Chapter XXII: Part VI (4)

15. Chyviat Chays, well remarks Mr Wheatley in his edition of the Reliques, I, 22, becomes Chevy Chace by the same process as that by which Teviotdale becomes Tividale, and there is no sufficient occasion for the suggestion that Chevy Chase is a corruption of chevauchée, raid, made by Dr. E. B. Nicholson, Notes and Queries, Third Series, XII, 124, and adopted by Burton, History of Scotland, II, 366.

38 f. “That beautiful line _taking the dead man by the hand_ will put the reader in mind of Æneas’s behavior towards Lausus, whom he himself had slain as he came to the rescue of his aged father” (Ingemuit miserans graviter, dextramque tetendit, etc., Æn. X, 823, etc.): Addison, in Spectator, No 70.

54^{3,4}, and #B# 50^{3,4}. Witherington’s prowess was not without precedent, and, better still, was emulated in later days. Witness the battle of Ancrum Muir, 1545, or “Lilliard’s Edge,” as it is commonly called, from a woman that fought with great bravery there, to whose memory there was a monument erected on the field of battle with this inscription, as the traditional report goes:

“Fair maiden Lilliard lies under this stane;
Little was her stature, but great her fame;
On the English lads she laid many thumps,
And when her legs were off, she fought upon her stumps.”[179]

The giant Burlong also fought wonderfully on his stumps after Sir Triamour had smitten his legs off by the knee: Utterson’s Popular Poetry, I, 67, 1492–94, cited by Motherwell; Percy MS., Hales and Furnivall, II, 131. Sir Graysteel fights on one leg: Eger and Grine, Percy MS., I, 386 f, 1032, 1049. Nygosar, in Kyng Alisaunder, after both his armes have been cut off, bears two knights from their steeds “with his heved and with his cors”: 2291–2312, Weber, I, 98 f. Still better, King Starkaðr, in the older Edda, fights after his head is off: Helgakviða Hundingsbana, ii, 27, Bugge, p. 196.[180]

“Sed, etiam si ceciderit, de genu pugnat,” Seneca, De Providentia 2, 4 (cited in The Gentleman’s Magazine, 1794, I, 306), is explained by Seneca himself, Epis. lxvi, 47: “qui, succisis poplitibus, in genua se excepit nec arma dimisit.” “In certaminibus gladiatorum hoc sæpe accidisse et statuæ existentes docent, imprimis gladiator Borghesinus.” Senecæ Op. Phil., Bouillet, II, 12.

61^1. “Lovely London,” as Maginn remarks, Blackwood’s Magazine, VII, 327, is like the Homeric Αὐγειὰς ἐρατεινάς, Ἀρήνην ἐρατεινήν, Il., ii, 532, 591, etc. Leeve, or lovely, London, is of frequent occurrence: see No 158, 1^1, No 168, appendix, 7^5, No 174, 35^1, etc. So “men of pleasant Tivydale,” #B# 14^1, wrongly in #B a#, #f#, “pleasant men of Tiuydale.”

64^3. Glendale is one of the six wards of Northumberland, and Homildon is in this ward, a mile northwest of Wooler.

65^2. That tear begane this spurn “is said to be a proverb, meaning that tear, or pull, brought about this kick”: Skeat. Such a proverb is unlikely and should be vouched. There may be corruption, and perhaps we should read, as a lamentation, That ear (ever) begane this spurn! Or possibly, That tear is for That there, meaning simply there.

For genealogical illustrations may be consulted, with caution, Percy’s Reliques, 1794, I, 34 ff, 282 ff. With respect to 53^1, Professor Skeat notes: “Lou_m_le, Lumley; always hitherto printed louele (and explained Lovel), though the MS. cannot be so read, the word being written loūle. ‘My Lord Lumley’ is mentioned in the ballad of Scotish Feilde, Percy Fol. MS., I, 226, l. 270; and again in the ballad of Bosworth Feilde, _id._, III, 245, l. 250.”

A is translated by Herder, II, 213; by R.

v. Bismarck, Deutches Museum, 1858, I, 897; by Von Marées, p. 63; by Grundtvig, Engelske og skotske Folkeviser, p. 84, No 13. Into Latin by Dr. William Maginn, in Blackwood’s Magazine, 1819–20, VI, 199, VII, 323.

#B# is translated by Bothe, p. 6; by Knortz, L. u. R. Alt-Englands, p. 24, No 7; by Loève-Veimars, p. 55; (in part) by Cantù, p. 802. Into Latin by Henry Bold, Dryden’s Miscellanies, ed. 1702, II, 239; by Rev. John Anketell, Poems, etc., Dublin, 1793, p. 264.

A

MS. Ashmole, 48 Bodleian Library, in Skeat’s Specimens of English
Literature, 1394–1579, ed. 1880, p. 67.

1
The P_er_së owt off Northombarlonde,
and avowe to God mayd he
That he wold hunte in the mowntayns
off Chyviat w_i_t_h_in days thre,
In the magg_er_ of doughtë Dogles,
and all that eu_er_ with him be.

2
The fattiste hart_es_ in all Cheviat
he sayd he wold kyll, and cary them away:
‘Be my feth,’ sayd _th_e dougheti Doglas agayn,
‘I will let _tha_t hontyng yf _tha_t I may.’

3
The[n] _th_e P_er_së owt off Bamborowe cam,
w_i_t_h_ him a myghtee meany,
W_i_t_h_ fifteen hondrith archar_es_ bold off blood and bone;
_th_e wear chosen owt of shyars thre.

4
This begane at a Monday at morn,
in Cheviat the hillys so he;
The chylde may rue that ys vn-born,
it wos the mor pittë.

5
The dryvars thorowe the wood_ës_ went,
for to reas the dear;
Bomen byckarte vppone the bent
w_i_t_h_ ther browde aros cleare.

6
Then the wylde thorowe the wood_ës_ went,
on eu_er_y sydë shear;
Greahond_es_ thorowe the grevis glent,
for to kyll thear dear.

7
_Th_is begane in Chyviat _th_e hyls abone,
yerly on a Monnyn-day;
Be _tha_t it drewe to the oware off none,
a hondrith fat hart_ës_ ded _the_r lay.

8
The blewe a mort vppone _th_e bent,
_th_e semblyde on sydis shear;
To the quyrry then the P_er_së went,
to se the bryttlynge off the deare.

9
He sayd, It was the Duglas promys
this day to met me hear;
But I wyste he wold faylle, verament;
a great oth _th_e P_er_së swear.

10
At the laste a squyar off Northo_m_b_er_londe
lokyde at his hand full ny;
He was war a the doughetie Doglas co_m_mynge,
with him a myghttë meany.

11
Both with spear, bylle, and brande,
yt was a myghtti sight to se;
Hardyar men, both off harte nor hande,
wear not in Cristiantë.

12
The wear twenti hondrith spear-men good,
withoute any feale;
The wear borne along be the watt_er_ a Twyde,
yth bownd_ës_ of Tividale.

