Chapter XX: Book THE FOURTH (2)

CH. VII.—How the King of France disguised one of his menial Servants in a Herald’s Coat, and sent him with a Message to the King of England, who gave him a favourable Answer.—1475.

In the meantime, even at the very moment of the duke’s taking his leave, the English took a gentleman’s servant belonging to the King of France’s court, named James de Grassé.[441] This servant was brought immediately before the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy; and being ordered into a tent, after some slight examination of him, the Duke of Burgundy took his leave, and set out by the way of Brabant for Mazières[442], where part of his army lay. The King of England ordered the servant to be released, as being the first prisoner they had taken. Upon his departure, the Lords Howard and Stanley gave him a noble, and desired him “to present their most humble service to the king his master, when he had an opportunity of speaking to him.” The servant came with all speed to Compiègne (where the court was at that time) to give the king an account of their message; but his majesty was afraid of him, and suspected him to be a spy, because his master’s brother Gilbert de Grassé[443] was then in Bretagne, and a great favourite of that duke. The servant had irons clapped upon him immediately, and a guard was set to watch him that night; yet several courtiers talked with him by the king’s orders, and told his majesty that by his discourse he seemed a very honest fellow, and that he might venture to see him without any manner of danger.

Upon these assurances, the next morning the king spoke with him himself; and, after he had discoursed with him a little while, he ordered his irons to be knocked off, but kept him still in custody: from thence the king went to dinner, full of thought and consultation, whether he had best send to the King of England or not. Before he sat down to the table he spoke something of it to me, for his way was (as you know, my Lord of Vienne) to speak privately and familiarly with those who were about him, as I was then, and others have been since; and he had a strange fancy to whisper into people’s ears. He was thinking upon what the King of England’s herald had told him, that he should send to the King of England for a passport for his ambassadors, as soon as that prince had landed, and that his negotiation should be addressed to the Lords Howard and Stanley. As soon as he was sat down, and had considered a little, according to his custom (which to those who were unacquainted with his fancy seemed strange, and might induce them to believe he was a prince of no great wisdom, but that his actions declared the contrary), he whispered me in the ear, and bade me rise and go dine in my chamber, and send for a servant[444] belonging to the Lord des Halles[445], who was son to Merichon[446] of Rochelle, and ask him whether he would venture with a message into the King of England’s army, in the habit of a herald. I obeyed his orders, and was much astonished at the sight of the servant, for he seemed to me neither of a stature nor aspect fit for such an undertaking; yet his judgment was good (as I found afterwards), and his manner of expressing himself tolerable enough; but the king had never talked with him but once. The poor man was confounded at the proposal, and fell down upon his knees before me, as one that thought himself ruined and undone. I did all I could to encourage him, and told him he should have money for his pains, and a place in the Isle of Ré; and for his greater assurance, I persuaded him that the English had made the first overture themselves. I made him dine with me, and (there being nobody but he and I, and one servant that waited) by degrees I gave him instructions what he was to do, and how he was to behave himself in this affair.

Not long after, the king sent for me, and I gave him a relation of what had passed, and recommended others to him, who, in my opinion, were more proper for his design; but he would employ no other, and went and talked with him himself, and animated him more with one word than I could do with a hundred. There came along with the king into my chamber only the Lord de Villiers[447], at that time Master of the Horse, and now Bailiff of Caen. When the king had sufficiently prepared and encouraged his man, he sent the Master of the Horse for the banner of a trumpeter to make his herald a coat of arms, for the king was not so stately or vain as to have either herald or trumpeter in his train, as other princes have; wherefore the master of the horse and one of my servants made up the coat of arms as well as they could; and having fetched a scutcheon from a little herald (called Plein Chemin, in the service of the Admiral of France), they fastened it about him, sent for his boots and his cloak privately, and his horse being got ready, he mounted, and nobody perceived him, with a bag or budget at the bow of his saddle, in which his coat of arms was put; and having been well instructed what he was to say, away he went directly to the English army.

