Chapter XII: Book THE SECOND (1)

CH. I.—Of the Wars between the Duke of Burgundy and the Liegeois; and of the taking, plundering, and razing the town of Dinant.—1466.

Soon after the pacification of the troubles of France, the Duke of Burgundy began a war against the Liegeois, which lasted for several years; and whenever the King of France had a mind to interrupt him, he attempted some new action against the Bretons, and, in the meantime, supported the Liegeois underhand; upon which the Duke of Burgundy turned against him to succour his allies, or else they came to some treaty or truce among themselves. In the year 1466[167], Dinant was taken by the Duke of Burgundy, which is a town situated in the territory of Liege, very strong for its size, and very rich by reason of the works which they make in copper, commonly called Dinanderie—namely, pots, skillets, and frying-pans, and such like ware. The Duke of Burgundy (who died in June, 1467[168]) had so great an animosity to them, that he was carried in his old age to that siege in a litter. The reasons of his displeasure were, the great cruelty which they had exercised upon his subjects in the county of Namur, and especially at a little town called Bouvines, about a quarter of a league from Dinant, there being only the River Maes between them. Not long before that, the inhabitants of Dinant had besieged the town of Bouvines, on the other side of the river, for the space of eight months, committing numerous acts of hostilities, and bombarding it continually with two brass cannon and other great pieces of artillery, battering the houses about their ears, and forcing the inhabitants to shelter themselves in their cellars, where they continued during the whole siege. It is impossible to imagine the deadly hatred that these two towns had conceived one against the other[169]: yet their children married frequently together, there being no other towns of any consideration in that neighbourhood.

The year before the destruction of Dinant (which was the summer in which the Count of Charolois arrived before Paris, and joined with the French lords who were in confederacy with him) the town made an agreement and peace with the count, by which they were obliged to pay to him a certain sum of money, and had separated from the city of Liege and managed their affairs apart. When people (whose interest binds them together in an alliance) divide and forsake one another, it is a certain sign of destruction, not only for towns and little states, but for princes and great potentates: but because I suppose everybody may have read or observed examples enough of this nature, I forbear to say any more than this, that King Louis our master understood breaking and dividing of leagues better than any prince that I ever knew, for he spared neither money nor pains, and that as well with the servants as the masters. But to return; by degrees the Dinanters began to repent heartily of the above-mentioned treaty, and caused four of their chief citizens, who had been instrumental in concluding the peace, to be most barbarously executed, and began the war afresh in the county of Namur. For these reasons, and upon the earnest solicitation of the inhabitants of Bouvines, this siege was undertaken by Duke Philip; but the command of the army was given to his son, to whom the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, repaired, but, coming in a private capacity, and acting without any authority from the king, he could not bring any of the standing forces of the kingdom to the assistance of the Duke of Burgundy, but was forced to content himself with what forces he could assemble on the frontiers of Picardy.

The Dinanters made a bold sally one day; but it proved much to their disadvantage, for they were beaten so cruelly, that eight days after (their friends having no time to consider of their relief) the town was taken by storm and set on fire, and the prisoners (about 800) drowned before Bouvines at the earnest request of the men of Bouvines. Whether God permitted it as a judgment upon them for their malice, I cannot determine, but certainly it was a dreadful revenge.

The next day after the taking of the town, the Liegeois (contrary to their agreement[170]) arrived in great numbers to have relieved it; for by that treaty they also had obliged themselves not to meddle with the affairs of the Dinanters, as the Dinanters had separated from them.

Duke Philip, on account of his great age, returned home[171]; but his son with the whole army advanced against the Liegeois, whom we met with sooner than we expected, for, by accident and the fault of our guides, our vanguard lost their way, and our main body (in which most of the chief commanders were) encountered the enemy. It was already late when we met, and yet we prepared to engage them, when immediately certain deputies arrived from them, with a message to the Count of Charolois, beseeching him, that in honour to the blessed Virgin Mary (whose eve that was[172]), he would commiserate their condition; and who also made the best excuse they could for breaking the treaty that was lately concluded between them. However, the Liegeois did not seem so submissive as the deputies represented them to be, but set a good face on the matter, and made a show as if they intended to venture a battle. However, after the deputies had gone, and returned three or four times, the peace made the year before was confirmed[173], and a certain sum of money was to be paid[174]; and that the peace might be better observed than it had been before, they promised to deliver 300 hostages[175], who were to be named, and set down in a roll by the Bishop of Liege[176] and some of his officers who were then in the army, and to be sent to the Count of Charolois by eight o’clock the next morning. During the whole night the Burgundian army was in great dread, for they were neither regularly encamped, nor enclosed within their waggons, but scattered up and down in separate bodies, and in a place very advantageous for the enemy, who were all foot, and much better acquainted with the country than we. Some of them had a desire to have attacked us, and if they had, in my opinion we must have been defeated; but those who transacted the peace, opposed and hindered that enterprise.

