money for their subsistence. The king by his ambassadors in Switzerland encouraged him extremely in this enterprise, and remitted him 400,000 francs to pay his Swiss: and the Lord of Craon, the king’s lieutenant in Champagne, was quartered in Barrois with a body of 700 or 800 lances and frank-archers, commanded by experienced officers. The Duke of Lorraine, by help of the king’s favour and money, assembled a good body of Swiss, both horse and foot; for, besides the troops that were in his own pay, they furnished him with some at their own expense. He had also many French volunteers, and the king’s army (as you have already heard) was quartered in Barrois, not with a design to commit any act of hostility, but only to wait the issue of a battle, which was every day expected; for the Duke of Lorraine had marched with his Germans to St. Nicholas[552], not far from Nancy.

The King of Portugal[553] had now been in France for nine months or thereabouts; for our king, being in an alliance with him against the King of Castile[554], the King of Portugal flattered himself that he would assist him with a powerful army to make war upon his adversary on the side of Biscay or Navarre, for he had several towns in Castile, upon the frontiers of Portugal, and some upon our borders, as the Castle of Burgos, and others; so that I am of opinion, if our king had assisted him, as he was sometimes inclined to do, the King of Portugal might have succeeded in his designs; but, by degrees, the king’s mind changed, and the King of Portugal was amused with fair words, and fed with hopes, for a year or more.

In the meantime the King of Portugal’s affairs in Castile began to decline: for, when he came into France, almost all the nobility of Castile were in his interest; but his long stay in France tired their patience, and they began to grow weary, and made their peace with Ferdinand and Isabella, who now reign. The King of France indeed had promised to assist him, but he excused himself afterwards upon account of the war in Lorraine, pretending that if the Duke of Burgundy prevailed, he feared that he would afterwards invade his dominions. The King of Portugal, who was a very good and just prince, took a fancy to pay a visit to the Duke of Burgundy, who was his cousin-german[555], and to try whether his good offices could effect a pacification between the king and the duke, supposing that when this obstacle was removed, the king would certainly assist him; for he was ashamed to return into Portugal or Castile without having been successful in his solicitations at our court, especially after coming thither in so imprudent a manner, and contrary to the opinion of the greatest part of his council.

With this design the King of Portugal began his journey towards the latter end of the winter, and being arrived at the Duke of Burgundy’s camp before Nancy[556], he began to discourse with him about what the king had told him in relation to a peace: but he found it would be no easy matter to accommodate things between them, their demands ran so high; and therefore he stayed but two days, before he took his leave of his cousin, and returned to Paris. The Duke of Burgundy pressed him to stay, and command the body of troops that were to defend the pass at Pont-à-Mousson, near Nancy, for he had received intelligence that the German army was posted at St. Nicholas. The King of Portugal excused himself, by saying that he was neither armed nor provided for such an enterprise; and upon this he returned to Paris, where he had resided so long already. At last the King of Portugal grew suspicious of the King of France, and fancied his majesty had a design to seize on him, and deliver him up to his enemy the King of Castile. Upon the strength of this imagination he put himself into a disguise, and with two more in his company, resolved to go to Rome, and enter some religious house: but he was taken in that disguise by a Norman called Robinet le Beuf[557]; at which our king was extremely concerned, and being ashamed of what had passed, ordered several ships to be equipped on the coast of Normandy, and gave the command of them to Master George le Grec[558], with orders to conduct him safe into Portugal, which he performed accordingly.

The occasion of his war against the King of Castile was in favour of his sister’s daughter[559], which sister was wife to Don Henry, late King of Castile[560], and had a beautiful daughter still living (but unmarried), in Portugal: but Queen Isabella[561], who was sister to the said King Henry, disputed the young lady’s right of succession to the crown of Castile, pretending she was illegitimate, and born in adultery. Many others were of the same opinion, objecting impotence in King Henry, and proving it by arguments, which for certain reasons I shall here omit. However this may be, and though the young lady was born in wedlock, and under the veil of marriage, yet the crown of Castile was enjoyed by Queen Isabella of Castile, and her husband the King of Arragon and Sicily, who now reigns. The King of Portugal was very ambitious of making a match between his niece and our King Charles VIII., who is now reigning; and indeed that was the great design of his journey into France, which turned so much to his disadvantage, for not long after his return into Portugal he died. Wherefore (as I have already observed in the beginning of these Memoirs), it highly concerns a prince to be very careful in the choice of persons qualified to be sent on embassies to foreign courts; for if those ambassadors that came to our king from the King of Portugal upon the above-mentioned proposal (at which I was present by deputation from our king), had been as wise as they ought, they would have informed themselves better of our affairs before they advised their master to undertake a journey which proved so disadvantageous and dishonourable to him.