Upon his arrival in his herald’s coat, he was immediately stopped, and carried to the King of England’s tent; being asked his business, he told them he was come with a message from the King of France to the King of England, and had orders to address himself to the Lords Howard and Stanley. He was carried into a tent to dinner, and very civilly entertained. After the King of England had dined, he sent for the herald, who told him that his errand was to acquaint his majesty, that the King of France for a long time had had a desire to be at amity with him, that both their kingdoms might be at ease, and enjoy the blessing of peace; that since his accession to the crown of France, he never had made war, or attempted anything against him or his kingdom; and as for having entertained the Earl of Warwick formerly, he said he had done that more in opposition to the Duke of Burgundy than out of any quarrel with King Edward. Then he went on to state that the Duke of Burgundy had invited him over, only in order to make his own terms the better with the King of France; and if others had joined with him, it was only to secure themselves against their former offences, or to advance their own private affairs; which when they had once compassed, they would not regard the interest of the King of England, provided they had attained their own ends. He represented likewise the lateness of the season, that winter was approaching, that his master was sensible of the great charge the King of England had been at, and that he knew there were in England many, both of the nobility and merchants, who were desirous of a war on this side the water; yet if the King of England should be inclined to a treaty, his master would not refuse to come to such terms as should be agreeable both to himself and to his subjects; and if the King of England had a mind to be more particularly informed of these matters, if he would give him a passport for 100 horse, his master would send ambassadors to him with full instructions: or if the king should think it more proper to depute certain commissioners, and let them have a conference together in some village between the two armies, he would willingly consent, and send them a passport.

The King of England and part of his nobility were extremely pleased with these proposals; a passport was given to the herald according to his desire, and having been presented with four nobles in money, he was attended by a herald from the King of England to obtain the King of France’s passport in the same form as the other; which being given, the next morning the commissioners met in a village near Amiens. On the part of the King of France, there were the Bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France, the Lord of St. Pierre[448], and the Bishop of Evreux, called Heberge. On the King of England’s side[449], there were the Lord Howard, one Chalanger[450], and one Doctor Morton[451], who is at present Chancellor of England and Archbishop of Canterbury.

Some people (I believe) will think this too great a condescension in our king; but the wiser sort may see, by what I have said before, that his kingdom was in great danger, had not God himself supported it by disposing the king to so fortunate a resolution, and infatuating the Duke of Burgundy’s understanding so as to make him commit so many irreparable errors, and lose that by his own obstinacy which he had been endeavouring so long to obtain. We had, besides, many private intrigues and secret cabals among us, which would have produced great and speedy troubles to this nation, as well in the direction of Bretagne, as of other places, had not the king consented to this peace: so that what I have often said before, I must once again repeat and confirm, that I do certainly believe, by what I have seen in my time, that God has a particular and more than ordinary care of the preservation of this kingdom.

CH. VIII.—How a Truce for nine Years was negotiated between the Kings of France and England, notwithstanding the Difficulties and Impediments interposed by the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy.—1475.

As you have heard, our ambassadors met on the day after the return of our herald, for we were within four leagues of one another, or even less. Our herald was well treated, and had his money, and the office in the Isle of Ré, where he was born. Many overtures passed between our ambassadors. The English at first demanded, according to their custom, the crown of France, and by degrees they fell to Normandy and Guienne; our commissioners replied as became them: so that the demand was well urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very first day of the treaty, there was great prospect of an accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to reasonable proposals: our commissioners came back, and the others returned to their camp. The king was informed of their demands, and the final resolution[452] was, to have 72,000 crowns paid them down before they left the kingdom; a marriage was to be concluded between our present king and the eldest daughter[453] of King Edward, who is now Queen of England, and for her maintenance either the duchy of Guienne was to be assigned[454], or a pension of 50,000 crowns, to be paid annually during nine years, in the Tower of London; at the end of which term, the present king and his queen were to enjoy quietly the whole revenue of Guienne, and our king was to be discharged from paying the pension for the future. There were several other articles; but, as they were of no great weight or importance, I shall pass them over; only this I shall add that in this peace, which was to continue nine[455] years between the two crowns, the allies on both sides were to be comprehended if they pleased, and the Dukes of Burgundy and Bretagne were named expressly by the English. The King of England offered (which was strange) to make a discovery of some persons who (as he said) were traitors to our king and his crown, and to produce proofs of their treason under their own hands.

King Louis was extremely pleased with the progress that our commissioners had made in this affair. He held a council to consult what measures to take, and I was present at it: some were of opinion all this was but a trick and artifice in the English: but the king was of another mind, and he inferred it from the time of the year (it being pretty near winter), and their being unprovided with any place for a secure quarter; as also from the delays and disappointments which they had suffered from the Duke of Burgundy, who had (as it were) forsaken them already; and as for the Constable, he was well assured he would not deliver up any of his towns, for the king sent every hour to entertain and wheedle him, and prevent him from doing any harm. Besides, our king was perfectly acquainted with the King of England’s temper, and that he loved to indulge himself in ease and pleasures: so that, by consequence, it plainly appeared that his majesty spoke more wisely, and had a better judgment of these affairs, than any of his council. Whereupon he resolved to raise the money with all expedition, and after debating the means of raising it, it was resolved it should be done by a loan, and that every one should advance something for greater despatch. The king declared he would do anything in the world to get the King of England out of France, except putting any of his towns into his possession; for rather than do that, he would hazard all.