As soon as it was break of day, our army drew together in one body immediately; our battalions appeared drawn up in very good order, and our number was great, consisting of 3000 men-at-arms, good and bad, and 12,000 or 14,000 archers: besides a good body of foot out of the neighbouring country. We marched directly towards them, to receive our hostages, or fight them if they failed. We found them separated, and marching off in small bodies, and in disorder, as people wholly ignorant of order and martial conduct. It was by this time almost twelve o’clock, and no hostages delivered; the Count of Charolois asked advice of the Marshal of Burgundy, whether he should fall upon them or not; the marshal replied, Yes, he might do it without any danger, and they could not complain, for they themselves were in the fault. Then he asked the Lord of Contay (who has been often named), and he was entirely of the same opinion, affirming we should never have such an opportunity, showing us how they were divided and in disorder, and pressed hard for attacking them. The next he asked was the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, who was absolutely against it, alleging that it would be inconsistent both with his honour and engagement to fall upon them, and that it was impossible for so many people to come to a final resolution and be agreed so soon, especially in a business of such a nature as choosing of hostages; and he advised the Count of Charolois rather to send to them, and see what they intended. The argument between these three great officers before the Count of Charolois took up a considerable time, and he was much divided how to determine the matter. On the one hand, he saw his great and inveterate enemies defeated, and in his power, and that without any dangerous resistance; on the other, he found his honour was at stake, and it would interfere with his promise. At last he concluded to send a trumpet towards them, who met them bringing the hostages, upon which all were hush, and every man returned to his post. But the soldiers were highly displeased with the constable’s advice; for they saw good plunder before their eyes. An embassy was sent immediately to Liege to ratify and confirm the treaty of peace; but the people (being inconstant) said that the count was afraid to engage them, fired their guns upon him, and committed many insolences. The count after this returned into Flanders; and, his father dying that summer, he celebrated his obsequies with great pomp and solemnity at Bruges; and notified[177] his death to the king.

CH. II.—How the Liegeois broke the Peace with the Duke of Burgundy, before called Count of Charolois, upon which he engages and defeats them in a set Battle.—1467.

During these wars, and ever since, secret and fresh intrigues were carried on by the princes. The king was so exceedingly exasperated against the Dukes of Bretagne and Burgundy that it was wonderful; they could not correspond, or hear from one another without great difficulty; sometimes their couriers were stopped, and, in time of war, they were forced to send their letters by sea, or, at least, the Duke of Bretagne was obliged to send his messengers into England, who, going by land to Dover, embarked there for Calais; for, when they went the direct way by land, they were often in very great danger.

During all these years of dissension, and in others which succeeded for, at least, twenty years or more (some in wars, and others in truces and circumventions, every one of the princes comprehending his allies in his truces,) it pleased God to favour the realm of France so far, that the wars and divisions in England were not ended, though they had begun fifteen years before, and had been continued with many memorable and bloody battles, in which several brave men had been slain. In those wars both sides were accounted traitors, by reason that there were two families which pretended to the crown; one was the house of Lancaster, the other the house of York: and it is not to be doubted but that if England had been in the same condition it was in formerly, the kingdom of France would have been in great danger. The King of France’s aim, in the meantime, was chiefly to carry his design against the province of Bretagne, and he looked upon it as a more feasible attempt, and likelier to give him less resistance than the house of Burgundy. Besides, the Bretons were the people who protected and entertained all his malcontents; as his brother, and others, whose interest and intelligence were great in his kingdom; for this cause he endeavoured very earnestly with Charles, Duke of Burgundy, by several advantageous offers and proposals, to prevail with him to desert them, promising that upon those terms he also would abandon the Liegeois, and give no further protection to his malcontents. The Duke of Burgundy would by no means consent to it, but again made preparations for war against the Liegeois, who had broken the peace, and possessed themselves of a town called Huy[178], driven out his garrison, and afterwards plundered it, notwithstanding the hostages which they had given the year before were to be put to death, and a great sum of money to be paid besides, in case the treaty was violated on their part. He assembled his army about Louvain[179], which is a town in Brabant and on the marches of Liege. The Constable of France (who was now wholly devoted to the French interest, and had his residence in that kingdom) came to the duke with Cardinal Balue[180] and others, to let him know that the Liegeois being in an alliance with the King of France, and comprehended in his truce, he should be obliged to relieve them in case the Duke of Burgundy thought fit to invade them. However, they offered that in case the duke would consent that their master might make war upon the Bretons, he would connive at his designs against the Liegeois. Their audience was short and in public, and they continued there but one day. The duke, to justify his proceedings against the Liegeois, replied, “That they had invaded him; that it was they themselves, and not he, who had broken the truce, and, therefore, he was resolved to be revenged of his enemies, without being obliged to abandon his confederates after a base and dishonourable manner.” The next day, as the duke took horse, he gave them their despatch, and told them aloud, “That he desired the king not to attempt anything against the Bretons.” The constable pressed him very hard, and told him, “Sir, you do not choose, but take all; you will make war at your pleasure upon our allies, and oblige us to sit still, and not meddle with yours: it is not to be expected, and the king will never suffer it.” The duke took his leave of them, and replied, “The Liegeois are now in arms, and within three days I believe we shall have a battle; if I lose it, I do not doubt but you will do as you think fit; but if I conquer, you will leave the Bretons in peace.” And, having said so, he mounted on horseback, and the ambassadors prepared to be gone. The duke marched in his arms from Louvain to besiege St. Tron[181], with a very great army, for all the forces which could be got together in Burgundy had joined him; and, to speak truth, his army was far more numerous than any I had ever yet seen in my life.