CH. VIII.—How the Duke of Burgundy, by rejecting the Counsel of several of his Officers, was defeated and slain in a Battle between him and the Duke of Lorraine, not far from Nancy.—1477.

I could willingly have omitted this relation of the King of Portugal’s affairs, had it not been to show, that one prince ought not rashly to put himself into the power of another, nor go in person to solicit his own supplies. But to proceed with my history:—The King of Portugal had not left the Duke of Burgundy’s camp above a day, before the Duke of Lorraine and his army of Germans broke up from St. Nicholas, and advanced towards the Duke of Burgundy, with a resolution to give him battle. The Count of Campobasso joined them that very day, and carried off with him about eight score men-at-arms; and it grieved him much that he could do his master no greater mischief. The garrison of Nancy had intelligence of his design, which in some measure encouraged them to hold out; besides, another person[562] had got over the works, and assured them of relief, otherwise they were just upon surrendering, and would have capitulated in a little time, had it not been for the treachery of this count; but God had determined to finish this mystery.

The Duke of Burgundy, having intelligence of the approach of the Duke of Lorraine’s army, called a kind of council, contrary to his custom, for generally he followed his own will. It was the opinion of most of his officers that his best way would be to retire to Pont-à-Mousson, which was not far off, and dispose his army in the towns about Nancy; affirming, that as soon as the Germans had thrown a supply of men and provisions into Nancy, they would march off again; and the Duke of Lorraine being in great want of money, it would be a great while before he would be able to assemble such an army again; and that their supplies of provisions could not be so great but before half the winter was over, they would be in the same straits as they were now; and that in the meantime the duke might raise more forces, and recruit himself: for I have been told by those who ought to know best, that the Duke of Burgundy’s army did not then consist of full 4000 men[563], and of that number not above 1200 were in a condition to fight. Money he did not want; for in the Castle of Luxembourg (which was not far off), there were in ready cash 450,000 crowns, which would have raised men enough. But God was not so merciful to him as to permit him to take this wise counsel, or discern the vast multitude of enemies who on every side surrounded him. Therefore he chose the worst plan, and like a rash and inconsiderate madman, resolved to try his fortune, and engage the enemy with his weak and shattered army[564], notwithstanding the Duke of Lorraine had a numerous force of Germans, and the king’s army was not far off.

As soon as the Count of Campobasso arrived in the Duke of Lorraine’s army, the Germans sent him word to leave the camp immediately, for they would not entertain such traitors among them. Upon which message he retired with his party to Condé[565], a castle and pass[566] not far off, where he fortified himself with carts and other things as well as he could, in hopes, that if the Duke of Burgundy were routed, he might have an opportunity of coming in for a share of the plunder, as he did afterwards. Nor was this practice with the Duke of Lorraine the most execrable action that Campobasso was guilty of; but, before he left the army, he conspired with several other officers (finding it was impracticable to attempt anything against the Duke of Burgundy’s person) to leave him just as they came to the charge; for, at that time, he supposed it would put the army into the greatest terror and consternation; and if the duke fled, he was sure he could not escape alive, for he had ordered thirteen or fourteen sure men, some to run as soon as the Germans came up to charge them, and others to watch the Duke of Burgundy, and kill him in the rout; which was well enough contrived, for I myself have seen two or three of those who were thus employed to kill the duke. Having thus settled his conspiracy at home, he went over to the Duke of Lorraine upon the approach of the German army; but, finding they would not entertain him, he retired to Condé, as I said before.