The Constable began to perceive these intrigues, to fear he had offended all parties, and to be jealous of the designs which he knew had been concluded against him at Bouvines; for which reason he sent very frequently to the king. At this very hour there arrived at court a servant of the Constable’s, named Louis de Creville, and one of his secretaries, named John Richer, who are both still alive, who were ordered by the king to deliver their message to the Lord du Bouchage and to me. The message which they brought to the king pleased his majesty extremely; for he resolved to make his advantage of it, as you shall hear. The Lord of Contay, who (as I have already mentioned) was a servant to the Duke of Burgundy, had not long since been taken prisoner before Arras; and he travelled upon his parole between the duke and the king, who had promised him not only his liberty, but a considerable sum of money, if he could dispose his master to a peace. It happened that he was just returned from waiting on the Duke of Burgundy the very day the two gentlemen above mentioned arrived from the Constable. The king caused the Lord of Contay and myself to hide ourselves behind a great old screen that stood in his chamber, that the Lord of Contay might hear and report to the Duke of Burgundy the language with which the Constable and his creatures treated him. The king seated himself upon a stool near the screen, that we might more distinctly hear what the said Louis de Creville (with whom none of the king’s servants except the Lord du Bouchage were admitted) had to say; and he and his colleague began their discourse, telling the king that their master had sent them lately to wait on the Duke of Burgundy, and that they had used many arguments to induce him to a rupture with the English, and that they had found him in so great a passion against the King of England, that they were in a fair way to prevail upon him, not only to abandon, but also to fall upon and destroy his army, in their retreat; and to please the king the more, as he thought, when he spoke those words, Louis de Creville, in imitation of the Duke of Burgundy, stamped with his foot, swore by St. George, called the King of England Blancborgne, the son of an archer who bore his name, with as many invectives besides, as could possibly be used against any man. The king pretended to be highly pleased at the relation, and desired him to tell him it over again, and to raise his voice, for of late he was grown a little deaf; De Creville was not backward, but began again, and acted it to the life.

The Lord of Contay, who was with me behind the screen, was the most surprised person in the world, and all the arguments that could have been used could never have made him believe it, had he not overheard it himself. In the conclusion, they advised his majesty, in order to prevent the imminent danger that threatened his affairs, to make a truce; and promised that the Constable should do all that lay in his power to forward the negotiation; and, to satisfy the English in some measure, they proposed that the king should give them a small town or two for their winter quarters, which could not be so bad but they would be glad of them; yet, naming no towns, it was presumed they intended St. Valery and Eu. By this means the Constable thought to reconcile himself to the English, and expiate the affront which he had put upon them by refusing to admit them into his towns. The king, having sufficiently acted his part, and made the Lord of Contay hear every word that was spoken, gave them no uncivil answer, but only told them that he would send to his brother, and give him an account of his affairs; and then they took their leave, and withdrew.

One of them swore to the king, that whatever secret he might be intrusted with that concerned his majesty’s affairs, he would certainly discover it to him. The king could scarce dissemble his resentment at their advising him to give the English the towns; but, fearing lest it might provoke the Constable to do worse, he would not make such a reply as might lead them to suspect that he disliked the proposition; but he sent a messenger of his own to the Constable, for the way was but short, and it took up no great time to go thither and return. When the ambassadors were gone out, the Lord of Contay and I came from behind the screen, and found the king very pleasant, and laughing heartily; but the Lord of Contay was out of all patience to hear such fellows speak so disrespectfully of his master the Duke of Burgundy, especially considering the great transactions which were at that time pending between the Constable and him. The Lord of Contay was impatient to be on horseback, and to make a relation of it to his master; and he therefore was immediately despatched, with a copy of instructions written with his own hand, and a letter of credence under the king’s hand.

