Chapter XXXIX: Part I: , 8, 1707. (W. Macmath.) (3)

“Doch sind sie meist ohne grossen poetischen Werth, nur als Zeugniss
für die Denkweise des Volkes über die ‘armen Bursche,’ die es lange
nicht für so grosse Verbrecher hält als der Staat, und die es, ihre
Vorurtheile theilend, im Gegentheile oft als kühne Freiheitshelden
betrachtet, die gegen grössere oder kleinere Tyrannen sich zu erheben
und denselben zu trotzen wagen, und als ungerecht verfolgte Söhne
seines Stammes in Schutz nimmt gegen die fremden Gesetzvollstrecker.”
(Aigner, Ungarische Volksdichtungen, p. xxvi f.)

Footnote 69:

J. Hunter (Critical and Historical Tracts, No IV), whom I follow here,
shows that Barnsdale was peculiarly unsafe for travellers in Edward
the First’s time. Three ecclesiastics, conveyed from Scotland to
Winchester, had a guard, sometimes of eight archers, sometimes of
twelve, or, further south, none at all; but when they passed from
Pontefract to Tickhill, the number was increased to twenty, _propter
Barnsdale_: p. 14.

Footnote 70:

Hunter suspects that the Nottinghamshire knight, Sir Richard at the
Lee, in the latter half of the Gest, was originally a different person
from the knight in the former half, “the knight of the Barnsdale
ballads,” p. 25. Fricke makes the same suggestion, Die Robin-Hood
Balladen, p. 19. This may be, but the reasons offered are not quite
conclusive.

Footnote 71:

And so, as to Nottingham and Barnsdale, in No 118; and perhaps No 121,
for the reference to Wentbridge, st. 6, would imply that Robin Hood is
in Barnsdale rather than Sherwood.

Footnote 72:

I say Barnsdale, though the place is not specified, and though
Sherwood would remove or reduce the difficulty as to distance. We have
nothing to do with Sherwood in the Gest: a rational topography is out
of the question. In the seventh fit the king starts from Nottingham,
365, walks “down by yon abbey,” 368, and ere he comes to Nottingham,
370, falls in with Robin, 375.

Footnote 73:

This was a custom of Arthur’s only upon certain holidays, according to
the earlier representation, but in later accounts is made general. For
romances, besides these mentioned at I, 257, in which this way of
Arthur’s is noted (Rigomer, Jaufré, etc.), see Gaston Paris, Les
Romans en vers du Cycle de la Table Ronde, Histoire Litt. de la
France, XXX, 49.

Footnote 74:

Pothouis Liber de Miraculis S. D. G. Mariæ, c. 33, p. 377; Vincentius
B., Speculum Hist., vii. c. 82. Mussafia, Sitzungsberichte der Wiener
Akad., Phil.-Hist. Classe, CXIII, 960–91, notes nine Latin copies,
besides that attributed to Potho, in MSS mostly of the 13th century.
Gautier de Coincy, ed. Poquet, cols. 543–52; Adgar’s Marienlegenden,
Neuhaus, p. 176, No 29; Miracles de Nostre Dame par Personnages, G.
Paris et U. Robert, VI, 171–223, No 35; Romania, VIII, 16, No 3
(Provençal). Berceo, in Sanchez, II, 367, No 23. Unger, Mariu Saga, No
15, pp. 87–92, 1064–67. Mone’s Anzeiger, VIII, col. 355, No 8, as a
broadside ballad. Afanasief, Skazki, vii, No 49, as a popular tale,
the Jew changed to a Tartar, and the Cross taken as surety, Ralston,
Russian Folk-Tales, p. 27. “God-borg” in Alfred’s Laws, c. 33, Schmid,
Gesetze der Angelsachsen, p. 88 f., was perhaps only an asseveration
with an invocation of the Deity, like the Welsh “briduw.” And so “Ich
wil dir got ze bürgen geben,” “Got den wil ich ze bürgen han,” in the
Ritter v. Staufenberg, vv. 403, 405, Jänicke, Altdeutsche Studien.

Footnote 75:

Le Doctrinal de Sapience, fol. 67 b, cited by Legrand, is not to the
purpose. Scala Celi refers to a Speculum Exemplorum.

In Peele’s Edward I, the friar, having lost five nobles at dice to St
Francis, pays them to St Francis’ receiver; but presently wins a
hundred marks of the saint, and makes the receiver pay. (The story has
in one point a touch of the French _fabliau_.) Peele’s Works, ed.
Dyce, I, 157–61.

Footnote 76:

hey hoy.

Footnote 77:

435. The three in 433, as in 416, is for rhyme, and need not be taken
strictly.

Footnote 78:

Critical and Historical Tracts, No IV, Robin Hood, p. 28 ff.

Footnote 79:

Think of Robin as light porter,—Robin who had been giving and taking
buffets that might fell an ox. Think of him as worn out with the work
in eleven months, and dropped for disability. Think of his being put
on threepence a day, after paying his yeomen at thrice the rate, 171,
not to speak of such casual gratuities as we hear of in 382. “There is
in all this, perhaps, as much correspondency as we can reasonably
expect between the record and the ballad,” says Hunter, p. 38.

Footnote 80:

Hunter asks if it is not possible to find in this Robert Hood of
Wakefield, near Barnsdale, “the identical person whose name has been
so strangely perpetuated.” This Robert Hood would be a person of some
consideration, and he would thus be qualified “for his station among
the vadlets of the crown,”—three-penny vadlets, Great Hob, Little
Coll, Robert _Trash_, and their fellows. The Wakefield Robert’s wife
was named Matilda, “and the ballad testimony is—not the Little Gest,
but other ballads of uncertain antiquity,—that the outlaw’s wife was
named Matilda, which name she exchanged for Marian when she joined him
in the green-wood.” (Pp 46–48.) Hunter has made a trivial mistake
about Matilda: she belongs to Munday’s play, and not to the ballads
(ballad) he has in mind.

Footnote 81:

The sheriff flees from Barnsdale “towards his house in Nottingham,” in
stanza 57. In fact, though these places are fifty miles apart, this
ballad treats them as adjacent. See p. 50 f.

Footnote 82:

Formerly among Sir John Fenn’s papers (for the history of which see
Gairdner, Paston Letters, I, vii. ff); now in the possession of Mr
William Aldis Wright, of Trinity College, Cambridge. The fragment, Mr
Wright informs me, is written on a paper which was evidently the last
half-leaf of a folio MS. On the back are various memoranda, and among
them this: It^m. R^d of Rechard Wytway, penter [_or_ peuter], for hes
hosse rent, in full payment, lx [ix?] s’, the vij day of November, aº
Ed. iiij^{ti} xv \[1475]. The grammatical forms of themselves warrant
our putting the composition further back. This interesting relic has
already been printed in Notes and Queries, First Series, XII, 321,
from a very incorrect copy made by Dr Stukely. It is given here from a
transcript made for me by Henry Bradshaw, of honored memory. Mr Wright
has compared this with the original, and given me the history of the
paper, so far as known.