The German army marched forward, and with them a considerable body of French horse, whom the king had given leave to be present in that action. Several parties lay in ambush not far off, that if the Duke of Burgundy were routed, they might surprise some person of quality, or take some considerable booty. By this every one may see into what a deplorable condition this poor duke had brought himself, by his contempt of good counsel. Both armies being joined, the Duke of Burgundy’s forces, which had been twice beaten before, and were weak and ill-provided besides, were quickly broken and entirely defeated. Many saved themselves by flight; the rest were either taken or killed[567]; and among them the Duke of Burgundy himself was killed on the spot.[568] Not having been in the battle myself, I will say nothing of the manner of his death; but I was told by some, that they saw him beaten down but, being prisoners themselves, were not able to assist him; yet, whilst they were in sight, he was not killed, but a great body of men coming that way afterwards, they killed and stripped him in the throng, not knowing who he was. This battle was fought on the 5th of January, 1476, upon the eve of Twelfth-day.

_The Epitaph of Charles, the last Duke of Burgundy, who
was killed before Nancy, in Lorraine, in the year 1476, on
Twelfth-eve._

Carolus hoc busto Burgundæ gloria gentis
Conditur, Europæ qui fuit ante timor.
Ganda rebellatrix hoc plebs domitore, cremata
Post patriæ leges perpete pressa jugo est.
Nec minùs hunc sensit tellus Leodina cruentum,
Cùm ferro et flammis urbs populata fuit.
Monte sub heritio Francas cum rege cohortes,
In pavidam valido truserat ense fugam.
Hostibus expulsis Eduardum in regna locavit
Anglica, primævo restituens solio.
Bella ducum, regumque, et Cæsaris omnia spernens
Totus in effuso sanguine lætus erat.
Denique dum solitis fidit temerarius armis,
Atque Lotharingo cum duce bella movet,
Sanguineam vomuit media inter prælia vitam,
Aureaque hostili vellera liquit humo.
Ergò triumphator longæva in sæcla renatus,
Palmam de tanto principe victor habet.
O tibi qui terras quæsisti (Carole) cœlum
Det Deus, et spretas anteà pacis opes.
Nunc dic Nanceios cernens ex æthere muros,
A clemente ferox hoste sepulchror ibi.
Discite terrenis quid sit confidere rebus,
Hic toties victor denique victus adest.

_At the foot of the tomb are engraven the following verses_:

Dux jacet hîc Carolus Belgarum ilia ignea virtus
Cui Mavors dederat bella gerenda pater:
Quem timuit subditis animosus Gallus in armis,
Cuique Alemannorum terga dedêre duces,
Quique animum Hesperias bellis agitabat in urbes,
Sed subitò invertit sors temulenta viam:
Nam cùm Ranerium bello sibi provocat hostem,
Occubuit fuso milite stratus humi:
Et ne tanta viri laus intestata jaceret,
Hoc victor victi condidit ossa loco.

ECCE LEO CECIDIT, IAM PAX
QUÆSITA VIGEBIT.
NOCTE REGUM SUCCUBUIT
CAROLUS.

CH. IX.—A Digression concerning the Virtues of the Duke of Burgundy, and the Time of his House’s Prosperity.

I saw a seal-ring of his, after his death, at Milan, with his arms cut curiously upon a sardonyx that I have often seen him wear in a riband at his breast, which was sold at Milan for two ducats, and had been stolen from him by a varlet that waited on him in his chamber. I have often seen the duke dressed and undressed in great state and formality, and by very great persons; but, at his last hour, all this pomp and magnificence ceased, and both he and his family perished (as you have heard already) on the very spot where he had delivered up the constable not long before, out of a base and avaricious motive; but may God forgive him! I have known him a powerful and honourable prince, in as great esteem and as much courted by his neighbours (when his affairs were in a prosperous condition), as any prince in Europe, and perhaps more so; and I cannot conceive what should have provoked God Almighty’s displeasure so highly against him, unless it was his self-love and arrogance, in attributing all the success of his enterprises, and all the renown he ever acquired, to his own wisdom and conduct, without ascribing anything to God: yet, to speak truth, he was endowed with many good qualities. No prince ever had a greater desire to entertain young noblemen than he; or was more careful of their education. His presents and bounty were never profuse and extravagant, because he gave to many, and wished everybody should taste of his generosity. No prince was ever more easy of access to his servants and subjects. Whilst I was in his service he was never cruel, but a little before his death he became so, which was an infallible sign of the shortness of his life. He was very splendid and pompous in his dress, and in everything else, and, indeed, a little too much. He paid great honours to all ambassadors and foreigners, and entertained them nobly. His ambitious desire of glory was insatiable, and it was that which more than any other motive induced him to engage eternally in wars. He earnestly desired to imitate the old kings and heroes of antiquity, who are still so much talked of in the world, and his courage was equal to that of any prince of his time.