Before his departure from Louvain, it was debated in council what was to be done with the hostages, and whether or no they should be put to death. Some were of opinion that they should all of them die, and particularly the Lord of Contay was of that judgment; and, indeed, I never heard him speak so ill and so unmercifully as at that time; for which reason it is necessary that princes should have several privy councillors; since the wisest men are sometimes, nay, too often, partial and prejudiced, either out of love, hatred, contradiction, or indisposition of their bodies, for the counsel that is given after dinner is not always the best. But some may object, that persons guilty of any of those faults are not fit to be admitted into council at all. To which I answer, That we are all of us but men, and he who would find out such as should never fail to speak wisely, nor show more passion at one time than another, must seek them in heaven, for upon earth we cannot find them: but, in recompense for this, sometimes he who has never been used to do so before, will speak wisely in council, which makes amends for the others.

But to return to the debate: two or three, in deference to the authority and judgment of the Lord of Contay, were also of his opinion; for in such councils there are many present, who (not well understanding the affair that is in debate) give their sentiments as they hear others before them, being extremely desirous to please and ingratiate themselves with some person or other of great power and authority. After him, the question was put to the Lord of Humbercourt[182], who was born near Amiens, and was one of the wisest and gravest gentlemen I ever was acquainted with. His opinion was, by all means, to keep God on their side, and to let the world see that he was neither cruel nor revengeful; he thought it the most prudent way to release the 300 hostages, because they delivered themselves up with a good intention, and in confidence that the peace would have been inviolably kept. However, he judged it proper, that at their dismission they should be put in mind of the duke’s mercy towards them, and exhorted to employ their utmost endeavour to persuade the people to consent to an honourable peace; and that if they should not be able to prevail, that, at least, in acknowledgment of the duke’s generosity, they should engage never to bear arms against him, nor against their bishop, who was then with him. This opinion was followed, and when the hostages were dismissed, they consented to what had been proposed to them; and they were told, that if they engaged (any of them) actually in the war, and were taken prisoners, they must expect to suffer death; and so they departed.

It will not be altogether impertinent to add, that after the Lord of Contay had given his judgment in so cruel a manner against the poor hostages (part of whom came in with the rest voluntarily), a gentleman who was then in the council, whispered me in the ear, and said, “Do you observe that man? Though he be old, he is in good health and well; yet I dare lay a wager he dies within the year, in punishment for the inhumanity of his advice.” And so it fell out, for he lived not long after; however, he did his master good service in one battle before his death, of which I shall speak hereafter.