13
‘Leave of the brytlyng of the dear,’ he sayd,
‘and to your boÿs lock ye tayk good hed_e_;
For neu_er_ sithe ye wear on your mothars borne
had ye neu_er_ so mickle ned_e_.’

14
The dougheti Dogglas on a stede,
he rode all_e_ his men beforne;
His armor glytteryde as dyd a glede;
a boldar barne was nev_er_ born.

15
‘Tell me whos men ye ar,’ he says,
‘or whos men that ye be:
Who gave youe leave to hunte in this Chyviat chays,
in _th_e spyt of myn and of me.’

16
The first mane that ev_er_ him an answear mayd,
yt was _th_e good lord P_er_së:
‘We wyll not tell the whoys men we ar,’ he says,
‘nor whos men _tha_t we be;
But we wyll hounte hear in this chays,
in the spyt of thyne and of the.

17
‘_Th_e fattiste hart_ës_ in all Chyviat
we haue kyld, and cast to carry them away:’
‘Be my troth,’ sayd _th_e doughetë Dogglas agay[n],
‘_the_rfor the ton of vs shall de this day.’

18
Then sayd the doughtë Doglas
unto the lord P_er_së:
‘To kyll all_e_ thes giltles men,
alas, it wear great pittë!

19
‘But, P_er_së, thowe art a lord of lande,
I am a yerle callyd w_i_t_h_in my contrë;
Let all our men vppone a p_ar_ti stande,
and do the battell off the and of me.’

20
‘Nowe Crist_es_ cors on his crowne,’ sayd the lorde P_er_së,
‘who-so-euer _the_r-to says nay!
Be my troth, doughttë Doglas,’ he says,
‘thow shalt neu_er_ se that day.

21
‘Nethar in Ynglonde, Skottlonde, nar France,
nor for no man of a woman born,
But, and fortune be my chance,
I dar met him, on man for on.’

22
Then bespayke a squyar off Northombarlonde,
R_i_c_hard_ Wytharyngton was him nam;
‘It shall neu_er_ be told in Sothe-Ynglonde,’ he says,
‘to Kyng Herry _th_e Fourth for sham.

23
‘I wat youe byn great lord_ës_ twaw,
I am a poor squyar of lande;
I wyll_e_ neu_er_ se my captayne fyght on a fylde,
and stande my selffe and loocke on,
But whyll_e_ I may my weppone welde,
I wyll_e_ not [fayle] both hart and hande.’

24
That day, _tha_t day, _tha_t dredfull day!
_th_e first fit here I fynde;
And youe wyll here any mor a the hountynge a the Chyviat,
yet ys _the_r mor behynd_e_.

25
The Yngglyshe men hade ther bowys yebent,
_th_er hartes wer good yenoughe;
The first off arros that the shote off,
seven skore spear-men the sloughe.

26
Yet byddys the yerle Doglas vppon _th_e bent,
a captayne good yenoughe,
And that was sene verament,
for he wrought ho_m_ both woo and wouche.

27
The Dogglas p_ar_tyd his ost in thre,
lyk a cheffe cheften off pryde;
With suar spears off myghttë tre,
the cu_m_ in on eu_er_y syde;

28
Thrughe our Yngglyshe archery
gave many a wounde full_e_ wyde;
Many a doughetë the garde to dy,
which ganyde them no pryde.

29
The Ynglyshe men let ther boÿs be,
and pulde owt brand_es_ _tha_t wer brighte;
It was a hevy syght to se
bryght sword_es_ on basnit_es_ lyght.

30
Thorowe ryche male and myneyeple,
many sterne the strocke done streght;
Many a freyke that was full_e_ fre,
ther vndar foot dyd lyght.

31
At last the Duglas and the P_er_së met,
lyk to captayns of myght and of mayne;
The swapte togethar tyll_e_ the both swat,
w_i_t_h_ swordes that wear of fyn myllan.

32
Thes worthë freckys for to fyght,
_the_r-to _th_e wear full_e_ fayne,
Tyll_e_ the bloode owte off thear basnet_es_ sprente,
as eu_er_ dyd heal or ra[y]n.

33
‘Yelde the, P_er_së,’ sayde the Doglas,
‘and i feth I shall_e_ the brynge
Wher thowe shalte haue a yerls wagis
of Jamy our Skottish kynge.

34
‘Thoue shalte haue thy ransom fre,
I hight the hear this thinge;
For the manfullyste man yet art thowe
that eu_er_ I conqueryd in filde fighttyng_e_.’

35
‘Nay,’ sayd the lord P_er_së,
‘I tolde it the beforne,
That I wolde neu_er_ yeldyde be
to no man of a woman born.’

36
W_i_t_h_ that ther cam an arrowe hastely,
forthe off a myghttë wane;
Hit hathe strekene the yerle Duglas
in at the brest-bane.

37
Thorowe lyvar and long_ës_ bathe
the sharpe arrowe ys gane,
_Tha_t neu_er_ aft_er_ in all his lyffe-days
he spayke mo word_ës_ but ane:
_Tha_t was, Fyghte ye, my myrry men, whyllys ye may,
for my lyff-days ben gan.

38
The P_er_së leanyde on his brande,
and sawe _th_e Duglas de;
He tooke the dede mane by the hande,
and sayd, Wo ys me for the!

39
‘To haue savyde thy lyffe, I wolde haue p_ar_tyde w_i_t_h_
my land_es_ for years thre,
For a bett_er_ man, of hart nare of hande,
was nat in all _th_e north contrë.’

40
Off all that se a Skottishe knyght,
was callyd S_er_ Hewe the Monggo_m_byrry;
He sawe the Duglas to the deth was dyght,
he spendyd a spear, a trusti tre.

41
He rod vppone a corsiare
throughe a hondrith archery:
He neu_er_ stynttyde, nar neu_er_ blane,
tyll_e_ he cam to _th_e good lord P_er_së.

42
He set vppone the lorde P_er_së
a dynte that was full soare;
With a suar spear of a myghttë tre
clean thorow the body he _th_e P_er_së ber,

43
A the tothar syde that a man myght se
a large cloth-yard and mare:
Towe bettar captayns wear nat in Cristiantë
then _tha_t day slan wear _th_er.

44
An archar off Northomb_er_londe
say slean was _th_e lord Persë;
He bar a bende bowe in his hand,
was made off trusti tre.

45
An arow _tha_t a cloth-yarde was lang
to th_e_ harde stele halyde he;
A dynt _tha_t was both sad and soar
he sat on S_er_ Hewe _th_e Monggo_m_byrry.

46
_Th_e dynt yt was both sad and sar
_tha_t he of Monggo_m_berry sete;
_Th_e swane-fethars _tha_t his arrowe bar
w_i_t_h_ his hart-blood _th_e wear wete.

47
Ther was neu_er_ a freake wone foot wolde fle,
but still in stour dyd stand,
Heawyng on yche othar, whyll_e_ the myghte dre,
w_i_t_h_ many a balfull brande.

48
This battell begane in Chyviat
an owar befor the none,
And when even-songe bell was rang,
the battell was nat half done.

49
The tocke . . on ethar hande
be the lyght off the mone;
Many hade no strenght for to stande,
in Chyviat _th_e hillys abon.