But all his designs and imaginations were vain, and turned afterwards to his own dishonour and confusion, for it is the conquerors and not the conquered that win renown. I cannot easily determine towards whom God Almighty showed his anger most, whether towards him who died suddenly, without pain or sickness in the field of battle, or towards his subjects, who never enjoyed peace after his death, but were continually involved in wars against which they were not able to maintain themselves, upon account of the civil dissensions and cruel animosities that arose among them; and that which was the most insupportable was, that the very people to whom they were now indebted for their defence and preservation, were the Germans, who were strangers, and not long since had been their enemies. In short, after the duke’s death, there was not a man who wished them to prosper, whoever defended them. And by the management of their affairs, their understanding seemed to be as much infatuated as their master’s was just before his death; for they rejected all good counsel, and pursued such methods as directly tended to their destruction; and they are still in great danger of a relapse into calamity, and it will be well if it turn not in the end to their utter ruin.

I am partly of the opinion of those who maintain that God gives princes, as He in His wisdom thinks fit, to punish or chastise their subjects: and He disposes the affections of subjects to their princes, as He has determined to exalt or depress them. Just so it has pleased Him to deal with the house of Burgundy; for after a long series of riches and prosperity, and sixscore years’[569] peace under three illustrious princes, predecessors to Duke Charles (all of them of great prudence and discretion), it pleased God to send this Duke Charles, who continually involved them in bloody wars, as well winter as summer, to their great affliction and expense, in which most of their richest and stoutest men were either killed or taken prisoners. Their misfortunes began at the siege of Nuz, and continued for three or four battles successively, to the very hour of his death; so much so, that at the last, the whole strength of the country was destroyed, and all were killed or taken prisoners who had any zeal or affection for the house of Burgundy, or power to defend the state and dignity of that family; so that in a manner their losses equalled, if they did not overbalance, their former prosperity; for as I had seen these princes puissant, rich and honourable, so it fared with their subjects: for I think I have seen and known the greatest part of Europe, yet I never knew any province or country, though of a larger extent, so abounding in money[570], so extravagantly fine in their furniture, so sumptuous in their buildings, so profuse in their expenses, so luxurious in their feasts and entertainments, and so prodigal in all respects, as the subjects of these princes in my time; and if any think I have exaggerated, others who lived in my time, will be of opinion that I have rather said too little.

But it pleased God, at one blow, to subvert this great and sumptuous edifice, and ruin this powerful and illustrious family, which had maintained and bred up so many brave men, and had acquired such mighty honour and renown far and near, by so many victories and successful enterprises, as none of all its neighbouring states could pretend to boast of. A hundred and twenty years it continued in this flourishing condition, by the grace of God; all its neighbours having, in the meantime, been involved in troubles and commotions, and all of them applying to it for succour or protection: to wit, France, England, and Spain, as you have seen by experience of our master the King of France, who in his minority, and during the reign of Charles VII., his father, retired to this court, where he lived six years, and was nobly entertained all that time by Duke Philip the Good. Out of England I saw there also two of King Edward’s brothers, the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester (the last of whom was afterwards called King Richard the Third); and of the house of Lancaster, the whole family or very near, with all their party. In short, I have seen this family in all respects the most flourishing and celebrated of any in Christendom: and then, in a short space of time, it was quite ruined and turned upside down, and left the most desolate and miserable of any house in Europe, as regards both prince and subjects. Such changes and revolutions of states and kingdoms, God in His providence has wrought before we were born, and will do again when we are dead; for this is a certain maxim, that the prosperity or adversity of princes depends wholly on His Divine disposal.

CH. X.—How the King of France received intelligence of the Duke of Burgundy’s last Defeat, and managed his Affairs after the Duke’s Death.—1477.