But to return to my history. You have heard how the Duke of Burgundy, upon his departure from Louvain, laid siege to St. Tron, and erected his batteries. In the town there was a garrison of 3000 Liegeois, commanded by a very good officer[183], who was the same person that had managed the treaty of peace, when we met them, drawn up in order of battle, the year before. The third day after our investing the town, the Liegeois, to the number of about 30,000 or upwards[184], one with another (but all foot except 500), and a large train of artillery, came to raise the siege, at about ten o’clock in the morning. Our first discovery of them was in a strong village called Brustan, about half a league from our camp, encompassed partly with a great morass; and in their army was Francis Rayer[185], Bailiff of Lyons, and ambassador from the king to the Liegeois at that time. The alarm was brought immediately to our army; yet, I must needs say, our discipline was not exact, for we had no scouts abroad to bring us any intelligence of their approach, and the first news we had of them was from our foragers, who fled from them. I was never in any place with the Duke of Burgundy, where I observed him give good orders of himself, but only then. Immediately he drew all his battalions out into the field, except some few which were left to carry on the siege; and among the rest he left 500 English. Upon both sides of the village he placed 1200 men-at-arms, and posted himself with 800 more just before the town, but at a little farther distance. With the archers there were several persons of note and distinction on foot, besides a great many of the men-at-arms. The Lord of Ravestein commanded the duke’s van, consisting only of foot, part men-at-arms, and part archers, who marched up with some pieces of cannon to the very trenches, which were broad and deep, and full of water; yet, with our arrows and our artillery together, we forced their intrenchments, and turned their cannon upon them. However, when our arrows failed us, the Liegeois took heart again, and with their long pikes, which are advantageous weapons, charging briskly upon our archers and those who commanded them, they killed 400 or 500 of us immediately; so that all our troops on that side began to give ground, as if the battle had been lost. Upon this, the duke commanded the archers of his main battle to march under the command of Philip de Crevecœur, Lord of Cordes (a wise man), and several other good officers, who falling upon the Liegeois with a great shout, they were immediately discomfited.[186] Neither the horse, which (as I said before) were drawn up on both sides of the village, nor the duke himself, where he was posted, could come at the Liegeois to attack them, by reason of the morass, only they were posted there to charge them in case our vanguard should have been repulsed, and the enemy thereby encouraged to march out into the plain. But the Liegeois, as soon as ever they were broken, fled along by the morass, and were not pursued by any but the foot; some horse the duke sent to follow the chase, but they were forced to go two leagues about to find a pass, and the night drawing on, several of the Liegeois made their escape, who otherwise would have been slain. Other troops he despatched towards the town, where he heard a great noise, and suspected a sally; and indeed he was in the right, for they made three vigorous sallies, but were always repulsed; and the English, whom the duke had posted in a certain place ready to charge them, behaved themselves very bravely. The Liegeois, who were broken, rallied a little about their waggons, and stood their ground for some time, but were at last entirely defeated. There were slain in this battle about 6000 men[187], which, to people that are unwilling to lie, may seem very much; but in my time I have been in several actions, where for one man that was really slain, they have reported a hundred, thinking by such an account to please their masters; and they sometimes deceive them with their lies. Yet, if night had not come on, the Liegeois would certainly have lost near 15,000. The battle being over, as it was very late, the Duke of Burgundy, with his whole army, marched back to his camp, only a thousand or 1200 of his horse were sent two leagues about to a pass to pursue the enemy, there being no other way of coming at them, by reason of a little river which was between them and us. But the night hindered them from doing any great execution; yet some they killed, and others they took prisoners, though the greatest part of them escaped to the town. The Lord of Contay did great service that day in ordering the battle, but a few days after, he died in the town of Huy, and made a very good end. He was a person of great courage and wisdom, but he lived not many days after the cruel sentence which he had given against the hostages, as you heard before. As soon as the Duke of Burgundy had pulled off his armour, he called for his secretary, and wrote a letter to the constable, and the rest of the ambassadors who had left him at Louvain but four days before, to give them an account of the victory, and to desire that nothing might be attempted against the Bretons.

Two days after this defeat (though their loss was not very great) the pride and insolence of this silly people were strangely abated. However indeed, be it who it may, it is an act of imprudence and rashness for any to expose their fortunes to the hazard of a battle if they can possibly avoid it; for the loss of a small number of men oftentimes occasions an incredible change and alteration in the courage of the army that has been defeated, not only in possessing their minds with a dread of the enemy, but by infusing a disrespect and contempt of their commander and his privy councillors. It also makes them inclinable to mutiny and rebel, and emboldens them to demand with more confidence than they were wont, and to resent with more insolence when they are denied; and three crowns would not satisfy them so well as one would have done before. Wherefore that general who has lost one battle, if he be wise, ought to be cautious how he engages suddenly again with those men who have been lately beaten; but he should rather act defensively, or, at least, enter upon some trifling action, in which there is a probability of succeeding, in order to revive their courage by dispelling their fears. In all cases, the loss of a battle is always attended with ill consequences, especially to him that is beaten. However, those who are conquerors, and those whose infantry is better than their neighbours’ (as may be said of the English and Swiss), may fight as they please to put an end to the war. I name not those nations with any design to reflect upon the rest, but only because they have gained extraordinary victories, and are not to be kept long in the field without action, as the French and the Italians, who are either more grave and sober, or more easily commanded. On the other hand, that prince who is so fortunate as to gain the victory, acquires greater esteem and reputation in his army than he had before, and the obedience of his subjects increasing in proportion, they give him whatever he desires, and his soldiers become more daring and courageous. Sometimes also princes are so immoderately vain-glorious, and puffed up with their victories, that they turn afterwards to their prejudice, as I have seen; but moderation, and a just use of success, is a blessing which proceeds only from God.

The garrison of Saint Tron seeing that the army, which had been sent to their relief, was routed, and finding themselves hemmed in on all sides, supposing the defeat much greater than it really was, surrendered the town[188], went away without their arms, and left ten[189] men (whomever the Duke of Burgundy should choose) to be disposed of at his pleasure; which ten were beheaded, and six of them were of the hostages who had been released not many days before, upon the conditions above mentioned. Having taken the town, he broke up his camp, and marched towards Tongres, which was apprehensive of a siege: but, being unable to defend itself, without putting the duke to the trouble of erecting batteries against it, it surrendered upon the same terms[190], and left ten men likewise to his mercy, five of whom were hostages; but all ten were put to death, as the others had been at Saint Tron.