This paper, as far as we can see, came into Sir John Fenn’s hands in
company with the Paston Letters. In a letter of the date 1473, Sir
John Paston writes: W. Woode, whyche promysed ... he wold never goo
fro me, and ther uppon I have kepyd hym thys iii yer to pleye Seynt
Jorge, and Robyn Hod and the Shryff off Nottyngham, and now, when I
wolde have good horse, he is gone into Bernysdale, and I without a
keeper. Fenn, Original Letters, etc., 1787, II, 134, cited by Ritson;
Gairdner, Paston Letters, III, 89. The play cited above might be
called one of Robin Hood and the Sheriff of Nottingham, and may
possibly have been the very one in which William Wood was used to
perform, before he went “into Barnysdale,” that is, ran away from
service.

Footnote 83:

The [d]oo in the last line is not quite certain. I am not sure that
the parts are always rightly assigned in the third dialogue.

Footnote 84:

Norray should be Nornee, or Norny, the name of a court fool. He is
mentioned in James IV’s Treasurer’s Accounts, 1503–12. See Laing’s
Dunbar, II, 307 f. Allan Bell being sly at shot, it is probable that
Allan is miswritten in the MS. for Adam.

Footnote 85:

The gap at 30^2 occurs between two pages, and is peculiarly
regrettable. The former reading of “Robyns men” in 30^1 made matters
much worse, since there was no way of accounting for the appearance of
his men at this point. We must suppose that some one of Robin’s many
friends carries the news of his capture to his band, and not simply
that; with this there must have come information that their leader was
to be held to await knowledge of the king’s pleasure, otherwise delay
would be dangerous, and summary measures for his deliverance be
required.

Footnote 86:

The porter or warden, in such cases, may commonly look to have his
neck wrung, to be thrown over the wall, into a well, etc.: compare
Adam Bell, st. 65; Jock o the Side, sts 13, 14; the Tale of Gamelyn,
Skeat, v. 303–05; Fulk Fitz Warine, Wright, pp 44, 82 f; King Horn.
ed. Wissmann, vv 1097–99; Romance de don Gaiferos, F. Wolf, Ueber eine
Sammlung spanischer Romanzen, p. 76, Wolf y Hofmann, Primavera, II,
148, No 174; etc.

Footnote 87:

En le temps de Averyl e May, quant les prees e les herbes
reverdissent, et chescune chose vivaunte recovre vertue, beaute e
force, les mountz e les valeys retentissent des douce chauntz des
oseylouns, e les cuers de chescune gent, pur la beaute du temps e la
sesone, mountent en haut e s’enjolyvent, etc.: Wright, Warton Club,
1855, p. 1; Stevenson, Radulphi de Coggeshall Chronicon Anglicanum,
etc., p. 277.

Footnote 88:

Already cited at p. 41. Bower wrote 1441–47, and died 1449: Skene,
Johannis de Fordun Chronica, pp xv, xli.

Footnote 89:

Par cest exemple bien veons
Que li dous Deux en qui creons
Ame et chierist et honneure
Celui qui volentiers demeure
Pour oïr messe en sainte eglise, etc.

‘Du chevalier qui ooit la messe, et Notre-Dame estoit pour lui au
tournoiement,’ Barbazan et Méon, Fabliaux, 1808, I, 86.

Footnote 90:

These resemblances are noted by Fricke, Die Robin Hood Balladen, a
dissertation, reprinted in Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen
(vol. 69), in which the relations of the ballads in question are
discussed with sagacity and vigilance.

Footnote 91:

“You shall never hear more of me” might mean something stronger, but
it is unlikely that Will is so touchy as to throw up fealty for a
testy word from a sick man. A stanza or more seems to be lost here.
Arthur is equally hasty with Gawain. He makes his vow to be the bane
of Cornwall King. It is an unadvised vow, says Gawain.

And then bespake him noble Arthur,
And these were the words said he:
Why, if thou be afraid, Sir Gawaine the gay,
Goe home, and drink wine in thine own country.

I, 285, sts 33–35.

Footnote 92:

John is again his sole companion when Robin goes in search of Guy of
Gisborne. The yeoman in stanza 3 should be Red Roger; but a suspicion
has more than once come over me that the beginning of this ballad has
been affected by some version of Guy of Gisborne.

Footnote 93:

I can make nothing of “give me mood,” in 23^{1,2}. ‘Give me God’ or
‘Give me my God,’ seems too bold a suggestion: at any rate I have no
example of God used simply for housel.

Footnote 94:

A few verses are wanting at the end. The “met-yard” of the last line
is one of the last things we should think Robin would care for.

Footnote 95:

It seemed to me at one time that there was a direction to shoot an
arrow to determine the place of a grave also in No 16, #A# 3, #I#,
185.

Now when that ye hear me gie a loud cry,
Shoot frae thy bow an arrow, and there let me lye.

But upon considering the corresponding passage in 16 #B#, #C#, and in
15 #B#, the idea seems rather to be, that the arrow is to leave the
bow at the moment when the soul shoots from the body.

Footnote 96:

Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, p. 46, who cites #B# 17, 18. Mr
Ralston observes that most of the so-styled Robber Songs of the
Russians are reminiscences of the revolt of the Don Cossacks against
Tsar Alexis Mikhailovich. Stenka Razín, the chief of the insurgents,
after setting for several years the forces of the Tsar at defiance,
was put to a cruel death in 1672: p. 45, as above.

Footnote 97:

The personage may have been varied in the broadside ballads to catch
the pence of tanners, tinkers, and the rest; or possibly some member
of the respective fraternities might do this for the glory of his
craft. A parallel case seems to be afforded by the well-known German
ballad, ‘Der Zimmergesell und die junge Markgräfin,’ which is also
sung of a journeyman shoemaker, tailor, locksmith, etc.; as remarked
by A. Grün, Robin Hood, Ein Balladenkranz, p. 47 f.

Footnote 98:

Fricke, Die Robin-Hood-Balladen, p. 20 f, suggests a ballad of Robin
Hood and the Sheriff (How Robin took revenge for the sheriff’s setting
a price on his head), which may have been blended with another, of the
Rescue of a Knight, to form the sixth fit of The Gest; and points to
st. 329 of the Gest, ‘Robyn Hode walked in the forest,’ etc., as the
probable beginning of such a ballad.