But to proceed with my history. The king having established posts[571] in all parts of his kingdom (which before never had been done), it was not long ere he received the news of the Duke of Burgundy’s defeat; and he was in hourly expectation of the report, for letters of advice had reached him before, importing, that the German army was advancing towards the Duke of Burgundy’s, and that a battle was expected between them. Upon which many persons kept their ears open for the news, in order to carry it to the king. For his custom was to reward liberally any person who brought him the first tidings of any news of importance, and to remember the messenger besides. His majesty also took great delight in talking of it before it arrived, and would say, “I will give so much to any man who first brings me such and such news.” The Lord du Bouchage and I being together, happened to receive the first news of the battle of Morat, and we went with it to the king, who gave each of us 200 marks of silver. The Lord du Lude, who lay without the Plessis, had the first news of the arrival of the courier, with the letters concerning the battle of Nancy; he commanded the courier to deliver him the packet, and as he was a great favourite of the king’s, he durst not refuse him. By break of day the next morning, the Lord du Lude knocked at the door next to the king’s chamber, and it being opened, he delivered in the packet from the Lord of Craon and other officers. But none of the first letters gave any certainty of the duke’s death; they only stated that he was seen to run away, and that it was supposed he had made his escape.

The king was at first so transported with joy at the news, he scarce knew how to behave himself: however, his majesty was still in some perplexity. On one hand, he was afraid that if the duke should be taken prisoner by the Germans, by means of his money, of which he had great store, he would make some composition with them. On the other, he was doubtful, if the duke had made his escape, though defeated for the third time, whether he should seize upon his towns in Burgundy or not[572]; which he judged not very difficult to do, since most of the brave men of that country had been slain in those three battles. As to this last point, he came to this resolution (which I believe few were acquainted with but myself,) that if the duke were alive and well, he would command the army which lay ready in Champagne and Barrois to march immediately into Burgundy, and seize upon the whole country whilst it was in that state of terror and consternation; and when he was in possession of it, he would inform the duke, that the seizure he had made was only to preserve it for him, and secure it against the Germans, mans, because it was held under the sovereignty of the crown of France, and therefore he was unwilling it should fall into their hands; and whatever he had taken should be faithfully restored: and truly, I am of opinion his majesty would have done it, though many people who are ignorant of the motives that guided the king, will not easily believe it. But this resolution was altered as soon as he was certain of the Duke of Burgundy’s death.

Upon the king’s receiving the above-mentioned first letter, (which gave no account of the duke’s death), he immediately sent to Tours, to summon all his captains and other great personages to attend him. Upon their arrival, he communicated his letters to them. They all pretended great joy; but to such as more narrowly observed their behaviour, it was easy to be discerned that most of them did but feign it; and, notwithstanding all their outward dissimulation, they had been better pleased if the Duke of Burgundy had been successful. The reason of this might be, because the king was greatly feared, and now if he should find himself clear and secure from his enemies, they were afraid they would be reduced, or at least their offices and pensions retrenched; for there were several present who had been engaged against him with his brother the Duke of Guienne, in the confederacy called the Public Good. After his majesty had discoursed with them for some time, he went to mass, and then ordered dinner to be laid in his chamber, and made them all dine with him; there being with him his chancellor[573], and some other lords of his council. The king’s discourse at dinner-time was about this affair, and I well remember that myself and others took particular notice how those who were present dined; but to speak truth (whether for joy or sorrow, I cannot tell), there was not one of them that half filled his belly; and certainly it could not have been from modesty or bashfulness before the king, for there was not one amongst them but had dined with his majesty many times before.

As soon as the king rose from table, he retired, and distributed to some persons certain lands belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, as though he had been dead. He despatched the Bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France, and myself, into those parts, with full power to receive the homage of all such as were willing to submit and become his subjects. He ordered us to set out immediately, and gave us commission to open all his letters and packets which we might meet by the way, that thereby we might ascertain whether the duke was dead or alive. We departed with all speed, though it was the coldest weather I ever felt in my life. We had not ridden above half a day’s journey, when we met a courier, and commanding him to deliver his letters, we learned by them that the Duke of Burgundy was slain, and that his body had been found among the dead, and recognised by an Italian page that attended him, and by one Monsieur Louppe, a Portuguese[574], who was his physician, and who assured the Lord of Craon that it was the duke his master, and the Lord of Craon notified the same at once to the king.