CH. III.—How the Liegeois quarrelled among themselves about surrendering their Town, some agreeing, others refusing to do it; while, in the meantime, the Lord of Humbercourt found a way to enter and take possession of it for the Duke of Burgundy.—1467.

From Tongres the Duke of Burgundy marched directly against the city of Liege[191], which, at that time, was in great confusion, and strangely divided. Some were for standing a siege, positively affirming that the garrison was strong enough to hold out; and of this opinion was a certain knight, called the Lord Rasse de Lintre.[192] Others, on the contrary, who saw and considered the inevitable ruin and desolation of the whole country, if they persisted in that resolution, would needs have peace upon any terms; whereupon, as soon as the duke approached the city, some few overtures of peace were made by certain mean and inconsiderable persons, such as fishmongers. But it was promoted much more by some of the hostages, who acted not as those I mentioned before, but acknowledged the favour they had received, and brought along with them 300 of the chief citizens in their shirts, bare-foot, and bare-headed, who presented the duke with the keys of the city, and delivered themselves, without any capitulation[193]; only they begged the town might be neither plundered nor burnt. At this time the Duke of Burgundy was attended by the Lord of Moüy[194], and one Monsieur Jehan Prevost, one of the king’s secretaries, who were the king’s ambassadors to the duke, and came upon the same affair, and with the same request, as the constable had done not many days before. The same day that things were in this manner accommodated, supposing all things concluded, and that there was nothing remaining but to enter the city, the duke sent the Lord of Humbercourt before him, as a person who had great acquaintance and interest in that city, as having had a share in the administration of their affairs for several years together, whilst they continued in peace. But the citizens denied him entrance at first, and he was forced to take up his quarters in a little abbey not far from one of the gates, with about fifty men-at-arms (of which number I myself was one), and perhaps 200 soldiers in all. The Duke of Burgundy sent him word to continue in that post, if he thought himself secure: but if not, that he should retire to him, for the difficulty of the way would not permit him to send a reinforcement easily, because all that side of the country was full of rocks. The Lord of Humbercourt resolved not to abandon the abbey where he was posted, it being sufficiently strong, but he detained five or six of the citizens who came to present the duke with the keys, to assist him, as you shall hear. When the clock struck nine at night, we heard their bells ring, at which the people assembled in the town, and the Lord of Humbercourt was afraid it might be a signal to fall upon us; for he had certain intelligence that the Lord Rasse de Lintre and several others had openly declared against the peace; and his apprehension was just and true, for they met to that purpose, and were ready to attack us. The Lord of Humbercourt told those who were with him, “If we can but amuse the enemy till midnight, we are safe enough; for they will be weary, and impatient to sleep, and then those who are our adversaries will leave the town, since they have miscarried in their design.” In order to effect that, he despatched two of the citizens, whom (as I said) he had detained, with certain articles very friendly and amicable, that he had caused to be drawn up for no other purpose, but only to give them an occasion of assembling the people, and to gain time; for they always had a custom, and they retain it to this very day, upon any news of importance, to flock together to the bishop’s palace upon the sounding of a bell that is within it.

When these two citizens came to the gate (which was not above two bow-shots from our post), they found the people in great bodies, and in arms: some were for assaulting them, but others prevented it. Whereupon they called out aloud to the mayor of the city, and told him they had brought certain fair and honourable proposals in writing from the Lord of Humbercourt, the Duke of Burgundy’s lieutenant in those parts, and that it would be well to repair to the palace and peruse them. The people did so accordingly; and immediately we heard the palace-bell ring again, by which we understood what they were about. Our two citizens returned not; but about an hour after we heard a greater noise at the gate than before, more of the people running down thither, crying out, and railing at us over the walls with most villanous invectives. By this manner of proceeding the Lord of Humbercourt knew the danger was worse than ever, and therefore he despatched the other four citizens who were with him, with a letter to them in writing, importing, that he being appointed governor of that city by the Duke of Burgundy, had treated them civilly, and would never consent to their destruction; for it was not long since he had been made free of one of their companies (which was the locksmiths’), and had worn their livery, for which reason they might repose the more confidence in what he said. In short, he told them, that if they would enjoy the benefit of peace, and preserve their country from ruin, they must admit the duke into the town according to their promise, and submit to such terms as were contained in a certain schedule, which he also sent them. When he had thoroughly instructed his four citizens, they passed on directly to the gate as the others had done, and found it wide open: some of the people threatened them, and gave them very ill language; others were willing to hear what they had to say, and returned to the palace; and the bell ringing again immediately, we were extremely pleased, and the noise at the gate began to decrease. In short, they were then a long time in the palace, and their conference lasted till two in the morning, and it was agreed that their promise should be kept, and that in the morning one of the gates should be delivered up to the Lord of Humbercourt; upon which resolution the Lord Rasse de Lintre and his party abandoned the town.

I should not have dwelt so long upon so inconsiderable a matter, had it not been to show that sometimes by such artifices and expedients as these (which proceed from great judgment and penetration in state affairs) great dangers and inconveniences are prevented. The next morning by break of day, several of the hostages came to wait on the Lord of Humbercourt, and entreated him to go along with them to the palace, where all the people were assembled, and swear to the two articles against firing and plundering the city (of which the people could not be otherwise secure), telling him that after that they would give him possession of one of the gates. He sent an account of all that had happened to the Duke of Burgundy, went himself into the city, and having taken the oath, he returned to the gate, caused those who were there upon the guard to come down, and having put in a dozen of his own men-at-arms and some archers in their place, he set up the Duke of Burgundy’s standard upon the gate. From thence he went to another gate (which was walled up), and put it into the hands of the Bastard of Burgundy, whose quarters were close by. The third he delivered to the Marshal of Burgundy, and the fourth to some gentlemen volunteers that accompanied him. Thus were the four gates of the city possessed by the Duke of Burgundy’s forces, and his banners erected upon them.

To give you a better insight into these affairs, it is necessary to acquaint you, that at that time Liege was (excepting only five or six) one of the strongest and most populous cities in those parts; besides which, great numbers of people being retired thither out of the adjacent country, the loss they had sustained in the late battle was not at all to be perceived; and they were in no want or necessity of anything; it was also in the depth of winter, and prodigious rains had fallen, which had strangely increased the natural softness and miriness of the country. On our side, we were in great want both of provisions and money, and our army was ready to break up; for which reason the Duke of Burgundy had no inclination to have besieged the town; and even if he had been willing to have undertaken the siege, he was not in a capacity of doing it; so that if they had delayed the time but two days longer, he must have marched away as he came, without attempting anything. All these things being considered, it must be owned that the Lord of Humbercourt gained great honour and reputation by the nice management of this important affair, which proceeded wholly from the grace of God towards him; for in human probability such wonderful success was not to be expected, nor could he ever have presumed to have wished for such a surprising turn of affairs as happened; and all the honours that were conferred on him, and the unparalleled success he met with in this expedition, the generality of the world looked upon as a just reward for his tenderness and compassion towards the poor hostages, whom we have mentioned before; and this I write the more willingly, because princes and others do many times complain and repine at such mercy and indulgence as they have granted to other people, esteeming themselves unfortunate, and imputing all their following disasters to that tenderness of soul, and resolving for the future never to be guilty of any such acts of piety or generosity, which are two virtues that ought to be inseparable from their offices.

In my judgment this is a wrong way of arguing, and proceeds from a base and degenerate mind wherever it is found; for a prince or any man else, who has never been deceived, is no better than a beast, nor can he know any just difference between good and evil. Besides, men are not all of the same mould, and for the wickedness and ingratitude of one or two, we ought not to forbear doing good to many, when time and opportunity present themselves; however, at the same time, I would have all mankind so wise as to distinguish between persons, for all people are not equally meritorious; and indeed it is surprising to me how a wise man can be ungrateful to any one that has done anything extraordinary to serve him; yet in this princes too often err, for he that advances a fool never advantages himself long; and I think one of the greatest indications of wisdom that a prince can show, is to converse with and have about him virtuous and wise men, for he will always be esteemed of the same humour and inclination as they are with whom he most intimately converses. So that, to conclude this chapter, methinks the ingratitude of one person ought not to deter us from doing good to the rest; for perhaps the meanest of those whom you have once obliged, may some time or another render you such service, and return you such thanks, as may recompense the ingratitude and unthankfulness of the rest; as may be observed in these hostages, of whom the greatest number were base and ungrateful; for of the whole number there were not above five or six who were honest and grateful, and yet those five or six managed the business so dexterously, that all was concluded to the Duke of Burgundy’s satisfaction.

CH. IV.—Of the Duke of Burgundy’s triumphal Entry into the City of Liege; and the Submission of the Gantois, who not long before had treated him disrespectfully.—1467.

The next day after the delivering up of the gates to the Lord of Humbercourt, the Duke of Burgundy made his triumphal entry into Liege[195], the citizens having broken down the wall for twenty fathoms together, and filled up the ditch in front of the great breach. The duke himself made his entry on horseback, in the midst of his own guards and chief officers of the army, dressed in splendid and sumptuous habits, and riding in great pomp and solemnity to the great church, where he alighted; with him there also entered on foot about 2000 men-at-arms in complete armour, and 10,000 archers; the rest of his forces remained in the camp without the town. To be short, he staid there some few days[196], during which time he caused five or six of those who had been his hostages to be put to death, and among the rest, the messenger of the town, for whom he had a more than ordinary hatred. He prescribed new laws[197] and customs; and exacted great sums from them, which he pretended were due to him upon the breach of the peace and agreement with him some years before. He carried away with him all their arms and artillery, and caused all the walls and fortifications belonging to the town to be demolished.

When he had seen all these orders performed, he returned into his own country, where he was received with great honour and obedience, and particularly by the citizens of Ghent, who before his expedition against the Liegeois were in a kind of rebellion against him, with some other towns; but now they entertained him as a conqueror, the chief citizens marching on foot as far as Brussels to meet him, and carrying all the town banners along with them[198]; which they did upon the account, that immediately upon the death of his father he chose to make his entry into Ghent[199] before any town besides, out of an opinion that he was better beloved there than in any other town in his whole dominions, and that according to their example all the rest would behave themselves towards him; and in that point he was right. The next day after his entry, the citizens put themselves in arms, and drew up in the market-place, whither they brought the image of one of their saints called Saint Lievin; and knocking the image against a little house, called La Maison de la Cueillette (where they collected certain gabels upon corn, raised for the payment of certain debts which the city had contracted when they paid the sum of money which was required by Duke Philip of Burgundy upon the peace of Gavre, after two years’ war with him), they pretended the saint had a mind to pass through that house erect, and without any distortion; upon which in a moment it was pulled down. The duke having notice of this tumult, repaired immediately to the market-place, and got up into a house to speak to them the better. Several persons of quality, that were then attending on him in arms, offered to go along with him, but he ordered them to stay before the Town-Hall, and wait till he returned; however, the mob forced them by degrees into the market-place. The duke being got thither, commanded the image to be taken away, and carried back again into the church: some in obedience endeavoured to take it up, but others threw it down again where it was.

The next insolence was, to demand justice against certain persons in the city, who had embezzled part of the public stock; to which the duke answered, that he would take care and see them satisfied as to that particular: but finding they would not disperse, he returned to his palace, and they continued in the market-place for eight days together.[200] The next morning they brought him certain articles, by which they demanded restitution of whatever Duke Philip had taken from them by the peace of Gavre; and among the rest this was one, that every company might have its banner according to former custom, which guilds are in all seventy-two. To avoid the danger he was in, he granted their demands[201], gave them whatever privileges they asked, and the word was no sooner spoken but the banners were set up and displayed in the market-place, having been made ready for that purpose; from whence one may probably conjecture they would have done the same thing if the duke had denied their requests.[202] His opinion was right, that, if he made his first entry into Ghent, all the rest of the towns would follow its example, for several of them mutinied as it had done, killed their officers, and committed many other excesses. If he had believed his father’s character of that people (which was, “That the inhabitants of Ghent loved the son of their prince very well, but for their prince himself they never had any kindness”), he would not have been so much mistaken; for, to speak impartially, next to the city of Liege, Ghent is the most fickle and inconstant town in the whole world. But among so many ill qualities, they have one good, and that is, that they never offer violence to the person of their prince; and, indeed, the chief citizens and better sort of the town are generally honest men, and much dissatisfied with the folly and inconstancy of the common people.

The duke was forced to wink at these insolences, lest he should have been engaged in a war with his own subjects and the Liegeois at the same time; but he resolved, if he succeeded in the enterprise he had undertaken, to call them afterwards to a severe account[203]; and so it happened, for (as is said before) they brought all their banners on foot as far as Brussels to meet him, and all their privileges and charters which they had forced him to sign at his departure from Ghent; when, in a grand assembly[204] at the great hall at Brussels, and in the presence of several ambassadors, they presented him with the said banners and privileges, to dispose of as he pleased, he commanded his heralds to strip the banners from the staves to which they were fastened, and to send them to Boulogne (a town about ten leagues from Calais) upon the sea, where the rest were then kept, which his father Duke Philip had taken from them in his wars, in which he had vanquished and subdued them. The duke’s chancellor[205] also took their charter and all their privileges, and cancelled one of them, relating to the magistracy of their city, before their faces: for in all the other towns of Flanders the duke renews the magistrates every year, and receives their accounts; but at Ghent, by virtue of this privilege, he could elect but four, though the whole number was six and twenty, the remaining two and twenty being left to the nomination of the city. When these magistrates are well affected to the Earl of Flanders, that year they are at peace, and they grant him whatever he desires; but when, on the contrary, they are disaffected, seditions arise, and all goes to wreck. Besides this, they were fined, and paid 30,000 florins to the duke, and 6000 to his courtiers, and some of their townsmen were banished, and then all the rest of their privileges were restored. The rest of the towns, following their example, ransomed their crimes, and made their peace with money[206]; for they had attempted nothing against his person. By all which it evidently appears what advantages follow the conqueror, and what losses the conquered; for which reason we ought to be very cautious of coming to a battle before there be a necessity for it, and if any such necessity happens, all things are to be seriously weighed and considered before we engage; and commonly those who are wary, and go to it with fear, are most circumspect, and by consequence more frequently successful than those who are arrogant and presumptuous. But when God interposes, man’s wisdom signifies nothing.