Footnote 99:

#b# would have taken precedence of #a#, having been printed earlier
(1607–41), but I am at liberty only to collate Pepys copies. The Wood
copies of Robin Hood ballads are generally preferable to the Pepys.

Footnote 100:

“A wet weary man,” #A# 7^1, should probably be “wel weary.” Why should
R. H. be wet? And if wet, he may as well be a little wetter.

Footnote 101:

Like terms are assured the cook by John in the Gest, sts 170, 171, and
offered the Tanner by Robin Hood, R. H. and the Tanner, st. 26. Cf.
Adam Bell, sts 163–65.

The ‘Life’ in the Sloane MS., which is put not much before 1600, says:
He procurd the Pynner of Wakefeyld to become one of his company, and a
freyr called Muchel; though some say he was an other kynd of religious
man, for that the order of freyrs was not yet sprung up.

Footnote 102:

Curtilarius (Old English curtiler) qui curtile curat aut incolit:
Ducange.

Footnote 103:

I suppose that it must already have been pointed out that the story of
King Ramiro, versified by Southey from the Portuguese, Poetical Works,
1838, VI, 122, is a variety of that of Solomon. There are curious
points of resemblance between ‘R. H. rescuing Three Squires’ and the
conclusion of the story of Solomon.

Footnote 104:

Dodsley’s Old Plays, 4th ed., by W. C. Hazlitt, VIII, 195, 232.

Footnote 105:

A very serious offence: see E. Peacock, Hales and Furnivall, Percy
Folio Manuscript, I, lxii, note to p. 34.

Footnote 106:

Further on, Brathwayte alludes to a difference between Robin Hood and
the Shoemaker of Bradford, which had been treated of by stage-poets.
This refers to the fight that Robin Hood and George a Green have with
the shoemakers, in chap. xii of the History (Thoms, p. 52 f), which is
introduced into Robert Greene’s play (Dyce, p. 199 f), but only George
does the fighting there. It is mere carelessness when Munday,
‘Downfall,’ etc., applies the name of George a Greene to the Shoemaker
of Bradford (Hazlitt, as above, p. 151). In the same play and the same
scene he makes Scathlock and Scarlet two persons.

Footnote 107:

Robin Hood Newly Revived (which, by the way, is in the same bad style
as Robin Hood and Little John) is directed to be sung ‘to a delightful
new Tune.’ The tune, as is seen from the burden, was that of Arthur a
Bland, etc., called in Robin Hood and the Prince of Aragon (the Second
Part of Robin Hood Newly Revived) Robin Hood, or Hey down, down a
down. The earliest printed copy of the air is preserved in the
ballad-opera of The Jovial Crew, 1731 (Rimbault, in Gutch’s Robin
Hood, II, 433, Chappell’s Popular Music, p. 391), and the song which
is there sung to it has middle rhyme in the first line as well as the
third, which is the case with no Robin Hood ballad except Robin Hood
and the Peddlers.

Robin Hood and Maid Marian, which has the middle rhyme in the third
line, is directed to be sung to Robin Hood Revived. Robin Hood and the
Scotchman, as already said, has middle rhyme in the third line; so
have The King’s Disguise, etc., R. H. and the Golden Arrow, R. H. and
the Valiant Knight; but the tune assigned to the last is Robin Hood
and the Fifteen Foresters, that is, Robin Hood’s Progress to
Nottingham.

It ought to be added that Robin Hood Newly Revived is found in the
Garland of 1663, in company with R. H. and the Bishop, R. H. and the
Butcher, etc., and that Robin Hood and Little John is not there; but I
do not consider this circumstance sufficient to offset the probability
in favor of the supposition, that by Robin Hood and the Stranger is
meant Robin Hood and Little John.

Footnote 108:

Fourteen foot, as proved by his bones, preserved, according to Hector
Boece, in the kirk of Pette, in Murrayland. See Ritson’s Robin Hood,
1832, I, cxxxii f; and Gutch, II, 112, note *.

Footnote 109:

The Bold Pedlar and Robin Hood, No 132, is a traditional variation of
Robin Hood Revived.

Footnote 110:

Though Mr W. C. Hazlitt, in his Handbook to the Popular, Poetical, and
Dramatic Literature of Great Britain, p. 514, No 25, has: “Robin Hood
and the Stranger. In two parts. [Col.] London: printed by and for W.
O., and to be sold at the booksellers. Roxb. and Wood Colls.” This
colophon belongs only to Robin Hood, Will Scadlock, and Little John,
otherwise Robin Hood and the Prince of Aragon, which see. The title
Robin Hood and the Stranger is adopted from Ritson.

Footnote 111:

‘Robin Hood and the Prince of Aragon,’ in Thackeray’s list, Ballad
Society, I, xxiv, and in the late Garlands, 1749, etc.

Footnote 112:

Remarked by Fricke, p. 88 f.

Footnote 113:

Mr E. Maunde Thompson, Keeper of the Manuscripts in the British
Museum, in an obliging letter to Harvard College Library, and in The
Academy, 1885, March 7, p. 170. No 8 C of this collection is in this
manuscript.

Footnote 114:

A verse in the passage from Drayton’s Polyolbion, Song xxvi, cited by
Ritson, I, viii of Robin Hood, 1795, may refer to this version of the
ballad: “The widow in distress he graciously relievd.”

Footnote 115:

In st. 2 Robin is in his proper Lincoln green. He wears scarlet red
again in No. 141, st. 6 and in No 145, st. 18, his men being in green.

Footnote 116:

Fricke has observed this, pp 59, 69, and at p. 58 the resemblance to
Wallace.

Footnote 117:

Even the author of #A# seems not to be aware that Much, the Miller’s
Son, is the standing name of one of Robin Hood’s men, and therefore
would not answer for a disguise. In #B#, #C#, nothing is expressly
said about the change of names, and in fact this arrangement seems not
to be understood, since in #B# 21^1 Clifton is spoken of as _one_
Clifton. Comparing #B# 33, 34, 37, we see that Clifton should be
Little John, but Midge, the Miller’s Son, himself, not Scathlock,
still less John.

Footnote 118:

Also says Ritson, Robin Hood, II, 97, by Francis Coule, 13th June,
1631; but the ballad there entered is The Noble Fisherman.

Footnote 119:

Robin Hood, ed. 1832, p. xxxvi, note, p. lxxxvii.

Footnote 120:

The mutilated parts are supplied, to a slight extent, from a copy in
the Bodleian Library (L. 78. Art., 5th tract), which happens to be
injured on the right side of the title-page in nearly the same places
as the Museum copy, and also has the lower portion cut off, to the
loss of the printer’s name; the rest from an edition printed for J.
Clark, W. Thackeray, and T. Passinger, 1686. Mr J. P. Collier
possessed a copy with the same imprint as that of the Museum, which he
lent Gutch, and which Gutch says he used for his text. If Gutch
followed the Collier copy, then that was not identical with the Museum
copy. Ritson reprinted the text of 1686.