50
Of fifteen hondrith archars of Ynglonde
went away but seuenti and thre;
Of twenti hondrith spear-men of Skotlonde,
but even five and fifti.

51
But all wear slayne Cheviat w_i_t_h_in;
_th_e hade no streng[th]e to stand on hy;
The chylde may rue that ys unborne,
it was _th_e mor pittë.

52
Thear was slayne, withe the lord P_er_së,
S_er_ Joh_a_n of Ag_er_stone,
S_er_ Rogar, the hinde Hartly,
S_er_ Wyllyam, the bolde Hearone.

53
Ser Jorg, the worthë Lou_m_le,
a knyghte of great renowen,
Ser Raff, the ryche Rugbe,
with dynt_es_ wear beaten dowene.

54
For Wetharryngton my harte was wo,
_tha_t eu_er_ he slayne shulde be;
For when both his leggis wear hewyne in to,
yet he knyled and fought on hys kny.

55
Ther was slayne, w_i_t_h_ _th_e dougheti Duglas,
S_er_ Hewe the Monggo_m_byrry,
S_er_ Dauy Lwdale, _tha_t worthë was,
his sistars son was he.

56
S_er_ Charls a Murrë in that place,
_tha_t neu_er_ a foot wolde fle;
S_er_ Hewe Maxwell_e_, a lorde he was,
w_i_t_h_ _th_e Doglas dyd he dey.

57
So on the morrowe the mayde them byears
off birch and hasell so g[r]ay;
Many wedous, w_i_t_h_ wepyng tears,
cam to fache _the_r makys away.

58
Tivydale may carpe off care,
Northo_m_barlond may mayk great mon,
For towe such captayns as slayne wear thear
on the March-pa_r_ti shall neu_er_ be non.

59
Word ys co_m_men to Eddenburrowe,
to Jamy _th_e Skottishe kynge,
That dougheti Duglas, lyff-tenant of the M_ar_ches,
he lay slean Chyviot w_i_t_h_in.

60
His handdës dyd he weal and wryng,
he sayd, Alas, and woe ys me!
Such an othar captayn Skotland w_i_t_h_in,
he sayd, ye-feth shuld neu_er_ be.

61
Worde ys co_m_myn to lovly Londone,
till the fourth Harry our kynge,
_Tha_t lord P_er_së, leyff-tenante of the M_ar_chis,
he lay slayne Chyviat w_i_t_h_in.

62
‘God haue m_er_ci on his soll_e_,’ sayde Kyng Harry,
‘good lord, yf thy will it be!
I haue a hondrith captayns in Ynglonde,’ he sayd,
’as good as eu_er_ was he:
But, P_er_së, and I brook my lyffe,
thy deth well quyte shall be.’

63
As our noble kynge mayd his avowe,
lyke a noble prince of renowen,
For the deth of the lord P_er_së
he dyde the battell of Ho_m_byll-down;

64
Wher syx and thrittë Skottishe knyght_es_
on a day wear beaten down;
Glendale glytteryde on ther armor bryght,
ov_er_ castill_e_, towar, and town.

65
This was the hontynge off the Cheviat,
that tear begane this spurn;
Old men that knowen the grownde well yenoughe
call it _th_e battell of Ott_er_burn.

66
At Ott_er_burn begane this spurne,
vppone a Monnynday;
Ther was the doughtë Doglas slean,
_th_e P_er_së neu_er_ went away.

67
Ther was neu_er_ a tym on the Marche-p_ar_tës
sen _th_e Doglas and _th_e P_er_së met,
But yt ys m_er_vele and the rede blude ro_n_ne not,
as the reane doys in _th_e stret.

68
Ihesue Crist our balys bete,
and to the blys vs brynge!
Thus was the hountynge of the Chivyat:
God send vs all_e_ good endyng!

B

#a.# Percy MS., p. 188, Hales and Furnivall, II, 7. #b.# Pepys
Ballads, I, 92, No 45, broadside printed for M. G. #c.# Douce
Ballads, fol. 27^b, and Roxburghe Ballads, III, 66, broadside
printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, and J. Wright. #d.# Wood’s Ballads,
401, 48, broadside printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, and W. Gilbertson.
#e.# Bagford Ballads, I, No 32, broadside printed by and for W.
Onley. #f.# A Scottish copy, without printer.

1
God prosper long our noble k_ing_,
our liffes and saftyes all!
A woefull hunting once there did
in Cheuy Chase befall.

2
To dr_i_ue the deere w_i_th hound and horne
Erle Pearcy took the way:
The child may rue _tha_t is vnborne
the hunting of _tha_t day!

3
The stout Erle of Northumberland
a vow to God did make
His pleasure in the Scottish woods
three som_m_ers days to take,

4
The cheefest harts in Cheuy C[h]ase
to kill and beare away:
These tydings to Erle Douglas came
in Scottland, where he lay.

5
Who sent Erle Pearcy p_re_sent word
he wold p_re_vent his sport;
The English erle, not fearing that,
did to the woods resort,

6
W_i_th fifteen hundred bowmen bold,
all chosen men of might,
Who knew ffull well in time of neede
to ayme their shafts arright.

7
The gallant greyhound[s] swiftly ran
to chase the fallow deere;
On Munday they began to hunt,
ere daylight did appeare.

8
And long before high noone the had
a hundred fat buckes slaine;
Then hauing dined, the drouyers went
to rouze the deare againe.

9
The bowmen mustered on the hills,
well able to endure;
Theire backsids all w_i_th speciall care
_tha_t day were guarded sure.

10
The hounds ran swiftly through the woods
the nimble deere to take,
_Tha_t w_i_th their cryes the hills and dales
an eccho shrill did make.

11
Lord Pearcy to the querry went
to veiw the tender deere;
Q_uo_th he, Erle Douglas p_ro_mised once
this day to meete me heere;

12
But if I thought he wold not come,
noe longer wold I stay.
W_i_th _tha_t a braue younge gentlman
thus to the erle did say:

13
‘Loe, yonder doth Erle Douglas come,
hys men in armour bright;
Full twenty hundred Scottish speres
all marching in our sight.

14
‘All men of pleasant Tiuydale,
fast by the riuer Tweede:’
‘O ceaze yo_u_r sportts!’ Erle Pearcy said,
‘and take yo_u_r bowes w_i_th speede.

15
‘And now w_i_th me, my countrymen,
yo_u_r courage forth advance!
For there was neuer champion yett,
in Scottland nor in Ffrance,

16
‘_Tha_t eu_er_ did on horsbacke come,
[but], and if my hap it were,
I durst encounter man for man,
w_i_th him to breake a spere.’

17
Erle Douglas on his milke-white steede,
most like a baron bold,
Rode formost of his company,
whose armor shone like gold.

18
‘Shew me,’ sayd hee, ‘whose men you bee
_tha_t hunt soe boldly heere,
_Tha_t w_i_thout my consent doe chase
and kill my fallow deere.’