CH. XI.—How the King of France seized upon Abbeville after the Death of the Duke of Burgundy, and the Answer he received from the Inhabitants of Arras.—1477.

Upon receiving this news we rode directly to the suburbs of Abbeville, and were the first that announced the intelligence to the duke’s adherents in those parts. We found the inhabitants of the town in treaty with the Lord of Torcy, for whom they had held a great affection for a long time. The soldiers and officers of the Duke of Burgundy negotiated with us, by means of a messenger whom we had sent to them beforehand; and in confidence of success, they dismissed 400 Flemings who were then quartered in the town. The citizens, laying hold of this opportunity, opened the gates immediately to the Lord of Torcy, to the great prejudice and disadvantage of the captains and officers of the garrison,—for there were seven or eight of them to whom, by virtue of the king’s authority, we had promised money, and pensions for life; but they never enjoyed the benefit of that promise, because the town was not surrendered by them. Abbeville was one of the towns that Charles VII. delivered up by the treaty of Arras in the year 1435, which towns were to return to the crown of France upon default of issue male; so that their admitting us so easily is not so much to be wondered at.

From thence we marched to Dourlans, and sent a summons to Arras, the chief town in Artois, and formerly part of the patrimony of the Earls of Flanders, which for want of heirs male always descended to the daughters. The Lord of Ravestein and the Lord des Cordes, who were in the town of Arras, offered to enter into a treaty with us at Mount St. Eloy[575], and to bring some of the chief citizens with them. It was concluded that I and some others should meet them in the king’s behalf; but the admiral refused to go himself, because he presumed they would not consent to grant all our demands. I had not been long at the place of appointment, when the two above-mentioned Lords of Ravestein and Des Cordes arrived, attended by several persons of quality, and by certain commissioners on the part of the city; one of whom was their pensionary, named Monsieur John de la Vaquerie[576], whom they appointed to be their spokesman, and who since that time has been made first president of the Parliament of Paris. We demanded in the king’s name to have the gates immediately opened, and to be received into the town, for both the town and the whole country belonged to the king by right of confiscation; and if they refused to obey this summons, they would be in danger of being besieged, and compelled to submit by force, since their duke was defeated, and his dominions utterly unprovided with means of defence, upon account of their irrecoverable losses in the three late battles. The lords returned answer by their speaker Monsieur John de la Vaquerie, that the county of Artois belonged to the Lady of Burgundy, daughter of Duke Charles, and descended to her in a right line from Margaret, Countess of Flanders[577], Artois, Burgundy, Nevers, and Rethel, who was married to Philip I., Duke of Burgundy, son of King John of France[578], and younger brother to King Charles V.; wherefore they humbly entreated the king, that he would observe and continue the truce that had existed between him and the late Duke of Burgundy her father. Our conference was but short, for we expected to receive this answer; but the chief design of my going thither was to have a private conference with some persons that were there, to try if I could bring them over to the king’s interest. I made overtures to some of them, who soon afterwards did his majesty signal service. We found the whole country in a state of very great consternation, and not without cause; for in eight days’ time they would scarce have been able to raise eight men-at-arms, and for other soldiers there were not in the whole country above 1500 (reckoning horse and foot together) that had escaped from the battle in which the Duke of Burgundy was slain; and they were quartered about Namur and Hainault. Their former haughty language was much altered now, and they spoke with more submission and humility; not that I would upbraid them with excessive arrogance in times past, but to speak impartially, in my time they thought themselves so powerful, that they spoke neither of nor to the king with the same respect as they have done since; and if people were wise, they would always use such moderate language in their days of prosperity, that in the time of adversity they would not need to change it.

I returned to the admiral, to give him an account of our conference; and there I was informed that the king was coming towards us, and that upon receiving the news of the duke’s death, he immediately set out, having despatched several letters in his own and his officers’ names, to send after him what forces could presently be assembled, with which he hoped to reduce the provinces I have just mentioned to his obedience.

CH. XII.—A Digression (not altogether foreign to my principal Design) concerning the King’s Joy at being delivered from most of his Enemies, and of the Error his Majesty committed in the Reduction of the Duke of Burgundy’s Countries.—1477.