Our negotiation with the English was already concluded, as you have heard, and all these intrigues were carried on at one time. The King of France’s commissioners, who had had a conference with the English, reported their proposals, and the King of England’s envoys returned to their camp. At last it was agreed upon by the ambassadors on both sides, that the two kings should have an interview, and swear mutually to the performance of the articles; after which the King of England should return into his own country, upon the receipt of 72,000 crowns, and that the Lord Howard and Sir John Chene[456], his Master of the Horse, should be left as hostages till he was arrived in England. Lastly, a pension of 16,000 crowns a year was promised to the privy councillors of the King of England—viz., to the Lord Hastings, 2000 crowns a year, who would never give an acquittance for it[457]; to the Chancellor[458], 2000; and the rest to the Lord Howard, the Master of the Horse, Chalanger, Sir Thomas Montgomery[459], and several others; besides a great deal of ready money and plate that was distributed among the rest of the King of England’s retinue.

The Duke of Burgundy, who was then at Luxemburg, having notice of these proceedings, came in mighty haste[460] to the King of England, attended only with sixteen horse in his retinue. The King of England was extremely surprised at his unexpected arrival, and demanded what it was that brought him thither, for he saw by his countenance that he was angry. The duke told him he was come to discourse with him. The King of England asked whether it should be in public or private? Then the duke asked him if he had made a peace; the king told him, he had made a truce for nine years, in which the Duke of Bretagne and himself were comprehended, and he desired they would accept of that comprehension. The duke fell into a violent passion, and in English, a language that he spoke very well, began to commemorate the glorious achievements of his predecessors on the throne of England, who had formerly invaded France, and how they had spared no pains, nor declined any danger, that might render them famous, and gain them immortal honour and renown abroad. Then he inveighed against the truce, and told the king he had not invited the English over into France out of any necessity he had of their assistance, but only to put them in a way of recovering their own right and inheritance; and to convince them he could subsist without their alliance, he was resolved not to make use of the truce till the king had been three months in England[461]; and having delivered himself after this manner, he took his leave of the king, and returned to Luxemburg. The King of England and his council were extremely displeased with his language, but others who were adverse to the peace highly extolled it.

CH. IX.—How the King entertained the English in Amiens, and of the Place appointed for the Interview of the two Kings.—1475.

In order to bring the peace to a conclusion, the King of England advanced within half a league of Amiens, and the King of France being upon one of the gates[462], saw his army marching at a great distance. To speak impartially, his troops seemed but raw and unused to action in the field; for they were in very ill order, and observed no manner of discipline. Our king sent the King of England 300 cartloads of the best wines in France as a present; and I think the carts made as great an appearance as the whole English army. Upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the English came into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and without the least regard to their prince’s honour; for they entered the town all armed, and in great companies, so that if the King of France could have dispensed with his oath, never was there so handsome an opportunity of cutting off a considerable number of them; but his majesty’s design was only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm and lasting peace, that might continue during his reign. The king had ordered two large tables to be placed on each side of the street, at the entrance of the town gate, which were covered with a variety of good dishes of all sorts of food most proper to relish their wine, of which there was great plenty, and of the richest that France could produce; and abundance of servants to wait on them, but not a drop of water was drunk. At each of the tables the king had placed five or six boon companions, persons of rank and condition, to entertain those that had a mind to take a hearty glass; amongst these were the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Briquebec[463], the Lord of Bressure[464], the Lord de Villiers, and several others. Those English who were within sight of the gate, saw the entertainment, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take their horses by the bridles, and lead them to the tables, where every man was treated handsomely as he came, in his turn, to their very great satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, where they had whatever they had a mind to call for, without paying for it, according to the King of France’s orders, who bore all the expense of that entertainment, which lasted three or four days.

You have already heard how dissatisfied the Duke of Burgundy was with the truce, but the Constable was much more so; for having deceived all parties, he could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. He sent therefore his confessor to the King of England with letters of credence to this purpose, to desire him for God’s sake not to depend on the oaths and promises of the King of France, but for the present to accept of Eu and St. Valery for his winter quarters, for in two months time he would manage affairs so as that his troops should be better accommodated; but he said nothing about security, he only gave him great hopes: and lest the want of money should have forced the king to consent to this truce, he offered to lend him 50,000 crowns, and made him several other fair proposals besides. By this time the King of France had ordered the two towns of Eu and St. Valery to be burnt, because the Constable had proposed to deliver them up to the English, and the English were informed of it. However, the King of England returned this answer to the Constable, that the truce was already concluded, and could not be altered; but if he had performed his promise, it had never been made. Which answer stung the Constable to the very soul, and made him desperate on all sides.