19
The first man _tha_t did answer make
was noble Pearcy hee,
Who sayd, Wee list not to declare
nor shew whose men wee bee;

20
‘Yett wee will spend our deerest blood
thy cheefest harts to slay.’
Then Douglas swore a solempne oathe,
and thus in rage did say:

21
‘Ere thus I will outbraued bee,
one of vs tow shall dye;
I know thee well, an erle thou art;
Lord Pearcy, soe am I.

22
‘But trust me, Pearcye, pittye it were,
and great offence, to kill
Then any of these our guiltlesse men,
for they haue done none ill.

23
‘Let thou and I the battell trye,
and set our men aside:’
‘Accurst bee [he!]’ Erle Pearcye sayd,
‘by whome it is denyed.’

24
Then stept a gallant squire forth—
Witherington was his name—
Who said, ‘I wold not haue it told
to Henery our k_ing_, for shame,

25
‘_Tha_t ere my captaine fought on foote,
and I stand looking on.
You bee two Erles,’ q_uo_th Witheringhton,
and I a squier alone;

26
‘I’le doe the best _tha_t doe I may,
while I haue power to stand;
While I haue power to weeld my sword,
I’le fight w_i_th hart and hand.’

27
Our English archers bent their bowes;
their harts were good and trew;
Att the first flight of arrowes sent,
full foure score Scotts the slew.

28
To driue the deere w_i_th hound and horne,
Dauglas bade on the bent;
Two captaines moued w_i_th mickle might,
their speres to shiuers went.

29
They closed full fast on eu_er_ye side,
noe slacknes there was found,
But many a gallant gentleman
lay gasping on the ground.

30
O Christ! it was great greeue to see
how eche man chose his spere,
And how the blood out of their brests
did gush like water cleare.

31
At last these two stout erles did meet,
like captaines of great might;
Like lyons woode they layd on lode;
the made a cruell fight.

32
The fought vntill they both did sweat,
w_i_th swords of tempered steele,
Till blood downe their cheekes like raine
the trickling downe did feele.

33
‘O yeeld thee, Pearcye!’ Douglas sayd,
‘and in faith I will thee bringe
Where thou shall high advanced bee
by Iames our Scottish k_ing_.

34
‘Thy ransome I will freely giue,
and this report of thee,
Thou art the most couragious k_nigh_t
[that ever I did see.]’

35
‘Noe, Douglas!’ q_uo_th Erle Percy then,
‘thy p_ro_fer I doe scorne;
I will not yeelde to any Scott
_tha_t eu_er_ yett was borne!’

36
W_i_th _tha_t there came an arrow keene,
out of an English bow,
Which stroke Erle Douglas on the brest
a deepe and deadlye blow.

37
Who neu_er_ sayd more words then these:
Fight on, my merry men all!
For why, my life is att [an] end,
lo_rd_ Pearcy sees my fall.

38
Then leauing liffe, Erle Pearcy tooke
the dead man by the hand;
Who said, ‘Erle Dowglas, for thy life,
wold I had lost my land!

39
‘O Christ! my verry hart doth bleed
for sorrow for thy sake,
For sure, a more redoubted k_nigh_t
mischance cold neu_er_ take.’

40
A k_nigh_t amongst the Scotts there was
w_hi_ch saw Erle Douglas dye,
Who streight in hart did vow revenge
vpon the Lord Pearcye.

41
S_i_r Hugh Mountgomerye was he called,
who, w_i_th a spere full bright,
Well mounted on a gallant steed,
ran feircly through the fight,

42
And past the English archers all,
w_i_thout all dread or feare,
And through Erle Percyes body then
he thrust his hatfull spere.

43
W_i_th such a vehement force and might
his body he did gore,
The staff ran through the other side
a large cloth-yard and more.

44
Thus did both those nobles dye,
whose courage none cold staine;
An English archer then p_er_ceiued
the noble erle was slaine.

45
He had [a] good bow in his hand,
made of a trusty tree;
An arrow of a cloth-yard long
to the hard head haled hee.

46
Against S_i_r Hugh Mountgomerye
his shaft full right he sett;
The grey-goose-winge _tha_t was there-on
in his harts bloode was wett.

47
This fight from breake of day did last
till setting of the sun,
For when the rung the euening-bell
the battele scarse was done.

48
W_i_th stout Erle Percy there was slaine
S_i_r Iohn of Egerton,
S_i_r Rob_er_t Harcliffe and S_i_r William,
S_i_r Iames, that bold barron.

49
And with S_i_r George and S_i_r Iames,
both k_nigh_ts of good account,
Good S_i_r Raphe Rebbye there was slaine,
whose prowesse did surmount.

50
For Witherington needs must I wayle
as one in dolefull dumpes,
For when his leggs were smitten of,
he fought vpon his stumpes.

51
And w_i_th Erle Dowglas there was slaine
S_i_r Hugh Mountgomerye,
And S_i_r Charles Morrell, _tha_t from feelde
one foote wold neu_er_ flee;

52
S_i_r Roger Heuer of Harcliffe tow,
his sisters sonne was hee;
S_i_r David Lambwell, well esteemed,
but saved he cold not bee.

53
And the Lo_rd_ Maxwell, in like case,
w_i_th Douglas he did dye;
Of twenty hundred Scottish speeres,
scarce fifty-fiue did flye.

54
Of fifteen hundred Englishmen
went home but fifty-three;
The rest in Cheuy Chase were slaine,
vnder the greenwoode tree.

55
Next day did many widdowes come
their husbands to bewayle;
They washt their wounds in brinish teares,
but all wold not p_re_vayle.

56
Theyr bodyes, bathed in purple blood,
the bore w_i_th them away;
They kist them dead a thousand times
ere the were cladd in clay.

57
The newes was brought to Eddenborrow,
where Scottlands k_ing_ did rayne,
_Tha_t braue Erle Douglas soddainlye
was w_i_th an arrow slaine.

58
‘O heauy newes!’ K_ing_ Iames can say;
‘Scottland may wittenesse bee
I haue not any capt_aine_ more
of such account as hee.’

59
Like tydings to K_ing_ Henery came,
w_i_thin as short a space,
_Tha_t Pearcy of Northumberland
was slaine in Cheuy Chase.

60
‘Now God be w_i_th him!’ said our k_ing_,
‘sith it will noe better bee;
I trust I haue within my realme
fiue hundred as good as hee.

61
‘Yett shall not Scotts nor Scottland say
but I will vengeance take,
And be revenged on them all
for braue Erle Percyes sake.’

62
This vow the k_ing_ did well p_er_forme
after on Humble-downe;
In one day fifty k_nigh_ts were slayne,
w_i_th lords of great renowne.

63
And of the rest, of small account,
did many hundreds dye:
Thus endeth the hunting in Cheuy Chase,
made by the Erle Pearcye.

64
God saue our k_ing_, and blesse this land
w_i_th plentye, ioy, and peace,
And grant hencforth _tha_t foule debate
twixt noble men may ceaze!

* * * * *

#A.#

_Without division of stanzas, and in long lines, in the MS., and
so printed by Hearne, Wright, and Skeat._

“The MS. is a mere scribble, and the spelling very
unsatisfactory:” Skeat.