The king was overjoyed to see himself rid of all those whom he hated, and who were his chief enemies; on some of them he had been personally revenged, as on the constable of France, the Duke of Nemours, and several others. His brother, the Duke of Guienne, was dead, and his majesty came to the succession of the duchy. The whole house of Anjou was extinct; both René, King of Sicily, John and Nicholas, Dukes of Calabria, and since them their cousin, the Count du Maine, afterwards made Count of Provence.[579] The Count d’Armagnac had been killed at Lestore, and the king had got the estates and moveables of all of them. But the house of Burgundy, being greater and more powerful than the rest, having maintained war with Charles VII., our master’s father, for two and thirty years together without any cessation, by the assistance of the English; and having their dominions bordering upon the king’s, and their subjects always inclinable to invade his kingdom; the king had reason to be more than ordinarily pleased at the death of that duke, and he triumphed more in his ruin than in that of all the rest of his enemies, as he thought that nobody, for the future, either of his own subjects, or his neighbours, would be able to oppose him, or disturb the tranquillity of his reign. He was at peace with England[580], as you have heard, and made it his chief business to continue so: yet, though he was freed in this manner from all his apprehensions, God did not permit him to take such courses in the management of his affairs as were most proper to promote his own interests and designs. And certainly although God Almighty has shown, and does still show, that His determination is to punish the family of Burgundy severely, not only in the person of the duke, but in their subjects and estates; yet I think the king our master did not take right measures to gain his end. For, if he had acted prudently, instead of pretending to conquer them, he should rather have endeavoured to annex all those large territories, to which he had no just title, to the crown of France by some treaty of marriage; or to have gained the hearts and affections of the people, and so have brought them over to his interest, which he might, without any great difficulty, have effected, considering how their late afflictions had impoverished and dejected them. If he had acted after that manner, he would not only have prevented their ruin and destruction, but extended and strengthened his own kingdom, and established them all in a firm and lasting peace. He might by this means have eased his own country of its intolerable grievances, and particularly of the marches and countermarches of his troops, which are commanded continually up and down from one end of the kingdom to the other, sometimes upon very slight occasions.

In the Duke of Burgundy’s life-time the king often talked with me about this affair, and told me what he would do if he should outlive the duke, and his discourse at that time was very rational and wise: he told me he would propose a match between his son (our present king) and the Duke of Burgundy’s daughter (who has since become Duchess of Austria), and if she would not consent to that, on the ground that the dauphin was too young, he would then endeavour to marry her to some young prince[581] of his kingdom, by which means he might keep her and her subjects in amity, and obtain, without war, what he intended to lay claim to for himself; and this was his resolution not more than a week before he heard of the Duke of Burgundy’s death; but the very day he received that news, his mind began to change, and this wise counsel was laid aside when the admiral and I were despatched into those provinces: however, the king spoke little of what he intended to do,—only to some few that were about him, he promised sundry of the duke’s lordships and possessions.

CH. XIII.—Of the Delivery of Han, Bohain, St. Quentin, and Peronne, to the King, and how he sent his Barber, Monsieur Oliver, to treat with the Citizens of Ghent.—1477.

As the king was upon the road towards us, he received from all parts the welcome news of the delivering up the castles of Han and Bohain, and that the inhabitants of St. Quentin had secured that town for him themselves, and opened their gates to their neighbour, the Lord of Moüy. He was certain of Peronne, which was commanded by Master William Bische, and, by the overtures that we and several other persons had made him, he was in great hopes that the Lord des Cordes would strike in with his interest. To Ghent he sent his barber, Master Oliver[582], born in a small village[583] not far off; and other agents he sent to other places, with great expectations from all of them; and most of them promised him very fair, but performed nothing. Upon the king’s arrival near Peronne, I went to wait on his majesty, and at the same time William Bische and others brought him the surrender of the town of Peronne, with which he was extremely pleased. The king stayed there that day, and I dined with him, according to my usual custom, for it was his humour to have seven or eight always with him at table, and sometimes many more. After dinner he withdrew, and seemed not to be at all pleased with the admiral’s little exploit and mine; he told us he had sent his barber, Master Oliver, to Ghent, and he doubted not but he would persuade that town to submit to him; and Robinet Dodenfort[584] to St. Omer, as he had great interest there; and these his majesty extolled as fit persons to manage such affairs, to receive the keys of great towns, and to put garrisons of his troops into them. He also mentioned others whom he had employed in the same negotiation in other places; and with this he upbraided me, by the Lord du Lude and others. It was contrary to my duty to argue or expostulate with him; only I told his majesty I had great reason to fear that Master Oliver, and the others whom he had named, would not be able to reduce those towns to his obedience so easily as they proposed.