Footnote 121:

“Now, under this precise gentleman’s favor, one would be glad to know
what these same superstitious words were; there not being anything of
the kind in Dr Gale’s copy, which seems to be the original, and which
is shorter by two lines than the above. Thirteen should be thirty.”
Ritson, Robin Hood, ed. 1832, II, 127 f. For the epitaph and the
gravestone, see the same volume, pp. liv-lvii.

Footnote 122:

Percy: “As for Mirryland Town, it is probably a corruption of Milan
(called by the Dutch Meylandt) town; the Pa is evidently the river Po,
although the Adige, not the Po, runs through Milan.” #B#, 1 is
unintelligible. Do the lads run down the Pa?

Footnote 123:

In #J#, 4, he will be beaten for losing his ball. In the Irish #F#, 8,
the mother takes a little rod in her hand, meaning to bate him for
staying so long: cf. #J# 10, #N# 4, 12,and the last verse of T. Hood’s
‘Lost Heir.’

Footnote 124:

Dem Volke war die Glocke nicht herzlos; sie war ihm eine beseelte
Persönlichkeit, und stand als solche mit dem Menschen in lebendigem
Verkehr.... Die Glocken ... scheinen auch von höheren Mächten berührt
zu werden; sie sprechen wie Gottesstimmen, ertönen oft von selbst, als
Mahnung von oben, als Botschaft vom Tode bedeutender Personen, als
Wahrzeichen der Unschuld eines Angeklagten, zur Bewährung der
Heiligkeit eines von Gott erwählten Rüstzeugs. Uhland, Schriften zur
Geschichte der Dichtung u. Sage, VIII, 588 f.

Footnote 125:

Annales Monastici, ed. Luard, II, 346 ff. “From 1219 to 1266 the MS.
was written contemporaneously with the events described, from year to
year:” p. xxxvi.

Footnote 126:

Chronica Majora, ed. Luard, V, 516–19. Matthew Paris died in 1259.

Footnote 127:

Seventy-one were thus reserved, but escaped, by the use of money or by
the intercession of the Franciscans, or both. See the same volume, p.
546; but also the account which follows, from the Annals of Burton.

Footnote 128:

Annales de Burton, in Annales Monastici, Luard, I, 340–48. Hugh of
Lincoln is commemorated in the Acta Sanctorum, July (27), VI, 494.

Footnote 129:

Michel, Hugues de Lincoln, etc., from a MS. in the “Bibliothèque
royale, No 7268, 3. 3. A. Colb. 3745, fol. 135, rº, col. 1.” Reprinted
by Halliwell, Ballads and Poems respecting Hugh of Lincoln, p. 1, and
from Halliwell by Hume, Sir Hugh of Lincoln, etc., p. 43 ff. In
stanzas 13, 75, there is an invocation in behalf of King Henry (Qui
Deu gard et tenge sa vie!), which implies that he is living. The
ballad shows an acquaintance with the localities.

Footnote 130:

“A la gule de aust.” The day, according to the Annals of Burton, was
the _vigil_ of St Peter ad vincula. We find in Henschel’s Ducange, “ad
festum S. Petri, in gula Augusti,” and “le jour de feste S. Pere, en
goule Aoust.” Strictly taken, goule should be the first day, Lammas.

Peitevin was actually resident in Lincoln at the time. “He was called
Peitevin the Great, to distinguish him from another person who bore
the appellation of Peitevin the Little. The Royal Commission issued in
1256 directs an inquisition to be taken of the names of all those who
belonged to the school of Peytevin Magnus, who had fled on account of
his implication in the crucifixion of a Christian boy.” London
Athenæum, 1849, p. 1270 f.

Footnote 131:

The site of the Jewry was on the hill and about the castle: London
Athenæum, 1849, p. 1271.

Footnote 132:

These renegades play a like part in many similar cases.

Footnote 133:

Les Jus, 82^1; but this is impossible, and we have li justis in 91^1.

Footnote 134:

“Canwick is pleasantly situated on a bold eminence, about a mile
northward of Lincoln.” Allen, History of the County of Lincoln, I,
208.

Footnote 135:

I do not find this story in the Basel edition of c. 1475.

Footnote 136:

A case cited by Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, 2^r Theil, p. 220,
from Socrates, Ecclesiastical History, l. vii, 16, differs from later
ones by being a simple extravagance of drunkenness. Some Jews in
Syria, “A. D. 419,” who were making merry after their fashion, and
indulging in a good deal of tomfoolery, began, as they felt the
influence of wine, to jeer at Christ and Christians; from which they
proceeded to the seizing of a Christian boy and tying him to a cross.
At first they were contented to make game of him, but, growing crazy
with drink, they fell to beating him, and even beat him to death; for
which they were properly punished.

Footnote 137:

See the ballads ‘Vom Judenmord zu Deggendorf,’ 1337, ‘Von den Juden zu
Passau,’ 1478, in Liliencron, I, 45, No 12, II, 142, No 153.

Footnote 138:

Nothing could be more just than these words of Percy: “If we consider,
on the one hand, the ignorance and superstition of the times when such
stories took their rise, the virulent prejudices of the monks who
record them, and the eagerness with which they would be catched up by
the barbarous populace as a pretence for plunder; on the other hand,
the great danger incurred by the perpetrators, and the inadequate
motives they could have to excite them to a crime of so much horror,
we may reasonably conclude the whole charge to be groundless and
malicious.” Reliques, 1795, I, 32.

Footnote 139:

Read the indictment against Christians filed by Zunz, Die synagogale
Poesie des Mittelalters, pp 19–58, covering the time from the eleventh
century to the middle of the sixteenth. It is regrettable that Zunz
has not generally cited his authorities. See also Stobbe, Die Juden in
Deutschland, p. 183 ff., and notes, p. 280 ff., where the authorities
are given.

Footnote 140:

In vol. viii, pp 225, 344, 476, 598, 730, vol. ix, 107, 219, 353, 472,
605, the confessions of the defendants are given from the original
minutes of the trial; and it fully appears from these confessions that
blood is requisite for a proper performance of the Paschal ceremonies,
and also that the blood must be got from a boy, and from a boy while
he is undergoing torment. Only it is to be remembered that the
inducements to these confessions were the same as those which led the
Jews of Passau to acknowledge that blood exuded from the Host when it
was stabbed, and that when two bits of the wafer were thrown into an
oven two doves flew out: Train, as above, p. 116, note 57.