1^2. and A vowe: _for_ avowe, _see_ 63^1.

1^4. days iij.

3^2. xv. C archard_es_.

3^4. iij.

5^1. 30^1, 37^1. throrowe.

7^1. _The_r: _cf._ 4^1.

8^1. mot.

10^3. war ath the.

11^1. brylly and.

12^1. xx. C.

22^4. Herry _th_e iiij..

24^3. mor athe: athe chyviat.

27^1. in iii..

36^1. A narrowe.

39^2. years iij..

43^1. athe.

44^1. A narchar.

45^2. haylde.

48^2. A nowar.

50^1. xvC.

50^2. vij^x.

50^3. xxC.

60^3. A-nothar.

61^2. the iiij..

61^3. cheyff tenante.

62^3. a C..

68^1. ballys.

And _for_ & _always_.

Expliceth quoth Rychard Sheale.

#B. a.#

1^3. there was.

3^4. 3.

6^1. 1500.

8^1. a 100.

9^4. _tha_t they.

13^3. 20.

14^1. pleasant men of.

25^3. 2.

27^1. bend.

28^3, 31^1. 2.

31^3. Lyons moods.

36^3. who scorke Erle.

38^3. thy sake; _but compare_ #A# 41^1. #b#, #c#, _have_ life;
sake _was caught from_ 39^2.

41. 2^d parte.

43^2. _tha_t his body.

48^1. slaine. _There is a dot for the_ i, _but nothing more in the
MS.: Furnivall_.

49^3. & good.

50^2. in too full; _perhaps_ wofull.

53^3. 20.

53^4. 55.

54^1. 1500.

54^2. 53.

55^3. They washt they.

56^3. a 1000.

59^1. in Cheuy chase was slaine.

60^4. 500.

62^3. 50.

And _always for_ &.

#b#, #c#, #d#, #e#.

#b#, #c#, #d# (_and I suppose_ #e#), _in stanzas of eight lines_.

#b.#

A memorable song vpon the vnhappy hunting in Cheuy Chase betweene
the Earle Pearcy of England and Earle Dowglas of Scotland. To
the tune of Flying Fame.

London, Printed for M. G. _Error for_ H. G.? Henry Gosson
(1607–41).

#c.#

A Memorable song on the unhappy Hunting in Chevy-Chase between
Earl Piercy of England and Earl Dowglas of Scotland. Tune of
Flying Fame.

Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere and J. Wright. (1655–80?)

#d.#

_Title as in_ #c#. To the tune, etc.

Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere and W. Gilbertson. (1648–61?)

#e.#

An Unhappy Memorable Song of the Hunting; _the rest as in_ #d#.

Licensd and Enterd according to Order.

London, Priented by and for W. Onley, and are to be sold by C.
Bates, at the Sun and Bible in Pye-corner, (1650–1702?)

1^3. #d.# The woful.

1^4. there did.

2^2. his way.

4^3. #e.# The tidings.

5^3. fearing this.

7^1. gray-hounds.

7^4. when day light.

8^2. #b#, #c#, #d#. an.

8^4. #c#, #d#, #e#. rouze them up.

9^3. #d.# The.

9^4. that day.

10^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. And with.

11^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. once _wanting_.

12^1. #e.# If that I.

14^1. #b.# pleasant men of. #c#, #d#, #e#. men of pleasant.

14^3. Then cease your sport.

15^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. For never was their (there).

15^4. or in.

16^2. #b#, #c#. but if. #d.# but since.

16^3. #d.# I _wanting_.

17^1. #c#, #d#, #e#. on a.

17^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. of the.

18^1. #c#, #d#, #e#. he said.

19^1. The man that first.

19^4. #c#, #d#. now shew.

20^1. #b#, #c#, #d#. Yet will we.

22^3. #b#, #c#, #d#. Then _wanting_. #e.# And _for_ any. #c#, #e#.
harmless.

22^4. #c#, #d#, #e#. no ill.

23^3. be he. #c#, #d#, #e#. Lord P.

23^4. #c#, #d#, #e#. this is.

24^3. #c#, #d#. said he would.

25^1. #d.# ever.

25^2. #c#, #d#, #e#. I stood.

25^3. #d.# two be. #b.# quod W. #c#, #d#, #e#. said W.

27^1. bent.

27^4. #c#, #e#. threescore.

28^2. #c#, #d#, #e#. Earl D. #c.# had the bent. #d.# bad the bent.

28^3. A captain: mickle pride.

28^4. The spears. #e.# sent _for_ went.

29^3. And many.

30^1. #b.# a _for_ great.

30^2. #b.# each one chose. #c#, #d#, #e#. and likewise for to
hear.

30^{3,4}. #c#, #d#, #e#. The cries of men lying in their gore, and
scattered here and there.

31^3. lions mov’d.

31^4. and made.

32^3. Vntill the blood like drops of raine.

33^1. Yeeld thee Lord Piercy.

33^2. and _wanting_.

33^3. shalt.

33^4. #b.# with Iames. #d.# the _for_ our.

34^1. #c#, #d#. will I.

34^2. and thus.

34^4. that ever I did see.

35^1. #e.# To _for_ Noe.

36^3. #b.# And stroke E. D. to the heart. #c#, #d#, #e#. Which
struck E. D. to the heart.

36^4. #e.# and #a.#

37^1. #c#, #d#, #e#. never spake (spoke).

37^3. at an end.

38^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. And said. #b#, #c#, #d#, #e#. thy life.

39^2. with sorrow.

39^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. more renowned.

39^4. #c#, #d#. did. #e.# did ever.

40^1. #b.# among.

40^3. in wrath.

40^4. the Earl.

41^2. #c#, #e#. most bright.

43^2. #b.# his body he did. #c#, #d#, #e#. he did his body.

43^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. The spear went.

44^1. #c#, #d#, #e#. So thus. #b.# both these two. #c#, #e#.
these.

45^1. #b.# a good bow in. #c#, #d#, #e#. a bow bent in.

45^4. #c#, #d#, #e#. unto the head drew he.

46^1. #d.# Montgomery then.

46^2. so right his shaft.

46^4. heart.

47^1. fight did last from break of day.

48^1. #c#, #d#, #e#. With the Earl.

48^2. Ogerton.

48^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. Ratcliff and Sir Iohn.

49^1. and good.

49^3. And (_of_ #a#) _wanting_.

50^2. #b.# wofull. #c#, #d#, #e#. doleful.

50^4. #b.# still vpon.

51^3. And _wanting_: the field. #c#, #e#. Charles Currel.

51^4. flye.

52^1. #b.# Sir Robert. #c#, #d#, #e#. Sir Charles Murrel of
Ratcliff too.

52^2. #d.# sisters sisters.

52^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. Lamb so well.

52^4. yet saved could.

53^1. Markwell: #c#, #d#, #e#. in likewise.

53^2. did with E. Dowglas dye.

53^3. #b#, #d#. peers _for_ speeres.

54^3. #c#, #d#, #e#. rest were slain in C. C.

56^4. #c#, #d#, #e#. when _for_ ere.