That which occasioned the king to speak to me after this manner was, that he had changed his mind, and the success which had crowned the beginning of his affairs, flattered him with the hopes of a speedy surrender of all the towns in the Duke of Burgundy’s territories: and his majesty was advised by some persons (who found his inclinations lean that way) to root out and destroy that family quite, and make a distribution of their territories among his servants. Upon which he began to declare openly for whom he designed them. Namur and Hainault, which border upon the frontiers of his kingdom, he bestowed on his own subjects; Brabant and Holland, being larger and at a greater distance, he intended for certain princes of Germany, who, by that means, would be obliged to espouse his interest, and to assist him in all his enterprises. He was pleased to impart all his designs to me, because I had formerly recommended another method, and his majesty was desirous that I should be thoroughly informed of all the reasons that induced him to the contrary, and endeavoured to convince me that his design was far more advantageous for the interest of his kingdom, which had formerly suffered great troubles on account of the exorbitant power of the house of Burgundy, and the vast extent of their territories. And certainly, in respect to this world, there was great plausibility in what he said; but, as to matter of conscience, I thought it quite otherwise. However the king’s policy and penetration were such, that neither I nor any of his council, could see so far into his affairs as himself; for, without dispute, he was one of the wisest and most subtle princes of his age; but the hearts of kings being in the hands of God Almighty alone, He disposes them in such important affairs as is most proper for the events which He, in His heavenly wisdom, has determined to bring to pass. For, certainly, had it been His Divine pleasure that our king should have continued in the resolution which he had formed before the Duke of Burgundy’s death, the wars which have since occurred, and still continue, would never have happened. But we were not worthy on either side to receive so lasting a peace as was prepared to our hands; and that was the true cause of the great oversight of which our king was guilty, and not any defect in his judgment or understanding; for, as I said before, he was a prince of consummate wisdom and experience. I have dwelt the longer upon this subject, to show how necessary it is, at the beginning of any action of importance, to debate and deliberate seriously upon its consequences, in order that the most proper way of effecting it may be chosen, but especially that the whole affair be recommended to God, and that in our prayers He be solemnly entreated to direct us, for from Him all events proceed, as is evident, both by Scripture and experience.

My design is not to upbraid or reflect the least upon the king, when I say he was mistaken in this business; for, perhaps, others of a greater judgment than myself were, and still are, of his opinion. However, this affair was not debated either with us, or anywhere else. Chroniclers commonly write nothing but what redounds to the praise and honour of those princes whose actions they record, and they omit, and often ignore many occurrences that are absolutely necessary to the illustration of the truth; but, for my part, I am resolved to state nothing but what I can prove to be matter of fact, either upon my own knowledge, or the testimony of such persons whose veracity and honour are unquestionable, without the least regard to the praises of any man; for it is not to be thought there is any prince so wise, but he must sometimes err, and, if he lives long, often; and so it will be found perpetually, if one may be allowed to speak the truth. The greatest senates, and the greatest governments in the world, have erred, and will err, as is known by daily experience.

The king having sojourned for some time in a village near Peronne, resolved the next morning to make his entry into that town, which (as I said before) had surrendered to him. As all things were ready for his departure, the king took me aside, and despatched me into Poictou and the frontiers of Bretagne, whispering me in my ear, that if Master Oliver failed in his design, and the Lord des Cordes did not come over to him, he was resolved to destroy with fire and sword all that part of Artois which borders upon the Lys, and is called La Levée[585], and afterwards retire to Touraine. I recommended some persons who, by my means, had already come over to his party, upon promise of pensions and other advantages from him; he set down their names in writing, and honourably performed the promises I had made them; and so I took my leave of him for that time.