Footnote 141:

For other pictures of these martyrdoms, see the Nuremberg Chronicle,
1493, fol. ccliiii, vº, for Simon of Trent; Lacroix, Mœurs, Usages,
etc., 1875, p. 473, for Richard of Pontoise, p. 475, for Simon,
repeated from the N. Chron.; that of Munich, 1285, and the children of
Ratisbon, reproduced in Cosmos, March 30, 1885 (according to Drumont,
II, 418, note). See also Michel, Hugues de Lincoln, p. 54, note 41.

Footnote 142:

The extraordinary occurrence in Damascus in the same year, 1840, which
excited the indignation, sympathy, and active interposition of nearly
all the civilized world, requires but the briefest allusion. A
capuchin friar was in this instance the victim immolated, and for
blood to mix with the Paschal bread. The most frightful torture was
used, under the direction of the Turkish pacha, assisted by the French
consul, under which three unhappy men succumbed. See Illgen’s detailed
account of this persecution in the periodical and article above cited,
pp. 153 ff. Drumont is of the same mind as he would have been four or
five hundred years ago: “les faits étaient prouvés, démontrés,
indiscutables” (La France Juive, II, 411).

Footnote 143:

The threat implied in #E# 3^4 has no motive; and the phrase “haly
spark” in 5^4 is an unadvised anticipation.

Footnote 144:

Found also in the ballad, A Warning-Piece to England against Pride and
Wickedness: Being the Fall of Queen Eleanor, Wife to Edward the First,
King of England, who, for her Pride, by God’s Judgments, sunk into the
Ground at Charing-Cross and rose at Queen-Hithe. A Collection of Old
Ballads, I, 97.

Footnote 145:

There attributed to Jacques de Vitry, but not found in his Exempla.
Professor Crane informs me that, though the Scala Celi cites Jacques
de Vitry sixty-two times, only fourteen of such _exempla_ occur among
J. de V.’s.

Footnote 146:

The story does not occur in Doni’s Marmi, iii, 27, as has been said.
What is there found is somewhat after the fashion of ‘The Baffled
Knight,’ No 112.

Footnote 147:

Cunningham, in his loose way, talks of several fragments which he had
endeavored to combine, but can spare room for only one couplet:

Though lame of a leg and blind of an ee,
You’re as like William Wallace as ever I did see.

But this is the William of ‘The Knight and the Shepherd’s Daughter,’
No 110.

Footnote 148:

#A# 15, #B# 12, #D# 12, are somewhat corrupted. In #F# 14 Wallace says
he never _had_ a better bode. In #E# 10 Wallace’s reply is, Pay down,
for if your answer be not good you shall have the downfall of Robin
Hood; and in #G# 30, Tell down, and ye shall see William Wallace with
the downcome of Robin Hood; that is, I suppose, you shall be knocked
down as if by Robin Hood.

Footnote 149:

Post enim conflictum de Roslyn, Wallace, ascensa navi, Franciam petit,
ubi quanta probitate refulsit, tam super mare a piratis quam in
Francia ab Anglis perpessus est discrimina, et viriliter se habuit,
nonnulla carmina, tam in ipsa Francia quam Scotia, attestantur.
Scotichronicon, Goodall, II, 176, note.

Footnote 150:

“Thou hadst twenty ships hither, thou’st have twenty away,” #B# 37. It
would be more in the ballad-way were the second twenty doubled.

Footnote 151:

In the London Athenæum, about twenty-five years ago, there was (I
think) a story of an Englishman in Russia resembling Hugh Spencer’s. I
have wrongly noted the number as 1871, and have not recovered the
story after much rummaging. This ballad is not very unlike Russian
_bylinas_.

Footnote 152:

Presbyteri, fratres et clerici, sutores et mechanici, Bower; agricolæ
ac pastores, et capellani imbecilles et decrepiti, Knyghton; miseri
monachi, improbi presbyteri, porcorum pastores, sutores et pelliparii,
Chronicon de Lanercost; clericos et pastores, Walsingham, Hist. Angl.

Footnote 153:

It is very doubtful whether there was an Earl of Buchan in 1346. Henry
de Beaumont, according to the peerages, died in 1341. He was an
Englishman, had fought against the Scots at Duplin, 1332, and was
after that in the service of Edward III.

Footnote 154:

‘Famous,’ the MS. reading in 14^1, may probably be an error for James,
which occurs so often in 28–33. William Douglas, the Knight of
Liddesdale, had a brother James, but this James had been killed in
1335. He had also a brother John, Scotichronicon and Chronicon de
Lanercoste, and the latter, as has been mentioned, puts John in
Murray’s division. Knyghton, col. 2590, gives as among the prisoners
dominus Willielmus Duglas et frater ejusdem Willielmi.

Footnote 155:

When William Douglas, in the Chronicle of Lanercost, tells the king
that the English are at hand, and David replies, there is nothing in
England but monks, priests, swineherds, etc., Douglas says, ‘aliter
invenietis; sunt varii validi viri.’

Footnote 156:

Froissart says that the English force was in four battalions: the
first commanded by the Bishop of Durham and Lord Percy; the second by
the Archbishop of York and Lord Neville; the third by the Bishop of
Lincoln and Lord Mowbray; the fourth by Edward Balliol and the
Archbishop of Canterbury.

Footnote 157:

Crécy, 26 August, 1346; Durham, 17 October, 1346; Poitiers, 19
September, 1356.

Footnote 158:

“Froissart describes a Scottish host of the same period as consisting
of ‘.iiii. M. of armes, knightis and squiers, mounted on good horses,
and other .x. M. men of warre, armed after their gyse, right hardy and
firse, mounted on lytle hackeneys, the whiche were never tyed nor kept
at hard meate, but lette go to pasture in the feldis and busshes.’”
Happily cited by Scott, in illustration of #C# 16: Lord Berners’
translation, cap. xvii, Pynson, 1523, fol. viii.

Footnote 159:

A consolation as old as wise. So Paris, for himself: νίκη δ’
ἐπαμείβεται ἄνδρας, Iliad, vi, 339.

Footnote 160:

Buchanan has these numbers, with the exception of 1840, for 1860,
killed: ed. 1582, fol. 101. “That there was a memorable slaughter in
this affair, a slaughter far beyond the usual proportion to the
numbers engaged, cannot be doubted; nor was there ever bloodshed more
useless for the practical ends of war. It all came of the capture of
the Percy’s pennon. The Scots might have got clear off with all their
booty; the English forgot all the precautions of war when they made a
midnight rush on a fortified camp without knowledge of the ground or
the arrangements of their enemy. It was for these specialties that
Froissart admired it so. He saw in it a fight for fighting’s sake, a
great passage at arms in which no bow was drawn, but each man fought
hand to hand; in fact, about the greatest and bloodiest tournament he
had to record. Hence his narrative is ever interrupted with bursts of
admiration as his fancy contemplates the delightful scene raised
before it.” Burton, History of Scotland, II, 364, ed. 1873 (who,
perhaps by an error of the press, makes the losses of the English in
killed eight hundred and forty, in place of Buchanan’s eighteen
hundred and forty).