57^1. #c#, #d#, #e#. This news.

58^1. did say.

58^2. can _for_ may.

59^4. was slain in Chevy Chase.

60^2. twill.

61^1. #c#, #e#. Scot.

61^4. #e.# Lord _for_ Erle.

62^1. #c#, #d#, #e#. vow full well the king performd.

62^4. #b.# of high.

63^3. ended. #d.# of _for_ in.

63^4. #b.# Lord _for_ Erle.

64^1. #c#, #d#, #e#. the king: the land.

64^2. #c#, #d#, #e#. in plenty.

#f.#

_The copy reprinted by Maidment, Scotish Ballads and Songs
Historical and Traditionary, 1868, I, 80. This copy was given
Maidment by Mr Gibb_, “for many years one of the sub-librarians
in the library of the Faculty of Advocates. It had belonged to
his grandmother, and was probably printed in Edinburgh about the
beginning of the last or end of the preceding century.”

5^3. fearing him.

6^1. twenty hundred.

13^3. fifteen hundred.

14^1. All pleasant men, _as in_ #a#, #b#.

27^1. Our Scotish archers bent.

27^4. they four score English slew.

28^2. Douglas bade on the bent.

30^1. O but it was a grief to see; _and again_, 39^1, O but _for_
O Christ.

46^3. wings that were.

46^4. were.

50^4. fought still on the stumps.

53^3. Of fifteen hundred.

53^4. went hame but fifty three.

54^1. twenty hundred.

54^2. scarce fifty five did flee.

55^4. could.

56^4. when they were cold as clay.

58^1. 60 _is substituted here_.

60. 58 _is substituted, with change of_ James _to_ Henry, _and, in
the next line, of_ Scotland _to_ England.

61, 62 are omitted.

63^1. Now of.

64^3. debates.

163

THE BATTLE OF HARLAW

#A. a.# Communicated by Charles Elphinstone Dalrymple, Esq., of
Kinaldie, Aberdeenshire. #b.# Notes and Queries, Third Series, VII,
393, communicated by A. Ferguson.

#B.# The Thistle of Scotland, 1823, p. 92.

The copy of this ballad which was printed by Aytoun, 1858, I, 75, was derived by Lady John Scott from a friend of Mr Dalrymple’s, and when it left Mr Dalrymple’s hands was in the precise form of #A a#. Some changes were made in the text published by Aytoun, and four stanzas, 14–16, 18, were dropped, the first three to the advantage of the ballad, and quite in accordance with the editor’s plan. Mr Dalrymple informs me that in his younger days he had essayed to improve the last two lines of stanza 7 by the change,

We’d best cry in our merry men
And turn our horses’ head,

and had rearranged stanzas 18, 19, “which were absolutely chaotic,” adhering, however, closely to the sense. #A b#, given in Notes and Queries, from a manuscript, as “the original version of this ballad,” exhibits the changes made by Mr Dalrymple, and was therefore, one would suppose, founded upon his copy. Half a century ago the ballad was familiar to the people, and the variations of #b#, which are not few, may be traditional, and not arbitrary; for this reason it has been thought best not to pass them over. The Great North of Scotland Railway, A Guide, by W. Ferguson, Edinburgh, 1881, contains, p. 8 f, a copy which is evidently compounded from #A b# and Aytoun. It adds this variation of the last stanza:

Gin ony body spier at ye
For the men ye took awa,
They’re sleepin soun and in their sheen
I the howe aneath Harlaw.

The editor of The Thistle of Scotland treats the ballad as a burlesque, and “not worth the attention of the public,” on which ground he refrains from printing more than three stanzas, one of these being 15; and certainly both this and that which follows it have a dash of the unheroic and even of the absurd. Possibly there were others in the same strain in the version known to Laing, but all such may fairly be regarded as wanton depravations, of a sort which other and highly esteemed ballads have not escaped.

The battle of Harlaw was fought on the 24th July, 1411. Donald of the Isles, to maintain his claim to the Earldom of Ross,[181] invaded the country south of the mountains with ten thousand islanders and men of Ross (ravaging everywhere as he advanced) in the hope of sacking Aberdeen, and reducing to his power the country as far as the Tay. There was universal alarm in those parts. He was met at Harlaw, eighteen miles northwest of Aberdeen, by Alexander Stewart, Earl of Mar, and Alexander Ogilby, sheriff of Angus, with the forces of Mar, Garioch, Angus, and The Mearns, and his further progress was stayed. The Celts lost more than nine hundred, the Lowlanders five hundred, including nearly all the gentry of Buchan. (Scotichronicon, II, 444 f.) This defeat was in the interest of civilization against savagery, and was felt, says Burton, “as a more memorable deliverance even than that of Bannockburn.” (History of Scotland, 1883, II, 394.)

As might be expected, the Lowlanders made a ballad about this hard fight. ‘The battel of the Hayrlau’ is noted among other popular songs, in immediate connection with ‘The Hunttis of Chevet,’ by the author of The Complaint of Scotland, 1549 (Murray’s edition, p. 65), but most unfortunately this ancient song, unlike Chevy Chase, has been lost. There is a well-known poem upon the battle, in thirty-one eight-line stanzas, printed by Ramsay, in his Ever Green, 1724, I, 78.[182] David Laing believed that it had been printed long before. “An edition,” he says, “printed in the year 1668, was in the curious library of old Robert Myln” (Early Metrical Tales, p. xlv.) In the catalogue of Myln’s books there is entered, apparently as one of a bundle of pamphlets, “Harlaw, The Battle yrof, An. 1411 ... 1668,”[183] and the entry may reasonably be taken to refer to the poem printed by Ramsay. This piece is not in the least of a popular character. It has the same artificial rhyme as The Raid of the Reid Swyre and The Battle of Balrinnes, but in every other respect is prose. Mr Norval Clyne, Ballads from Scottish History, p. 244 ff, has satisfactorily shown that the author used Boece’s History, and even, in a way, translated some of Boece’s phrases.

The story of the traditional ballad is, at the start, put into the mouth of a Highlander, who meets Sir James the Rose and Sir John the Gryme, and is asked for information about Macdonell; but after stanza 8, these gentlemen having gone to the field, the narrator describes what he saw as he went on and further on. It is somewhat surprising that John Highlandman should be strolling about in this idle way when he should have been with Macdonell. The narrator[184] in the Ever Green poem reports at second hand: as he is walking, he meets a man who, upon request, tells him the beginning and the end.[185] Both pieces have nearly the same first line. The borrowing was more probably on the part of the ballad, for a popular ballad would be likely to tell its tale without preliminaries.

A ballad taken down some four hundred years after the event will be apt to retain very little of sober history. It is almost a matter of course that Macdonell should fall, though in fact he was not even routed, but only forced to retire. It was vulgarly said in Major’s time that the Highlanders were beaten: they turned and ran awa, says the ballad. Donaldum non fugarunt, says Major, and even the ballad, inconsistently, ‘Ye’d scarce known who had won.’ We are not disconcerted at the Highland force being quintupled, or the battle’s lasting from Monday morning till Saturday gloaming: diuturna erat pugna, says Major. But the ignoring of so marked a personage as Mar, and of other men of high local distinction that fell in the battle,[186] in favor of the Forbeses, who, though already of consequence in Aberdeenshire, are not recorded to have taken any part in the fight, is perhaps more than might have been looked for, and must dispose us to believe that this particular ballad had its rise in comparatively recent times.