The Liegeois, of whom we were speaking, were excommunicated five years together[207] for some difference between them and their bishop; but they despised his excommunication, and continued in their folly and obstinacy, without any other reason besides their excessive riches and pride. And to this purpose King Louis had a saying, and in my judgment a wise one, “That when pride rode before, shame and destruction would follow;” but he had not the least tincture of that sin in him.

CH. V.—How the King of France made War in Bretagne upon the Duke of Burgundy’s Allies, upon Intelligence of what had happened to the Liegeois; and the Interview and Conference of these two Princes at Peronne.—1468.

These commotions being over, the Duke of Burgundy retired to Ghent, where he was honourably and magnificently received. He entered the city in arms, and the citizens made a postern into the fields, that he might bring in or keep out what company he pleased. Several ambassadors were sent to him from the king, and others went from him to the king; the Duke of Burgundy also sent several embassies to the Duke of Bretagne, and in this manner all that winter was spent. The king was very solicitous and pressing with the Duke of Burgundy to abandon the Duke of Bretagne’s interest, and made him several advantageous proposals to that purpose; but the duke would not consent, which was much to his majesty’s dissatisfaction, especially when he considered what had happened to the Liegeois, his allies. As soon as summer was come, the king could refrain no longer, but himself or his forces entered Bretagne, and made themselves masters of two small castles, one of them called Chantocé, and the other Ancenis. The Duke of Burgundy had notice immediately of the taking of these places; and at the earnest solicitation and importunity of the Dukes of Normandy and Bretagne, he raised an army with all expedition, and wrote to the king, entreating him to desist from that enterprise, for they were his allies, and comprehended in his truce[208]; but not being pleased with the king’s answer, the duke took the field, and rendezvoused near Peronne with a considerable force. The king himself was at Compiègne, but his army was in Bretagne. The duke staid at Peronne but three or four days, during which time the Cardinal Balue, who made but a short stay, arrived as ambassador from the king. He made some overtures to the duke, and told him, that the Bretons could make their peace without his interposition; but the king’s design was to separate them and break the confederacy. The cardinal was received very honourably, and despatched with this answer, That the duke had not taken the field to invade his majesty, nor to make war upon him, but only to relieve his allies; and so they parted with fair words on both sides.

No sooner was the cardinal departed, but a herald arrived from the Dukes of Normandy and Bretagne with letters, importing that they had made their peace with the king[209], and renounced all their alliances, and particularly his; and that, in satisfaction of all his demands, the Duke of Normandy was to receive a pension of 60,000 livres per annum, for which he was to relinquish the interest which had been lately conferred upon him in Normandy. The Lord Charles of France was not at all pleased with his terms; but he was forced to dissemble his resentment. The Duke of Burgundy was extremely surprised at the news; for he had raised this army on purpose to relieve them; the herald also was in no little danger; for as he had passed through the king’s quarters, the duke had a suspicion the king had forged the letters; but it was not long before they were confirmed from several places. The king thought he had now done his business, and that it would be no hard matter to persuade the duke to abandon them. Several messengers passed privately between them; and at length the king paid the Duke of Burgundy six score thousand crowns of gold in consideration of the expense which he had been at in raising his army; half of which sum was paid down before he broke up from his camp. The duke sent to the king one John Bosuse[210], a gentleman of his bed-chamber (a person with whom he was more than ordinarily intimate); which the king taking very kindly, he took the confidence to propose an interview, hoping he might gain him entirely over to his party, considering how badly the two above-mentioned dukes had served him, and what a sum of money he had paid him himself; of which he gave him some hint and intimation by the said Bosuse, with whom he despatched the Cardinal Balue a second time, and the Lord Tanneguy du Chastel, Governor of Roussillon, who represented to the duke the great desire his majesty had to give him a meeting. They found the duke at Peronne: but he had no fancy to the interview; for the Liegeois seemed inclinable to rebel again at the instigation of two ambassadors whom the king had sent to them for that purpose before the truce, which was made for certain days between the king, the Duke of Burgundy, and their allies.[211] The cardinal and his friends replied, that the Liegeois durst not attempt any such thing, since the duke had not only dismantled their fortifications the year before, but also demolished their walls; and if they had any such design in view, the news of this accommodation would be sufficient to prevent it. In this manner it was concluded, that the king should repair to Peronne (which was the place he had recommended); and the duke having written to him with his own hand[212], and delivered a passport (for his better security) to the ambassadors, they took their leave, and departed towards the king, who was at that time at Noyon. But to make all sure at Liege, the duke sent the bishop thither, upon whose score those tumults had happened, and with him the Lord of Humbercourt, his lieutenant[213] in that country, with a considerable body of forces.