Footnote 161:

Bower and Barry say St Oswald’s day, Wednesday, the 5th,
Scotichronicon, II, 405, 407; Knyghton also; the continuator of
Higden’s Polychronicon, August 12, Wednesday. The ballad, #A# 18^4,
gives the day as Wednesday. There was a full moon August 20, which
makes the 19th of itself far more probable, and Froissart says the
moon was shining. See White, Battle of Otterburn, p. 133.

Footnote 162:

Walsingham writes in the vein of Froissart: “Erat ibidem cernere
pulchrum spectaculum, duos tam præclaros juvenes manus conserere et
pro gloria decertare.” Walsingham says that the English were few.
Malverne puts the Scots at 30,000, and here, as in the ballad #A# 35,
the cronykle does not layne (indeed, the ballad is all but accurate),
if the main body of the Scots be included, which was at first supposed
to be supporting Douglas.

Footnote 163:

‘The perssee and the mongumrye met, that day, that day, that gentil
day,’ which I suppose to be either a different reading from any that
has come down, or a blending of a line from Otterburn with one from
The Hunting of the Cheviot, #A# 24^1; indicating in either case the
present ballad only, for The Hunttis of Cheuet had been cited before.
Furnivall holds that the second line means another ballad: Captain
Cox, p. clix.

Footnote 164:

The History of the Houses of Douglas and Angus, 1644, p. 104.

Footnote 165:

For Motherwell’s views, see his Minstrelsy, li, lii, and lxxi, note
30.

Footnote 166:

#B# 20.
Ingen iomfru maa ieg loffue,
huerchen lønlig eller aaben-bahre;
det haffuer ieg iomfru Maria loffuet
hindis tienere skall ieg verre.

Footnote 167:

The burden is ‘O kiennicheinn Maria’ in the first, ‘Hilf Maria’ in the
second; in both George declines the king’s daughter, and orders a
church to be built ‘mit Mariabeild,’ or to himself and Mary. This, and
perhaps the hint for St George’s addiction to Mary altogether, is from
the Golden Legend, where the king “in honorem beatæ Mariæ et beati
Georgii ecclesiam miræ magnitudinis construxit”: Grässe, p. 261.

Footnote 168:

Following in part Buchanan, who, however, says nothing of Melrose, or
of the prophecy, which is the point here. Illa vero a vobis postrema
peto: primum, vt mortem meam et nostros et hostes cœletis; deinde, ne
vexillum meum dejectum sinatis; demum, vt meam cædem vlciscamini. Hæc
si sperem ita fore, cætera æquo animo feram. Fol. 101, ed. 1582.

Footnote 169:

I have not resorted to the MS. in this case, for the reason that I
could not expect to get a transcript which would merit the confidence
which must attach to one made by the hand of Professor Skeat.

Footnote 170:

British Bibliographer, IV, 99 f; Wright, Songs and Ballads, p. viii;
etc.

Footnote 171:

The grammatical forms of the Hunting of the Cheviot are, however,
older than those of the particular copy of Otterburn which has been
preserved. The plural of the noun is very often in -ës or -ys, as
lordës, 23^1; longës, 37^1; handdës, 60^1; sydis, 8^2; bowys, 13^2,
25^1, 29^1, etc., at least sixteen cases. We find, also, sydë at 6^2,
and possibly should read fayllë at 9^3. The plural in -ës is rare in
The Battle of Otterburn: starrës, 45^4; swordës, 54^2; Skottës, 59^1,
62^1. Probably we are to read swordës length in 55^3.

Footnote 172:

See the passage in the Memoirs of Carey, Earl of Monmouth, referred to
in Percy’s Reliques, 1765, I, 235, and given at length in Hales and
Furnivall, II, 3 f.

Footnote 173:

The minstrel was not too nice as to topography either: Otterburn is
not in Cheviot.

Footnote 174:

Tytler, History of Scotland, III, 293, though citing only the
Scotichronicon, says Sir Robert Ogle, and also Scott, I, 270; for
reasons which do not appear.

Footnote 175:

An Apologie for Poetrie, p. 46 of Arber’s reprint of the first
edition, 1595. For the date of the writing, 1581–85, see Arber, p. 7
f.

Footnote 176:

The courtly poet deserves much of ballad-lovers for avowing his
barbarousness (one doubts whether he seriously believed that the
gorgeous Pindar could have improved upon the ballad), but what would
he not have deserved if he had written the blind crowder’s song down!

Footnote 177:

Popular Music, I, 198. Chevy Chase is entered in the Stationers’
Registers, among a large parcel of ballads, in 1624, and clearly was
no novelty: Arber, IV, 131. “Had it been printed even so early as
Queen Elizabeth’s reign,” says Percy, “I think I should have met with
some copy wherein the first line would have been, God prosper long our
noble queen.” “That it could not be much later than that time appears
from the phrase _doleful dumps_, which in that age carried no ill
sound with it, but to the next generation became ridiculous. We have
seen it pass uncensured in a sonnet that was at that time in request,
and where it could not fail to have been taken notice of had it been
in the least exceptionable; see above, Book ii, song v, ver. 2 [by
Richard Edwards, 1596?]. Yet, in about half a century after, it was
become burlesque. Vide Hudibras, Pt. I, c. 3, v. 95.” Reliques, 1794,
I, 268, note, 269.

The copy in the Percy MS., #B a#, though carelessly made, retains,
where the broadsides do not, two of the readings of #A#: bade on the
bent, 28^2; to the hard head haled he, 45^4.

Footnote 178:

Addison was not behind any of us in his regard for traditional songs
and tales. No 70 begins: “When I travelled, I took a particular
delight in hearing the songs and fables that are come from father to
son and are most in vogue among the common people of the countries
through which I passed; for it is impossible that anything should be
universally tasted and approved by a multitude, tho they are only the
rabble of a nation, which hath not in it some peculiar aptness to
please and gratify the mind of man. Human nature is the same in all
reasonable creatures, and whatever falls in with it will meet with
admirers amongst readers of all qualities and conditions.”