Dunidier is a conspicuous hill on the old road to Aberdeen, and Netherha is within two miles of it. (Overha and Netherha are only a mile apart, and the one reading is as good as the other.) Harlaw is a mile north from Balquhain (pronounced Bawhyne), and precisely at a right angle to John Highlandman’s route from the West. Drumminor (to which Brave Forbes sends for his mail-coat in stanza 15) was above twenty miles away, and the messenger would have to pass right through the Highland army. The fact that Drumminor ceased to be the head-castle of that powerful name in the middle of the last century tells in some degree in favor of the age of the ballad. (Notes of Mr Dalrymple.)

“The tune to which the ballad is sung, a particularly wild and simple one, I venture to believe,” says Mr Dalrymple, “is of the highest antiquity.” A tune of The Battle of Harlaw, as Motherwell pointed out, Minstrelsy lxii, is referred to in Polemo Middiana;[187] and a “march, or rather pibroch,” held to be this same air, is given in the Lute Book of Sir William Mure of Rowallan, p. 30, and is reproduced in Dauney’s Ancient Scotish Melodies, p. 349 (see the same work, p. 138 f, note b.) Sir William Mure is said to have died in 1657. The Ever Green Harlaw is adapted to an air in Johnson’s Museum, No 512, and “The Battle of Hardlaw, a pibroch,” is given in Stenhouse’s Illustrations, IV, 447, 1853, “from a folio MS. of Scots tunes, of considerable antiquity.” This last air occurs, says Maidment, in the rare Collection of Ancient Scots Music (c. 1776) by Daniel Dow, “The Battle of Hara Law,” p. 28: Scotish Ballads, etc., I, 200.

A

#a.# Communicated by Charles Elphinstone Dalrymple, Esq., of
Kinaldie, Aberdeenshire, in 1888, as obtained from the country
people by himself and his brother fifty years before. #b.# Notes and
Queries, Third Series, VII, 393, communicated by A. Ferguson.

1
As I cam in by Dunidier,
An doun by Netherha,
There was fifty thousand Hielanmen
A-marching to Harlaw.
Wi a dree dree dradie drumtie dree.

2
As I cam on, an farther on,
An doun an by Balquhain,
Oh there I met Sir James the Rose,
Wi him Sir John the Gryme.

3
‘O cam ye frae the Hielans, man?
An cam ye a’ the wey?
Saw ye Macdonell an his men,
As they cam frae the Skee?’

4
‘Yes, me cam frae ta Hielans, man,
An me cam a’ ta wey,
An she saw Macdonell an his men,
As they cam frae ta Skee.’

5
‘Oh was ye near Macdonell’s men?
Did ye their numbers see?
Come, tell to me, John Hielanman,
What micht their numbers be?’

6
‘Yes, me was near, an near eneuch,
An me their numbers saw;
There was fifty thousan Hielanmen
A-marchin to Harlaw.’

7
‘Gin that be true,’ says James the Rose,
‘We’ll no come meikle speed;
We’ll cry upo our merry men,
And lichtly mount our steed.’

8
‘Oh no, oh no,’ says John the Gryme,
‘That thing maun never be;
The gallant Grymes were never bate,
We’ll try phat we can dee.’

9
As I cam on, an farther on,
An doun an by Harlaw,
They fell fu close on ilka side;
Sic fun ye never saw.

10
They fell fu close on ilka side,
Sic fun ye never saw;
For Hielan swords gied clash for clash,
At the battle o Harlaw.

11
The Hielanmen, wi their lang swords,
They laid on us fu sair,
An they drave back our merry men
Three acres breadth an mair.

12
Brave Forbës to his brither did say,
Noo brither, dinna ye see?
They beat us back on ilka side,
An we’se be forced to flee.

13
‘Oh no, oh no, my brither dear,
That thing maun never be;
Tak ye your good sword in your hand,
An come your wa’s wi me.’

14
‘Oh no, oh no, my brither dear,
The clans they are ower strang,
An they drive back our merry men,
Wi swords baith sharp an lang.’

15
Brave Forbës drew his men aside,
Said, Tak your rest a while,
Until I to Drumminnor send,
To fess my coat o mail.

16
The servan he did ride,
An his horse it did na fail,
For in twa hours an a quarter
He brocht the coat o mail.

17
Then back to back the brithers twa
Gaed in amo the thrang,
An they hewed doun the Hielanmen,
Wi swords baith sharp an lang.

18
Macdonell, he was young an stout,
Had on his coat o mail,
An he has gane oot throw them a’,
To try his han himsell.

19
The first ae straik that Forbës strack,
He garrt Macdonell reel,
An the neist ae straik that Forbës strack,
The great Macdonell fell.

20
An siccan a lierachie
I’m sure ye never saw
As wis amo the Hielanmen,
When they saw Macdonell fa.

21
An whan they saw that he was deid,
They turnd an ran awa,
An they buried him in Leggett’s Den,
A large mile frae Harlaw.

22
They rade, they ran, an some did gang,
They were o sma record;
But Forbës an his merry men,
They slew them a’the road.

23
On Monanday, at mornin,
The battle it began,
On Saturday, at gloamin,
Ye’d scarce kent wha had wan.

24
An sic a weary buryin
I’m sure ye never saw
As wis the Sunday after that,
On the muirs aneath Harlaw.

25
Gin ony body speer at you
For them ye took awa,
Ye may tell their wives and bairnies
They’re sleepin at Harlaw.

B

The Thistle of Scotland, 1823, p. 92.

1
As I cam thro the Garrioch land,
And in by Over Ha,
There was sixty thousan Highland men
Marching to Harlaw.

11
The Highland men, with their broad sword,
Pushd on wi might and power,
Till they bore back the red-coat lads
Three furlongs long, and more.

15
Lord Forbës calld his men aside,
Says, Take your breath awhile,
Until I send my servant now
To bring my coat o mail.

* * * * *

#A. a.#

1^1. _Var._ Garioch land.

4^3. she: _so delivered, notwithstanding the inconsistency with_
me _in lines 1, 2_.

11^3. _Var._ back the red-coats.

20^1. _Sometimes_ pitleurachie.

25. “_There are different versions of this stanza_:” C. E. D.

#A. b.#

_Printed in two long lines._

_Burden_: In a dree, etc.

1^2. Wetherha.

1^4. a’marchin.

3^4, 4^4. Come marchin frae. 4^{1,2}. she cam.

5^1. Oh were ye near an near eneuch.

6^1. she was.

6^2. An she.

6^4. a’marchin for Harlaw.

7^1. quo James.

7^{3,4}.
So we’d best cry in our merry men,
And turn our horses’ heeds.

8^1. quo John.

10^3. gaed _for_ gied.

11^4. or mair.

12^1. did to his brither say.