I have already given you an account of the king’s noble entertainment of the English at Amiens. One night the Lord of Torcy[465] came to the king, and told him their numbers in the town were so considerable, that he apprehended there might be some danger in it but his majesty was angry with him for it, so everybody else was silent. The next day was Childermas-day, on which the king neither spoke himself, nor permitted any one else to apply to him about business, but took it as an ill omen, and would be very pettish when any such thing was proposed, especially by those who waited on him, and knew his temper. However, on the morning I speak of, when the king was dressed, and had gone in to his devotions, one came to me with news that there were at least 9,000 English in the town. I resolved to risk his displeasure, and acquaint him with this fact; whereupon, entering into his closet, I said, “Sir, though it be Childermas-day, I think myself bound in duty to inform your majesty of what I have heard.” Then I gave him an account of the number of troops already in the town, and that more were coming in every moment; that they were all armed, and that nobody durst shut the gate upon them for fear of provoking them. The king was not offended, but left his prayers, and told me, that for once he would put off the devotions of that day. He commanded me immediately to get on horseback, and endeavour to speak with some of the English officers of note, to desire them to order their troops to retire; and if I met any of his captains, to send them to him, for he would be at the gate as soon as I.

I met three or four English commanders of my acquaintance, and spoke to them according to the king’s directions; but for one that they commanded to leave the town, there were twenty came in. After me, the king sent the Lord of Gié[466] (now Marshal of France), and having found me, we went together into a tavern, where, though it was not nine o’clock, there had already been 111 reckonings to pay that morning. The house was filled with company, some were singing, some were asleep, and all were drunk; upon seeing which, I concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform the king of it; who came immediately to the gate, well attended, and ordered 200 or 300 men-at-arms to be armed privately in their captains’ houses, and some of them he posted at the gate by which the English entered. The king ordered his dinner to be brought to the porter’s lodgings at the gate, where his majesty dined, and did several English officers the honour of admitting them to dinner with him. The King of England had been informed of this disorder, and was much ashamed of it, and sent to the King of France to desire his majesty to admit no more of his troops into the town. The King of France sent him word back, he would not do that, but if he pleased to send a party of his own guards thither, the gate should be delivered up to them, and they might let in or shut out whomever they pleased. In short, so they did, and several of the English, by their king’s express command, were ordered to evacuate the town.

And then, in order to bring the whole affair to a conclusion, they consulted what place would be most convenient for the interview of the two kings, and persons were appointed to survey it; the Lord du Bouchage and I were chosen to represent our master; and the Lord Howard, one Chalanger, and a herald, represented the King of England. Upon our taking a view of the river, we agreed the best and securest place was Picquigny, a strong castle some three leagues from Amiens, belonging to the Vidame[467] of Amiens, which had been burnt not long before by the Duke of Burgundy; the town lies low, the River Somme runs through it, and is not fordable or wide near it. On the one side, by which our king was to come, was a fine champaign country; and on the other side it was the same, only when the King of England came to the river, he was obliged to pass a causeway about two bow-shots in length, with marshes on both sides, which might have produced very dangerous consequences to the English, if our intentions had not been honourable. And certainly, as I have said before, the English do not manage their treaties and capitulations with so much cunning and policy as the French do, let people say what they will, but proceed more ingenuously, and with greater straightforwardness in their affairs; yet a man must be cautious, and have a care not to affront them, for it is dangerous meddling with them.

After we had fixed upon the place, our next consultation was about a bridge which was ordered to be built, large and strong, for which purpose we furnished our carpenters with materials. In the midst of the bridge there was contrived a strong wooden lattice, such as the lions’ cages are made with, the hole between every bar being no wider than to thrust in a man’s arm; the top was covered only with boards to keep off the rain, and the body of it was big enough to contain ten or twelve men of a side, with the bars running across to both sides of the bridge, to hinder any person from passing over it either to the one side or the other; and in the river there was only one little boat rowed by two men, to convey over such as had a mind to cross it.

I will now relate the reason that induced the king to have the place of their interview contrived after such a fashion, that there should be no passage from one side to the other; and perhaps the time may come, when this may be useful to some persons, who may have the same occasion. During the minority of Charles VII. the kingdom of France was much infested by the English. Henry V. lay before Rouen[468], and had straitened it very much, and the greatest part of those in the town were either subjects, or partisans of John, Duke of Burgundy, who was then reigning.

There had been a long and great difference[469] between John, Duke of Burgundy, and the Duke of Orleans, and the whole kingdom, or most of it, was engaged in their quarrel, to the prejudice of the king’s affairs; for faction never begins in any country, but it is difficult to extinguish, and dangerous in the end. In this quarrel that I speak of, the Duke of Orleans had been killed in Paris one year before.[470] Duke John had a powerful army, and advanced to raise the siege of Rouen; that he might do it with more ease, and assure himself of the king’s friendship, it was agreed that the king[471] and he should have an interview at Montereau-Fault-Yonne, where a bridge was erected, with a barrier in the midst, and in the middle of the barrier a little wicket, which was bolted on both sides; by which means, and by the consent of both parties, they might pass to either side. The king came on one side, and Duke John on the other, both attended with a strong party of their guards, but especially Duke John; they met, and had a long conference upon the bridge, and about the duke’s person there were not above three or four at the most. In the height of their discourse, the duke (either by the persuasion of others, or out of a desire to pay a more than ordinary respect to his majesty) unbolted the wicket on his side, and it being opened by the others, he passed through it to the king, and was immediately slain[472], himself and all those who attended him; which was the occasion of abundance of mischief that ensued afterwards, as everybody knows: but this is not material to my design, so I shall speak of it no farther, only let me tell you, you have the story just as the king told it me himself, when he sent me to choose a place, commanding expressly that there should be no door; for said he, if that had not been, there had been no means of inviting the duke to the other side, and then that misfortune had been prevented,—the principal contrivers and executors of which were some of the murdered Duke of Orleans’ servants, who were present at that time, and had great authority with King Charles VII.

CH. X.—Of the Interview between the two Kings, and of their swearing to the Truce which had been concluded before; and how some fancied the Holy Ghost descended upon the King of England’s Tent in the Shape of a White Pigeon.—1475.

The barrier being finished, and the place fitted for the interview, as you have already heard, on the next day, which was the 29th of August, 1475, the two kings appeared. The King of France came first, attended by about 800 men-at-arms: on the King of England’s side, his whole army was drawn up in order of battle; and though we could not discover their whole force, yet we saw such a vast number both of horse and foot, that the body of troops that were with us seemed very inconsiderable in comparison with them; but indeed the fourth part of our army was not there. It was given out that twelve men of a side were to be with each of the kings at the interview, and that they were already chosen from among their greatest and most trusty courtiers. With us we had four of the King of England’s party to view what was done among us, and they had as many of ours, on their side, to have an eye over their actions. As I said before, our king came first to the barrier, attended by twelve persons; among whom were John, Duke of Bourbon, and the Cardinal his brother. It was the king’s royal pleasure (according to an old and common custom that he had), that I should be dressed like him on that day.

The King of England advanced along the causeway (which I mentioned before) very nobly attended, with the air and presence of a king: there were in his train his brother the Duke of Clarence, the Earl of Northumberland[473], his chamberlain the Lord Hastings, his Chancellor, and other peers of the realm; among whom there were not above three or four dressed in cloth of gold like himself. The King of England wore a black velvet cap upon his head, with a large fleur de lys made of precious stones upon it: he was a prince of a noble and majestic presence, but a little inclining to corpulence. I had seen him before when the Earl of Warwick drove him out of his kingdom; then I thought him much handsomer, and to the best of my remembrance, my eyes had never beheld a more handsome person. When he came within a little distance of the barrier, he pulled off his cap, and bowed himself within half a foot of the ground; and the King of France, who was then leaning against the barrier, received him with abundance of reverence and respect. They embraced through the holes of the grate, and the King of England making him another low bow, the King of France saluted him thus:—“Cousin, you are heartily welcome; there is no person living I was so ambitious of seeing, and God be thanked that this interview is upon so good an occasion.” The King of England returned the compliment in very good French.

Then the Chancellor of England (who was a prelate, and Bishop of Lisle[474]) began his speech with a prophecy (with which the English are always provided) that at Picquigny a memorable peace was to be concluded between the English and French. After he had finished his harangue, the instrument was produced which contained the articles the King of France had sent to the King of England. The Chancellor demanded of our king, whether he had dictated the said articles? and whether he agreed to them? The king replied, Yes: and King Edward’s letters being produced on our side, he made the same answer. The missal being then brought and opened, both the kings laid one of their hands upon the book, and the other upon the holy true cross, and both of them swore religiously to observe the contents of the truce, which was, that it should stand firm and good for nine years complete; that the allies on both sides should be comprehended; and that the marriage between their children should be consummated, as was stipulated by the said treaty. After the two kings had sworn to observe the treaty, our king (who had always words at command) told the King of England in a jocular way, he should be glad to see his majesty at Paris; and that if he would come and divert himself with the ladies, he would assign him the Cardinal of Bourbon for his confessor, who he knew would willingly absolve him, if he should commit any sin by way of love and gallantry. The King of England was extremely pleased with his raillery, and made his majesty several good repartees, for he knew the cardinal was a jolly companion.

After some discourse to this purpose, our king, to show his authority, commanded us who attended him to withdraw, for he had a mind to have a little private discourse with the King of England. We obeyed, and those who were with the King of England, seeing us retire, did the same, without waiting to be commanded. After the two kings had been alone together for some time, our master called me to him, and asked the King of England if he knew me? The King of England replied he did, and named the places where he had seen me, and told the king that formerly I had endeavoured to serve him at Calais[475], when I was in the Duke of Burgundy’s service. The King of France demanded, if the Duke of Burgundy refused to be comprehended in the treaty (as might be expected from his obstinate answer), what the King of England would have him do? The King of England replied, he would offer it him again, and if he refused it then, he would not concern himself any farther, but leave it entirely to themselves. By degrees the king came to mention the Duke of Bretagne (who indeed was the person he aimed at in the question), and made the same demand about him. The King of England desired he would not attempt anything against the Duke of Bretagne, for in his necessity he had never found so true and faithful a friend.[476] The king pressed him no farther, but recalling his retinue, took his leave of the King of England in the handsomest and most civil terms imaginable, and saluted all his attendants in a most particular manner: and both the kings at a time (or very near it) retired from the barrier, and mounting on horseback, the King of France returned to Amiens, and the King of England to his army. The King of England was accommodated by the King of France with whatever he wanted, even to the very torches and candles. The Duke of Gloucester, the King of England’s brother, and some other persons of quality, were not present at this interview, as being averse to the treaty; but they recollected themselves afterwards, and the Duke of Gloucester waited on the king our master at Amiens, where he was splendidly entertained, and nobly presented both with plate and fine horses.[477]

As the king returned from this interview, he spoke to me by the way upon two points: one was, that the King of England had been so easily persuaded to come to Paris. His majesty was not at all pleased with it, and he told me, “He is a very handsome prince, a great admirer of the ladies, and who knows but some of them may appear to him so charming, as may give him a desire of making us a second visit. His predecessors have been too often in Paris and Normandy already; and I do not care for his company so near, though on the other side of the water, I shall gladly esteem him as my friend and brother.” Besides, the king was displeased to find him so obstinate in relation to the Duke of Bretagne, on whom he would fain have made war, and to that purpose made another overture to him by the Lord du Bouchage and the Lord of St. Pierre. But when the King of England saw himself pressed, he gave them this short but generous answer, “That if any prince invaded the Duke of Bretagne’s dominions, he would cross the seas once more in his defence.” Upon which they importuned him no farther.

When the king had arrived at Amiens, and was ready to go to supper, three or four of the English lords, who had attended upon the King of England at the interview, came to sup with his majesty; and the Lord Howard being of the number, he told the king in his ear, that if he desired it, he would find a way to bring his master to him to Amiens, and to Paris too, to be merry with him for some time. Though this offer and proposition were not in the least agreeable to the king, yet his majesty dissembled the matter pretty well, and fell a washing his hands, without giving a direct answer; but he whispered me in the ear, that what he suspected was at last come really to pass. After supper they fell upon the subject again; but the king put it off with the greatest wisdom imaginable, pretending that his expedition against the Duke of Burgundy would require his departure immediately. Though these affairs were of very great importance, and great prudence was used on both sides to manage them discreetly; yet there were some pleasant occurrences among them, worthy to be transmitted to posterity. Nor ought any man to wonder (considering the great mischiefs which the English have brought upon this kingdom, and the recentness of their date), that the King of France should be at so much labour and expense to send them home in a friendly manner, that he might make them his friends for the future, or at least divert them from making war against him.

The next day, a great number of English came to Amiens, some of whom reported that the Holy Ghost had made that peace, and prophecies were produced to confirm it; but their greatest argument to support this opinion was that, during the time of their interview, a white pigeon came and sate upon the King of England’s tent, and could not be frightened away by any noise they could make in the camp. But some gave another reason, and that was, that a small shower of rain having fallen that day, and soon after the sun shining out very warmly, the poor pigeon, finding that tent higher than the rest, came thither only to dry herself. And this reason was given me by a Gascon gentleman, called Louis de Breteilles[478], who was in the King of England’s service. He was very much displeased at this peace; and having been an old acquaintance of mine, he told me privately, that we did but laugh at the King of England. Among the rest of our discourse, I asked him how many battles the King of England had won. He told me nine, and that he had been in every one of them in person. I demanded next how many he had lost? He replied, never but one, and that was the one in which we had outwitted him now; for he was of opinion that the ignominy of his returning so soon, after such vast preparations, would be a greater disgrace and stain to his arms than all the honour he had gained in the nine former victories. I acquainted the king with this smart answer, and the king replied, “He is a shrewd fellow, I warrant him, and we must have a care of his tongue.” The next day he sent for him, and had him to dinner at his own table, and made him very advantageous proposals, if he would quit his master’s service, and live in France; but finding he was not to be prevailed on, he presented him with 1000 crowns, and promised that he would do great things for his brothers in France. Upon his going away, I whispered him in the ear, and desired him to employ his good offices to continue and propagate the love and good understanding which had now begun between the two kings.