Footnote 179:

A Description of the Parish of Melrose [by the Revd. Adam Milne],
Edinburgh, 1743, p. 21. Scott cites the epitaph, with some slight
variations (as “English louns”), Appendix to The Eve of St. John,
Minstrelsy, IV, 199, ed. 1833. The monument was “all broken in pieces”
in Milne’s time; seems to have been renewed and again broken up (The
Scotsman, November 12, 1873); but, judging from Murray’s Handbook of
Scotland, has again been restored.

Squire Meldrum’s valor was inferior to nobody’s, but as his fortune
was happier than Witherington’s and Lilliard’s, a note may suffice for
him. “Quhen his schankis wer schorne in sunder, vpon his knees he
wrocht greit wounder:” Lindsay, ed. 1594, Cv. recto, v. 30 f, Hall, p.
358, v. 1349 f. But really he was only “hackit on his hochis and
theis,” or as Pittscottie says, Dalyell, p. 306, “his hochis war
cutted and the knoppis of his elbowis war strikin aff,” and by and by
he is “haill and sound” again, according to the poet, and according to
the chronicler he “leived fyftie yeires thairefter.”

Footnote 180:

As stanch as some of these was a Highlander at the battle of Gasklune,
1392, who, though nailed to the ground by a horseman’s spear, held
fast to his sword, writhed himself up, and with a last stroke cut his
foeman above the foot to the bone, “through sterap-lethire and the
bute, thre ply or foure”: Wyntoun’s Chronicle, B. ix, ch. 14, Laing,
III, 59.

Footnote 181:

Legally just: Maidment, Scotish Ballads and Songs, Historical and
Traditionary, I, 349 ff.

Footnote 182:

And afterwards, 1748, by Robert Foulis, Glasgow: “Two old Historical
Scots Poems, giving an account of the Battles of Harlaw and the
Reid-Squair.”

Footnote 183:

Ane Catalogue of the Books, Manuscripts and Pamphlets Belonging to
Robert Mylne, Wryter in Ed[r .], 1709: Advocates Library. Mr Macmath,
who has come to my aid here, writes: “So far as I can make out, this
catalogue contains no MSS. It is in two divisions: 1st, Printed Books;
2d, Pamphlets. The following is in the second division, and I
understand the reference to be, year of publication, volume, or bundle
of pamphlets, number of piece in bundle or volume:

“Harlaw The Battle yrof An: 1411 ... 1668, 79, 5.”

Mylne died in 1747, at the age, it is said, of 103 or 105: [Maidment],
A Book of Scotish Pasquils, p. 423.

Footnote 184:

He talks like a canny packman:

I wist nocht quha was fae or freind;
Yet quietly I did me carrie,
. . . . . . .
And thair I had nae tyme to tairie,
For bissiness in Aberdene.

Footnote 185:

So with The Battle of Balrinnes and The Haughs of Cromdale. The first
line of The Battle of Balrinnes is, ‘Betuixt Dunother and Aberdein.’

Footnote 186:

Not only were these long and affectionately remembered, but their
heirs were exempted from certain feudal taxes, because the defeat of
the Celts was regarded as a national deliverance: Burton’s History,
II, 394.

Footnote 187:

A macaronic ascribed to Drummond of Hawthornden.

Interea ante alios dux piperlarius heros
Præcedens, magnamque gestans cum burdine pipam,
Incipit Harlai cunctis sonare Batellum.

(Poems, Maitland Club, p. 413, after the first
dated edition of 1684.)

Footnote 188:

3^2. Away and away and away, #e#, #f#, #i#, #k#. 12^1. The first that
fired it was the French, #f#, #g#, #h#. 12^4. were forced to flee,
#f#, #i#, #m# (first to flee, #e#). 14^3. in all French land, #e#,
#f#, #g#, (in our) #h#, #m#. Etc.

Footnote 189:

English balls again in #m#, tennis-balls in #i#, #k#.

Footnote 190:

Whose work was printed in 1850, ed. Benjamin Williams. I am for the
most part using Sir Harris Nicolas’s excellent History of the Battle
of Agincourt, 2d ed., 1832, here; see pp. 8–13, 301 f.

Footnote 191:

Nicolas, p. 302 f, slightly corrected; much the same in another copy
of the poem, _ib._, Appendix, p. 69 #f.# The jest in Henry’s reply is
carried out in detail when he comes to Harfleur, _ib._, pp. 308–310.

Footnote 192:

Nicolas, p. 10, as corrected by Hales and Furnivall, II, 161, and in
one word emended by me. By several of the above writers the Dauphin
Louis is called Charles, through confusion with his father or his
younger brother.

Footnote 193:

The gifts are a whip (σκῦτος), a ball, and a casket of gold. In Julius
Valerius’s version, Müller, as above, σκῦτος is rendered habena, whip
or reins; in Leo’s Historia de Preliis, ed. Landgraf, p. 54, we have
virga for habena; in Lamprecht’s Alexander, Weismann, I, 74,
1296–1301, the habena is a pair of shoe-strings. The French romance,
Michelant, p. 52, 25 ff, to make sure, gives us both rod (verge) and
reins; the English Alexander, Weber, I, 75, 1726–28, has a top, a
scourge, and a small purse of gold. Weber has noticed the similarity
of the stories, Romances, III, 299, and he remarks that in ‘The Famous
Victories of Henry Fifth’ a carpet is sent with the tun of
tennis-balls, to intimate that the prince is fitter for carpet than
camp.

Footnote 194:

Cheshire, Lancashire, and _the Earl of_ Derby are made to carry off
the honors in ballad-histories of Bosworth and Flodden: see the
appendix to No 168. Perhaps the hand of some minstrel of the same clan
as the author or authors of those eulogies may be seen in this
passage.

Footnote 195:

Henry of Monmouth, or Memoirs of the Life and Character of Henry the
Fifth, II, 121, 197. Jewitt, Derbyshire Ballads, p. 2, says that there
is a tradition in the Peak of Derby that Henry V would take no married
man or widow’s son, when recruiting for Agincourt; but he goes on to
say that the ballad is not unfrequently sung by the hardy sons of the
Peak, which adequately accounts for the tradition.

Footnote 196:

_Cf._ #g# 6 and ‘Lord Bateman,’ 14, II, 508.

Footnote 197:

Vol. cxiii, fol. 14, Bodleian Library: cited (p. 303 f.) in Beamont’s
Annals of the Lords of Warrington, Chetham Society, 1872, where may be
found the fullest investigation yet attempted of this obscure matter.
I have freely and thankfully used chapters 17–19 of that highly
interesting work.

Footnote 198:

For Lord Grey’s making the suit void, and his lady’s resolution to be
buried near Sir John, see Beamont, p. 319 f, pp. 297–99.

Footnote 199:

Beamont, p. 304.