12^4. And we’ll be.

15^1. Forbes to his men did say.

15^2. Noo, tak.

16^1. Brave Forbes’ hinchman, _var._ servant, then did.

19^2. Made the great M’Donell.

19^3. The second stroke that.

20^1. a ‘pilleurichie.’ 20^2. The like ye.

20^3. As there was amang.

21^3. in ‘Leggatt’s lan:’ “_the manuscript is indistinct, and it
would read equally well_, Leggalt’s lan.

21^4. Some twa three miles awa.

22^2. But they were.

22^3. For Forbes.

22^4. Slew maist a’by the.

23^4. Ye’d scarce tell wha.

24^2. The like ye never.

24^3. As there was.

24^4. muirs down by.

25^1. An gin Hielan lasses speer.

25^2. them that gaed awa.

25^3. tell them plain an plain eneuch.

#B.#

15^1. man.

164

KING HENRY FIFTH’S CONQUEST OF FRANCE

#a-d#, broadsides. #a.# Among Percy’s papers. #b.# Roxburghe Ballads,
III, 358. #c.# Jewitt’s Ballads and Songs of Derbyshire, p. 1. #d.#
Chetham’s Library, Manchester, in Hales and Furnivall, Percy’s Folio
MS., II, 597. #e.# Percy papers, “taken down from memory.” #f.#
Nicolas, History of the Battle of Agincourt, 1832, Appendix, p. 78,
from the recitation of a very aged person. #g.# The same, p. 80,
source not mentioned. #h.# Tyler, Henry of Monmouth, II, 197,
apparently from memory. #i.# Percy Society, XVII, Dixon, Ancient
Poems, etc., p. 52, from singing. #j.# Skene MS., p. 42. #k.#
Macmath MS., p. 27, from tradition. #l#, #m#. Buchan’s MSS, I, 176,
II, 124, probably broadside or stall copies.

All the known copies of this ballad are recent. It is not in Thackeray’s list of broadsides, which dates perhaps as late as 1689 (Chappell, The Roxburghe Ballads, I, xxiv-xxvii); and it is not included in the collection of 1723–25, which showed particular favor to historical pieces. In a manuscript index of first lines to a large collection of songs and ballads “formed in 1748,” I find, “As our king lay on his bed,” and the ballad may probably have first been published in the second quarter of the last century. In a woodcut below the title of #a#, #b#, there are two soldiers with G R on the flap of the coat and G on the cap (no doubt in #c# as well); the date of these broadsides cannot therefore be earlier than the accession of George I, 1714. The broadside is in a popular manner, but has no mark of antiquity. It may, however, represent an older ballad, disfigured by some purveyor for the Aldermary press.

It is probable that the recited versions had their ultimate source in print, and that printed copies were in circulation which, besides the usual slight variations,[188] contained two more stanzas, one after 2 and another after 8, such as are found in #h# and elsewhere; which stanzas are likely to have formed part of the original matter.

_After_ 2, #h# (see also #g#, #i#, #j#):

Tell him to send me my tribute home,
Ten ton of gold that is due to me;
Unless he send me my tribute home,
Soon in French land I will him see.

After 8, #h# (see also #g#, #i#, #k#, #m#):

O then bespoke our noble king,
A solemn vow then vowed he:
I’ll promise him such English balls[189]
As in French lands he neer did see!

#g# has several stanzas which are due to the hand of some improver.

Another, and much more circumstantial, ballad on Agincourt, written from the chronicles, was current in the seventeenth century. It begins, ‘A councell braue [grave] our king did hold,’ and may be seen in the Percy Manuscript, p. 241, Hales and Furnivall, II, 166, in The Crown Garland of Golden Roses (with seven stanzas fewer), ed. 1659, p. 65 of the reprint by the Percy Society, vol. xv; Pepys’ Ballads, I, 90, No 44; Old Ballads, II, 79; Pills to purge Melancholy, V, 49; etc.

The story of the Tennis-Balls is not mentioned by the French historians, by Walsingham, Titus Livius, or the anonymous biographer of Henry in Cotton MS., Julius E. IV.[190] It occurs, however, in several contemporary writings, as in Elmham’s Liber Metricus de Henrico Quinto, cap. xii (Quod filius regis Francorum, in derisum, misit domino regi pilas, quibus valeret cum pueris ludere potius quam pugnare, etc.), Cole, Memorials of Henry the Fifth, 1858, p. 101; but not in Elmham’s prose history. So in Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, with a _fertur_, ed. Hingeston, 1858, p. 114; but not in Capgrave’s chronicle. We might infer, in these two cases, that the tale was thought good enough for verses and good enough for eulogies, though not good enough for history.

Again, in verses of Harleian MS. 565, “in a hand of the fifteenth century,” the Dolphin says to the English ambassadors:

Me thinke youre kyng he is nought [so] old
No werrys for to maynteyn.
Grete well youre kyng, he seyde, so yonge,
That is both gentill and small;
A tonne of tenys-ballys I shall hym sende,
For hym to pleye with all.

Henry sends back this message:

Oure Cherlys of Fraunce gret well or ye wende,
The Dolfyn prowed withinne his wall;
Swyche tenys-ballys I schal hym sende
As schall tere the roof all of his [h]all.[191]

But there is a chronicler who has the tale still. Otterbourne writes: Eodem anno \[1414], in quadragesima, rege existente apud Kenilworth, Karolus, regis Francorum filius, Delphinus vocatus, misit pilas Parisianas ad ludendum cum pueris. Cui rex Anglorum rescripsit, dicens se in brevi pilas missurum Londoniarum, quibus terreret et confunderet sua tecta.

And once more, the author of an inedited “Chronicle of King Henry the Fifth that was Kyng Henries son,” Cotton MS., Claudius A. viii, of the middle of the fifteenth century, fol. 1, back:[192]

And tha_n_ the Dolphine of Fraunce aunswered to our embassatours,
and said in this man_er_, ‘that the kyng was ouer yong and to tender
of age to make any warre ayens hym, and was not lyke yet to be noo
good werrioure to doo and to make suche a conquest there vpon hym.
And somwhat in scorne and dispite he sente to hym a tonne full_e_ of
tenys-ballis, be-cause he wolde haue some-what for to play
w_i_t_h_all_e_ for hym and for his lordis, and that be-came hym
better than to mayntayn any werre. And than anone oure lordes that
was embassatours token hir leue and comen in to England ayenne, and
tolde the kyng and his counceill_e_ of the vngoodly aunswer that
they had of the Dolphy_n_, and of the present the which_e_ he had
sent vnto the kyng. And whan the kyng had hard her wordis, and the
answere of the Dolp[h]ynne, he was wondre sore agreued, and right_e_
euell_e_ apayd towarde the Frenssh_e_men, and toward the kyng, and
the Dolphynne, and thought_e_ to auenge hym vpon hem as sone as God
wold send hym grace and myght_e_; and anon lette make tenys-ballis
for the Dolp[h]ynne in all the hast that the myght_e_ be made, and
they were grete gonne-stones for the Dolp[h]ynne to play
wyth_e_-all_e_.’