The king was in the greatest concern imaginable, for fear he should drop some word or other, that might make the English suspect he had imposed upon them, and laughed at them. The next morning after the interview, his majesty being in his closet, with only three or four of us with him, he began to droll and jest about the wines and presents which he had sent to the English camp; but, turning suddenly round, he perceived a merchant of Gascony, who lived in England, and had come to court to beg leave to export a certain quantity of Bordeaux wines, without paying the duties; the obtaining of which privilege would have been very advantageous to him. The king was much surprised at the sight of him, and wondered how he came thither. The king asked him of what town in Guienne he was; and whether he had married in England? The merchant replied, yes, he had a wife in England, but the estate he had there was but small. Before he went out, the king appointed a person to go with him to Bordeaux, and I had also some discourse with him by his majesty’s express command. The king gave him a considerable employment in the town where he was born, granted him the exemption of the duties upon his wines, and gave him 1000 francs to bring over his wife; but he was to send his brother into England for her, and not go thither to fetch her himself; and this penalty the king imposed upon himself for having used his tongue too freely.

CH. XI.—How the Constable endeavoured to excuse himself to the King of France, upon the Conclusion of the Peace with the English; and how a Truce was likewise made for Nine Years between the Duke of Burgundy and the King of France.—1475.

The next day after the interview, the Constable despatched one of his servants, called Rapine, with letters to the king, who preferred him afterwards for having been faithful to his master; the king ordered the Lord du Lude[479] and myself to receive his message. At the same time the Lord of Contay, whom I have mentioned so often, had returned from the Duke of Burgundy’s court with his head full of designs against the Constable; so that the Constable looked upon himself as ruined and undone, and knew not to which of the saints he should address his devotions. Rapine’s message was very submissive; he told us that his master was very sensible that many accusations and charges had been brought against him to the king, but his majesty would know from experience, that he had no traitorous intentions. However, to give the king greater evidence of his loyalty, he made some proposals to his majesty, that if he pleased to order matters so, he would persuade the Duke of Burgundy to join his forces with the king’s, and destroy the King of England and his whole army on their return; and by his manner of speaking, it seemed to us that his master was in the height of despair. We told him that peace was already concluded with the English, and that we were not desirous of beginning a new war. The Lord du Lude proceeded so far as to ask Rapine if he did not know how his master had disposed of his ready money? I was amazed that this question (for Rapine had the character of being a good servant) did not give him a hint of his master’s impending ruin, discover the designs that were forming against him, and make the Constable fly, especially when he reflected on the danger he had escaped only the year before. But I have seen but very few people in my time, that knew how to fly from danger in time. Some have not profited by the experience they might have had of their neighbours’ misfortunes; others never travelled into foreign countries, which is certainly a great fault in a man of quality, for to have seen the world gives a man great wisdom and presence of mind; others are too passionately fond of their wives, their children, or their estates; and one or other of these reasons has been the ruin of many a brave man.

After we had given his majesty an account of Rapine’s message, he called for one of his secretaries. There were then in his presence only the Lord Howard[480], an English courtier, who knew nothing of our intrigue with the Constable, the Lord of Contay, who was newly returned from the Duke of Burgundy, and we two who had been in discourse with Rapine. The king dictated a letter to the Constable, in which his majesty acquainted him with what had been transacted the day before in relation to the truce. He told him, that at that instant he had many weighty affairs upon his hands, and wanted such a head as his to finish them; and then turning to the English nobleman and the Lord of Contay, he told them, “I do not mean his body—I would have his head with me, and his body where it is.” After the letter was read, it was delivered to Rapine, who was mightily pleased with it, and took it as a great compliment in the king to say, that he wanted such a head as his master’s, for he did not understand the ambiguity of the phrase. The King of England sent two letters, which the Constable had written to him[481], to the King of France, and acquainted his majesty with all the proposals he had ever made him, by which it may easily be discerned into what a miserable condition he had brought himself, when every one of these three great princes desired his destruction.