Footnote 200:

Pennant, in the second half of the last century, heard that both Sir
Thomas and his lady were murdered in his house by assassins, who, in
the night, crossed the moat in leathern boats. Again, Sir Peter Legh,
simply, was said to have slain Sir Thomas Butler. Sir Thomas died
quietly in his bed, and Sir Peter, who had turned priest, administered
ghostly consolations to him not long before his decease.

Footnote 201:

See Beamont, p. 308; and also p. 296 for another hypothesis.

Footnote 202:

Beamont, pp. 259, 321.

Footnote 203:

These are duly interpreted in Hales and Furnivall.

Footnote 204:

Lord Strange’s hair-breadth escape is, however, perhaps apocryphal:
see Croston, County Families of Lancashire and Cheshire, 1887, p. 25
f.

Footnote 205:

#B# begins vilely, but does not go on so ill. The forty merchants
coming ‘with fifty sail’ to King Henry on a mountain top, 3^{1,2},
requires to be taken indulgently.

Footnote 206:

“God’s curse on his hartt,’ saide William,
‘Thys day thy cote dyd on;
If it had ben no better then myne,
It had gone nere thy bone.’

(Vol. iii, 23, st. 27.)

Footnote 207:

An approach to sense may be had by reading ‘either in hach-bord or in
hull,’ that is, by striking with his beam either the side or the body
of the vessel; but I do not think so well of this change as to venture
it.

Footnote 208:

The letters granted to the Bartons authorized them to seize all
Portuguese ships till repaid 12,000 ducats of Portugal. Pinkerton,
whose excellent account, everywhere justified by documents, I have
been indebted to above, remarks: “The justice of letters of reprisal
after an interval of thirty years may be much doubted. At any rate,
one prize was sufficient for the injury, and the continuance of their
captures, and the repeated demands of our kings, even so late as 1540,
cannot be vindicated. Nay, these reprisals on Portugal were found so
lucrative that, in 1543, Arran, the regent, gave similar letters to
John Barton, grandson of the first John. In 1563 Mary formally revoked
the letters of marque to the Bartons, because they had been abused
into piracy.” Pinkerton’s History of Scotland, II, 60 f, 70.

Footnote 209:

Robert was skipper of the Great Michael, a ship two hundred and forty
feet long, with sides ten feet thick, and said to be larger and
stronger than any vessel in the navy of England or of France.

Footnote 210:

A mistake of Edmund for Edward and an anticipation. Sir Edward Howard
was not made admiral till the next year. Edmund was his younger
brother. Lesley has Edmund again; Stowe has Edward.

Footnote 211:

Britanus. “Breton, whom our chroniclers call Barton,” says Lord
Herbert of Cherbury, Life of Henry VIII, 1649, p. 15.

Footnote 212:

Another anticipation. Sir Thomas Howard became admiral only after his
brother Edward’s death, in 1513. The expedition of the Howards against
Barton appears to have been a private one, though with the consent of
the king.

Footnote 213:

The commissioners met, and “the wrongs done unto Scotland many ways,
specially of the slaughter of Andrew Barton and taking of his ships,
were conferred,” but the commissioners of England would not consent to
make any redress or restitution till after a certain date when they
expected to know the issue of their king’s invasion of France.
Hereupon a herald was sent to King Henry in France, with a letter from
King James, rehearsing the great wrongs and unkindnesses done to
himself and his lieges, and among these the slaughter of Andrew Barton
by Henry’s own command, though he had done no offence to him or his
lieges; and no satisfaction being obtained, the herald, according to
his instructions, “denounced war to the king of England,” August,
1513. (Lesley, pp. 87–91.)

Footnote 214:

#B# 63^3, “Lord Howard shall Earl Bury hight.” Admiral Thomas Howard,
for his good service at Flodden and elsewhere, was created Earl of
Surrey in 1514. Bury is, one would suppose, a corruption of Surrey,
and if so, Surrey may have been the reading of earlier copies, and
perhaps Thomas again, instead of Charles.

Footnote 215:

By reading midwinter in #A# 17^3 this difficulty would be removed.

Footnote 216:

These beams, Henry Hunt intimates in 32, would be dangerous to
boarders, which is conceivable should they chance to hit the right
heads; but they are evidently meant to be dropped on the adversary’s
vessel, and this by a process which is not distinctly described, and
was, I fear, not perfectly grasped by the minstrel. The veriest
landsman must think that a magazine of heavy timbers stowed in either
castle (there is an upper and a lower in the pictures of Henry VII’s
Great Harry and of Henry VIII’s Grace de Dieu, and the lower is well
up the mast) would not be favorable to sailing; but this is a minor
difficulty. Stones and fire-balls were sometimes thrown from the
topcastle, which, properly, should be a stage at the very tip of the
mast, as we find it in old prints: see Nicolas’s History of the Royal
Navy, II, 170. Stones and iron bars thrown from the high decks of
Spanish ships did much harm to the English in a fight in 1372:
Froissart, Buchon, V, 276. An intelligible way of operating the
ancient “dolphins,” heavy masses of metal dropped from the end of a
yard, is suggested in Graser, De veterum re navali, 1864, p. 82 f.

Footnote 217:

A better, but defective, copy is in the second volume of Chetham
Miscellanies, edited by Dr J. Robson, 1855.

Footnote 218:

Harleian MS. No 3526, date of about 1636; a printed copy of 1664, from
which the poem was edited by Weber, Edinburgh, 1808; a printed copy of
1755–62, from a different source, excellently edited by Charles A.
Federer, Manchester, 1884. See further this last, pp. 134–37.

Footnote 219:

Articles of the bataill betwix the Kinge of Scottes and the Erle of
Surrey in Brankstone Feld, the 9 day of September: State Papers, vol.
iv, King Henry the Eighth, Part iv, p. 2, 1836.

Footnote 220:

Hall’s Chronicle, p. 564.

Footnote 221:

Who are celebrated also in three other pieces, ‘Scottish Field,’
‘Bosworth Field,’ and ‘Lady Bessie:’ Percy MS., Hales and Furnivall,
I, 212, III, 235, 321.

Footnote 222:

“He never loved thee, for thy uncle [that is, Sir William Stanley]
slew his father” [the Duke of Norfolk]; which, however, is not true.

Footnote 223:

Sir Ralph Egerton is made marshal in st. 91; but this Rowland is
really Ralph over again. Ralph was knighted at Tournay, and was
granted the manor of Ridley in February of the next year.

Footnote 224:

“Where they lay a long time, and left the town as they found it:”
Hall, p. 861.

Footnote 225:

‘Where got thou these targits, Jony,
That hings so low down by thy knee?’
‘I got them, cukel king, in the field,
Where thow and thy men durst not come see.’

Footnote 226: