Chapter XXVI: Appendix: Flodden Field (1)

#a.# ‘Flodden Ffeilde,’ Percy MS., p. 117; Hales and Furnivall, I,
313. #b.# Harleian MS. 293, fol. 55. #c.# Harleian MS. 367, fol.
120.

A text made from #b# and #c# is printed by Weber, Flodden Field, p. 366, and by R. H. Evans, Old Ballads, 1810, III, 58. #b#, #c# lack all that follows 102 except 103, with which all three copies alike end. This stanza makes a natural conclusion to the vindication of Lancashire, Cheshire and the Earl of Derby, and what intervenes in #a#, after 102, seems to be an interpolation. Nevertheless I have preferred to give the Percy text (though the others are not inferior to it, and possess the unity which has to be brought about in this case by transferring the last stanza), on account of the pleasing story How Rowland Egerton came to the lordship of Ridley, 107–119, which would make no bad ballad by itself.

At the battle of Flodden, the right wing of the van, commanded by Sir Edmund Howard, the third son of the Earl of Surrey, was routed by the Scots under Lord Home, Chamberlain of Scotland, and the Earl of Huntly. “Edmund Howard had with him a thousand Cheshire men, and five hundred Lancashire men, and many gentlemen of Yorkshire, on the right wing of the lord Howard; and the Lord Chamberlain of Scotland, with many lords, did set on him, and the Cheshire and Lancashire men never abode stroke, and few of the gentlemen of Yorkshire abode, but fled.... And the said Edmund Howard was thrice felled, and to his relief the lord Dacre came, with fifteen hundred men.”[219] On the other hand, the Cheshire and Lancashire men of the extreme left, under command of Sir Edward Stanley, discomfited the Scottish division of Lennox and Argyle. King Henry received the news of the victory while he was lying before Tournay, “and highly praised the Earl, and the Lord Admiral and his son, and all the gentlemen and commons that were at that valiant enterprise; howbeit, the king had a secret letter that the Cheshire men fled from Sir Edmund Howard, which letter caused great heart-burning and many words; but the king thankfully accepted all thing, and would no man to be dispraised.”[220]

This poem, a history in the ballad style, was composed to vindicate the behavior of Lancashire and Cheshire at Flodden, and to glorify the Stanleys;[221] in the accomplishment of which objects it becomes incumbent upon the minstrel to expose the malice of the Earl of Surrey, to whom he imputes the “wrong writing” which caused such heart-burning.

The Earl of Surrey sends a letter by a herald to King Henry, then at Tournay. The king asks the news before he breaks the seal, and who fought and who fled. The herald answers that King James is slain, and that Lancashire and Cheshire fled; no man of the Earl of Derby’s durst face the foe. The king opens the letter, which confirms the herald’s report, and calls for the Earl of Derby. Sir Ralph Egerton suggests that if Lancashire and Cheshire fled, it must have been because they had a Howard, and not a Stanley, for their captain. The Earl of Derby comes before the king, and says the same; let him have Lancashire and Cheshire, and he will burn up all Scotland and conquer to Paris gate. The king says cowards will fight to retrieve what they have lost. We were never cowards, rejoins Derby; who brought in your father at Milford Haven? (It was not precisely the Stanleys.) The king turns away; the Duke of Buckingham is ready to lay his life that all this comes from a false writing of the Earl of Surrey.[222] Derby is not to be comforted, and breaks out in farewells to all his kith and kin, Edward Stanley, John Stanley, and many more; they must be slain, for they never would flee. The Earl of Shrewsbury bids him take heart; Derby goes on with farewells to Lancaster, Latham, and all familiar places. In the midst of his exclamations, James Garsed, “Long Jamie,” a yeoman of the guard, comes flying to the Earl of Derby for protection: he had killed two men, and wounded three. Derby’s intercession can do only harm now, but he will ask friends to speak for Jamie. A messenger arrives from the king ordering Long Jamie to be delivered up; he is to be hanged. Buckingham takes Jamie by one arm and Shrewsbury takes him by the other, and with Derby in front and many gentlemen following, they go to the king. Welcome, dukes and earls, says the king, but most welcome of all our traitor, Long Jamie! Jamie, how durst thou show thyself in our presence after slaying thy brethren? Jamie explains that his fellows had called him coward, and bidden him flee to that coward the Earl of Derby. The Earl of Derby had befriended him when he was little and maintained him till he was able to shoot. Then one day a Scottish minstrel brought King Henry a bow which none of his guard could bend. Jamie shot seven times with it, and the eighth time broke it; then told the Scot to pick up the pieces and take them to his king; upon which Henry had made him yeoman of the guard, thanks to His Grace and to the Earl of Derby who had brought him up. And now, to have the earl taunted, to be false to the man who had been true to him—he had rather die. Stand up, Jamie, says the King; have here my charter; but let there be no more fighting while you are in France. Then you must grant me one thing, says Jamie—that he that abuses Lancashire or Cheshire shall die; and the king commands proclamation to be made that any man abusing Lancashire or Cheshire shall have his judgment on the next tree. The next morning comes a messenger from the queen wishing the king joy, for his brother-in-law, King Jamie, is slain. Henry asks again, Who fought and who fled? “Lancashire and Cheshire have done the deed,” is the reply; “had not the Earl of Derby been true to thee, England had been in great hazard.” The king on the moment promotes Edward and John Stanley and ‘Rowland’ Egerton, who had fought with Edward. Buckingham runs for Derby, and the king welcomes the earl, and returns to him all that he had taken from him. But one thing grieveth me still, says Derby—to have been called coward yesterday. “It was a wrong writing that came from the Earl of Surrey,” says the king, “but I shall teach him to know his prince.” Derby asks no more than to be judge over Surrey, and the king makes him so; as he says, so it shall be. “Then his life is saved,” says the earl; “if my uncle slew his father” (but, as before said, there was no occasion for uneasiness on that score), “he would have taken vengeance on me.” And so the glory is all shifted to Derby, and nothing remains for Surrey.

The minstrel goes on to speak of the surrender of Tournay, and then of an essay of the king’s to reward an Egerton for good service done.[223] Egerton would be glad to have his reward in Cheshire. The king has nothing there to give but five mills at Chester; Egerton does not wish to be called a miller. The king offers the forest of Snowdon; Egerton, always kneeling on his knee, does not wish to be called a ranger. Nothing will please thee, Egerton, says the king; but Egerton asks for Ridley in Cheshire, and gets it.

The last twelve verses profess to enumerate Henry Eighth’s victories in France: ‘Hans and Gynye’ (neither of which I recognize, unless Gynye stands for Guinegatte, the Battle of the Spurs), Tournay and Thérouanne, these in the campaign of 1513, and Boulogne and Montreuil[224] during the invasion of 1544.

1
Now let vss talke of [the] Mount of Flodden,
Fforsooth such is our chance,
And let vs tell what tydings the Ear[l]e of Surrey
Sent to o_u_r k_ing_ into France.

2
The earle he hath a writting made,
And sealed it w_i_th his owne hand;
From the Newcastle vpon Tine
The herald passed from the land.

3
And after to Callice hee arriued,
Like a noble leed of high degree,
And then to Turwin soone he hyed,
There he thought to haue found K_ing_ Henery.

4
But there the walls were beaten downe,
And our English soldiers therin laine;
Sith to Turnay the way hee nume,
Wheras lay the emperour of Almaine,
And there he found the k_ing_ of England,
Blessed Iesus, p_re_serve _tha_t name!

5
When the herald came before o_u_r k_ing_,
Lowlye he fell downe on his knee,
And said, Christ, christen k_ing_, _tha_t on the cross dyed,
Noble K_ing_ Henery, this day thy speed may bee!

6
The first word _tha_t the prince did minge,
Said, Welcome, herald, out of England, to me!
How fares my leeds? how fares my lords?
My knights, my esq_uie_rs, in their degree?

7
‘Heere greeteth you well yo_u_r owne leae_tena_nt,
The Honorable Erle of Surrey;
He bidds you in Ffrance to venter yo_u_r chance,
For slaine is yo_u_r brother, K_ing_ Iamye,
And att louelie London you shall him finde,
My comelye prince, in the p_re_sence of thee.’

8
Then bespake our comlye king,
Said, Who did fight and who did flee?
And who bore him best of the Mount of Fflodden?
And who was false, and who was true to me?

9
‘Lancashire and Cheshire,’ sayd the messenger,
‘Cleane they be fled and gone;
There was nere a man that longd to the Er_le_ of Darby
_Tha_t durst looke his enemyes vpon.’

10
S[t]ill in a study stood o_u_r noble k_ing_,
And tooke the writting in his hand;
Shortlye the seale he did vnclose,
And readilye he read as he found.

11
Then bespake our comlye k_ing_,
And called vpon his chiualree,
And said, Who will feitch me the K_ing_ of Man,
The Honno_ra_bl_e_ Thomas Erle of Darbye?

12
He may take Lancashire and Cheshire,
_Tha_t he hath called the cheefe of chiualree;
Now falsely are they fled and gone,
Neuer a one of them is true to mee!

13
Then bespake S_i_r Raphe Egerton, the k_night_,
And lowlye kneeled vpon his knee,
And said, My soueraigne lo_rd_, K_ing_ Henery,
If it like yo_u_r Grace to pardon mee,

14
If Lancashire and Cheshire be fled and gone,
Of those tydings wee may be vnfaine;
But I dare lay my life and lande
It was for want of their capt_aine_.

15
For if the Erle of Derby our capt_aine_ had beene,
And vs to lead in our arraye,
Then noe Lancashire man nor Cheshire
_Tha_t euer wold haue fled awaye.

16
‘Soe it prooued well,’ said our noble k_ing_,
‘By him _tha_t deerlye dyed vpon a tree!
Now when wee had the most neede,
Falslye they serued then to mee.’

17
Then spake W_illia_m Brewerton, k_night_,
And lowlye kneeled his prince before,
And sayd, My soueraigne k_ing_, Henery the Eighth,
If yo_u_r Grace sett by vs soe little store,

18
Wheresoeuer you come in any feild to fight,
Set the Earle of Darby and vs before;
Then shall you see wether wee fight or flee,
Trew or false whether we be borne.

19
Compton rowned w_i_th our k_ing_,
And said, Goe wee and leaue the cowards right;
‘Heere is my gloue to thee,’ q_uo_th Egerton,
‘Compton, if thou be a k_nigh_t.

20
‘Take my gloue, and w_i_th me fight,
Man to man, if thou wilt turne againe;
For if our prince were not p_re_sent right,
The one of vs two shold be slaine,

21
‘And neu_er_ foote beside the ground gone
Vntill the one dead shold bee.’
Our prince was moued theratt anon,
And returned him right teenouslye.

22
And to him came on the other hand
The Honno_ra_ble Erle of Darbye;
And when he before our prince came,
He lowlye kneeled vpon his knee,

23
And said, Iesu Christ, _tha_t on the crosse dyed,
This day, noble Henery, thy speed may bee!
The first word _tha_t the k_ing_ did speake,
Sayd, Welcome, K_ing_ of Man and Erle of Darbye!

24
How likest thou Cheshire and Lancashire both,
W_hi_ch were counted cheefe of chiualree?
Falslye are they fled and gone,
And neu_er_ a one is trew to mee.

25
‘If _tha_t be soe,’ said the erle free,
‘My leege, therof I am not faine;
My comlye prince, rebuke not mee,
I was not there to be there capt_aine_.

26
‘If I had beene their capt_aine_,’ the erle said then,
‘I durst haue layd both liffe and land
He neu_er_ came out of Lancashire nor Cheshire
That wold haue fledd beside the ground.

27
‘But if it like yo_u_r noble Grace
A litle boone to grant itt mee,
Lett me haue Lancashire and Cheshire both,
I desire noe more helpe trulye;

28
‘If I ffayle to burne vp all Scottland,
Take me and hang me vpon a tree!
I, I shall conquer to Paris gate,
Both comlye castles and towers hye.

29
‘Wheras the walls beene soe stronge,
Lancashire and Cheshire shall beate them downe.’
‘By my fathers soule,’ sayd our k_ing_,
‘And by him _tha_t dyed on the roode,

30
‘Thou shalt neu_er_ haue Lancashire nor Cheshire right
Att thy owne obedyence for to bee!
Cowards in a feild felly will fight
Againe to win the victorye.’

31
‘Wee were neu_er_ cowards,’ said the erle,
‘By him _tha_t deerlye dyed on tree!
Who brought in yo_u_r father att Milford Hauen?
K_ing_ Henery the Seuenth forsooth was hee.

32
‘Thorow the towne of Fortune wee did him bring,
And soe convayd him to Shrewsburye,
And soe crowned him a noble k_ing_;
And Rich_ard_ _tha_t day wee deemed to dye.’

33
Our prince was greatlye moued at _tha_t worde,
And returned him hastilye againe;
To comfort the erle came on the other hande
The doughtye Edward, Duk of Buckingam.

34
‘Plucke vp thy hart, brother Stanlye,
And lett nothing greeiue thee!
For I dare lay my liffe to wedd
It is a false writing of the Erle of Surrey.

35
‘Sith K_ing_ Rich_ard_ felle, he neu_er_ loued thee,
For thy vnckle slue his father deere,
And deerlye deemed him to dye;
S_i_r _Christ_opher Savage his standard away did beare.’

36
‘Alas, brother,’ sayd the Erle of Darbye,
‘Woe be the time _tha_t I was made k_nigh_t,
Or were ruler of any lande,
Or euer had manhood in feild to fight!

37
‘Soe bold men in battle as were they,
Forsooth had neither lo_rd_ nor swaine;
Ffarwell my vnckle, S_i_r Ed_ward_ Stanley!
For well I wott _tha_t thou art slaine.

38
‘Surelye whiles thy liffe wold last
Thou woldest neu_er_ shrinke beside the plaine;
Nor Iohn Stanley, _tha_t child soe younge;
Well I wott _tha_t thou art slaine.

39
‘Ffarwell Kighlye! coward was thou neu_er_;
Old S_i_r Henery, the good k_nigh_t,
I left the[e] ruler of Latham,
To be [my] deputye both day and night.

40
‘Ffarwell Townlye, _tha_t was soe true!
And _tha_t noble Ashton of Middelton!
And the sad Southwarke, _tha_t eu_er_ was sure!
For well I wott _tha_t thou art gone.

41
‘Farwell Ashton vnde[r] Line!
And manlye Mullenax! for thou art slaine;
For doubtlesse while yo_u_r liues wold last
You wold never shun beside the plaine.

42
‘Ffarwell Adderton w_i_th the leaden mall!
Well I know thow art deemed to dye;
I may take my leaue att you all;
The flower of manhoode is gone from mee.

43
‘Ffarwell S_i_r John Booth of Barton, k_nigh_t!
Well I know _tha_t thou art slaine;
While thy liffe wold last to fight,
Thou wold neu_er_ be-sids the plaine.

44
‘Ffarwell Butler, and S_i_r Bode!
Sure you haue beene eu_er_ to mee;
And soe I know _tha_t [still] you wold,
If _tha_t vnslaine you bee.

45
‘Ffarwell _Christ_opher Savage, the wighte!
Well I know _tha_t thou art slaine;
For whiles thy life wold last to fight,
Thou wold neuer besids the plaine.

46
‘Ffarwell Dutton, and S_i_r Dane!
You haue beene eu_er_ trew to mee;
Ffarwell the Baron of Kinderton!
Beside the feild thou wold not flee.

47
‘Ffarwell Ffitton of Gawsworth!
Either thou art taken or slaine;
Doubtelesse while thy life wold last,
Thou wold neuer beside the plaine.’

48
As they stood talkinge together there,
The duke and the erle trulye,
Came ffor to comfort him th[e] trew Talbott,
And the noble Erle of Shrewsburye.

49
‘Plucke vp thy hart, sonne Tho_mas_, and be merry,
And let noe tydings greeve thee!
Am not I godfather to our k_ing_?
My owne god-sonne forsooth is hee.’

50
He tooke the Duke of Buckingam by the arme,
And the Erle of Sh[r]ewsburye by the other:
‘To p_ar_t w_i_th you it is my harme;
Farwell, my father and my brother!

51
‘Farwell Lancaster, _tha_t litle towne!
Farwell now for euer and aye!
Many pore men may pray for my soule
When they lye weeping in the lane.

52
‘Ffarwell Latham, _tha_t bright bower!
Nine towers thou beares on hye,
And other nine thou beares on the outer walls;
W_i_thin thee may be lodged k_ing_s three.

53
‘Ffarwell Knowsley, _tha_t litle tower
Vnderneth the holtes soe hore!
Eu_er_ when I thinke on _tha_t bright bower,
Wite me not though my hart be sore.

54
‘Ffarwell Tocstaffe, _tha_t trustye _par_ke,
And the fayre riuer _tha_t runes there beside,
There I was wont to chase the hinde and hart!
Now therin will I neu_er_ abide.

55
‘Ffarwell bold Birkhead! there was I boorne,
Within the abbey and that monesterye;
The sweet covent for mee may mourne;
I gaue to you the tythe of Beeston, trulye.

56
‘Ffarwell Westchester for eu_er_more!
And the Watter Gate! it is my owne;
I gaue a mace _for_ the serieant to weare,
To waite on the maior, as it is knowne.

57
‘Will I neu_er_ come _tha_t citye w_i_thin;
But, sonne Edw_ard_, thou may clayme it of right:
Ffarwell Westhardin! I may thee [call] myn,
K_nigh_t and lord I was of great might.

58
‘Sweete sonne Edw_ard_, white bookes thou make,
And eu_er_ haue pittye on the pore cominaltye!
Ffarwell Hope and Hopedale!
Mould and Moulesdale, God be w_i_th thee!
I may take leaue with a sorry cheere,
For w_i_thin thee will I neuer bee.’

59
As they stoode talking together there,
The duke and the lords trulye,
Came Iamie Garsed, a yeman of the guard,
_Tha_t had beene brought vp w_i_th the Erle of Derbye;
Like the devill w_i_th his fellowes he had fared,
He s[t]icked two, and wounded three.

60
After, w_i_th his sword drawen in his hand,
He fled to the noble Earle of Derbye:
‘Stand vp, Iamye!’ the erle said,
‘These tydings nothing liketh mee.

61
‘I haue seene the day I cold haue saued thee,
Such thirty men if thou hads slaine,
And now if I shold speake for thee,
Sure thow weret to be slaine.

62
‘I will once desire my bretheren eche one
_Tha_t they will speake for thee.’
He prayd the Duke of Buckingam,
And alsoe the Erle of Shrewsburye,

63
Alsoe my lo_rd_ Fitzwater soe wise,
And the good Lo_rd_ Willowbye,
S_i_r Rice Ap Thomas, a k_nigh_t of price;
They all spoke for Long Iamye.

64
They had not stayd but a litle while there,
The duke and the erles in their talkinge,
But straight to the erle came a messenger,
_Tha_t came latelye from the k_ing_,

65
And bad _tha_t Long Iamie shold be sent;
There shold neither be grith nor grace,
But on a boughe he shold be hanged,
In middest the feild, before the erles face.

66
‘If _tha_t be soe,’ said the Erle of Derbye,
‘I trust our prince will better bee;
Such tydings maketh my hart full heavye
Afore his Grace when _tha_t wee bee.’

67
The Duke of Buckingam tooke Iamie by the one arme,
And the Erle of Shrewsburye by the other;
Afore them they put the K_ing_ of Man,
It was the Erle of Darbye and noe other.

68
The lo_rd_ Fitzwater followed fast,
And soe did the lo_rd_ Willowbyghe;
The comfortable Cobham mad great hast;
All went w_i_th the noble Erle of Derbye.

69
The hind Hassall hoved on fast,
W_i_th the lusty Lealand trulye;
Soe did S_i_r Alex_ander_ Osbaston,
Came in w_i_th the Erle of Derbye.

70
The royall Ratcliffe, _tha_t rude was neu_er_,
And the trustye Trafford, keene to trye,
And wight Warburton, out of Cheshire,
All came w_i_th the Erle of Darbye.

71
S_i_r Rice ap Thomas, a k_nigh_t of Wales,
Came w_i_th a feirce menye;
He bent his bowes on the bent to abyde,
And cleane vnsett the gallow-tree.

72
When they came afore our k_ing_,
Lowlye they kneeled vpon their knees;
The first word _tha_t our prince did myn,
‘Welcome, dukes and erles, to mee!

73
‘The most welcome hither of all
Is our owne traitor, Long Iamie:
Iamie, how durst thou be soe bold
As in our p_re_sence for to bee?

74
‘To slay thy bretheren w_i_thin their hold!
Thou was sworne to them, and they to thee.’
Then began Long Iamie to speake bold:
‘My leege, if it please yo_u_r Grace to pardon mee,

75
‘When I was to my supp_er_ sett,
They called me coward to my face,
And of their talking they wold not lett,
And thus w_i_th them I vpbrayded was.

76
‘The bade me flee from them apace
To _tha_t coward the Erle of Derbye!
When I was litle, and had small grace,
He was my helpe and succour trulye.

77
‘He tooke [me] from my father deere,
And keeped me w_i_thin his woone
Till I was able of my selfe
Both to shoote and picke the stone.

78
‘Then after, vnder Grenwich, vpon a day
A Scottish minstrell came to thee,
And brought a bow of yew to drawe,
And all the guard might not stirr _tha_t tree.

79
‘Then the bow was giuen to the Erle of Derbye,
And the erle deliuered it to mee;
Seven shoots before yo_u_r face I shott,
And att the eighth in sunder it did flee.

80
‘Then I bad the Scott bow downe his face,
And gather vp the bow, and bring it to his k_ing_;
Then it liked yo_u_r noble Grace
Into yo_u_r guard for me to bring.

81
‘Sithen I haue liued a merry liffe,
I thanke yo_u_r Grace and the Erle of Darbye;
But to haue the erle rebuked thus,
_Tha_t my bringer-vp forsooth was hee,

82
‘I had rather suffer death,’ he said,
‘Then be false to the erle _tha_t was true to me.’
‘Stand vp Iamie!’ said our k_ing_,
‘Haue heere my charter, I giue it thee.

83
‘Let me haue noe more fighting of thee
Whilest thou art w_i_thin Ffrance lande.’
‘Then one thing you must grant,’ said Iamie,
‘_Tha_t yo_u_r word theron may stand:

84
‘Whosoe rebuketh Lancashire or Chesshire
Shortlye shall be deemed to dye.’
Our k_ing_ comanded a cry i-wis
To be p_ro_claimed hastilye.

85
‘If the dukes and erles kneele on their knees,
Itt getteth on sturr the comonaltye;
If wee be vpbrayded thus,
Manye a man is like to dye.’
The k_ing_ said, He _tha_t rebuket Lancashire or Cheshire
Shall haue his iudgment on the next tree.

86
Then soe they were in rest
For the space of a night, as I weene,
And on the other day, w_i_thout leasinge,
There came a messenger from the q_ueene_.

87
And when he came before our k_ing_,
Lowlye he kneeled vpon his knee,
And said, Chr[i]st thee saue, our noble k_ing_,
And thy speed this day may bee!
Heere greeteth thee well thy loue and liking,
And our honorable q_ueene_ and ladye,

88
And biddeth you in Ffrance to be glad,
For slaine is yo_u_r brother-in-law K_ing_ Iamie,
And att louelye London he shalbe found,
My comlye prince, in the p_re_sence of thee.

89
Then bespake our comlye prince,
Saiinge, Who did fight and who did flee?
And who bare them best of the Mount of Fflodden?
And who is false, and who is true to mee?

90
‘Lancashire and Cheshire,’ said the messenger,
‘They haue done the deed w_i_th their hand;
Had not the Erle of Derbye beene to thee true,
In great aduenture had beene all England.’

91
Then bespake our prince on hye,
‘S_i_r Raphe Egertton, my marshall I make thee;
S_i_r Edward Stanley, thou shalt be a lo_rd_,
Lord Mounteagle thou shalt bee.

92
‘Yonge Iohn Stanley shalbe a k_nigh_t,
And he is well worthy for to bee.’
The Duke of Buckingham the tydings hard,
And shortlye ran to the Erle of Darbye:

93
‘Brother, plucke vp thy hart and be merrye,
And let noe tydings greeve thee!
Yesterday, thy men called cowerds were,
And this day they haue woone the victorye.’

94
The duke tooke the erle by the arme,
And thus they ledden to the prince [trulye].
Seven roods of ground the k_ing_ he came,
And sayd, ‘Welcome, K_ing_ of Man and Erle of Derbye!
The thing _tha_t I haue taken from thee,
I geeve it to thee againe whollye.

95
‘The manrydden of Lancashire and Cheshire both,
Att thy bidding euer to bee;
Ffor those men beene true, Thomas, indeed;
They beene trew both to thee and mee.’

96
‘Yett one thing greeveth me,’ said the erle,
‘And in my hart maketh me heavye,
This day to heare the wan the feild,
And yesterday cowards to bee.’

97
‘It was a wronge wryting,’ sayd our k_ing_,
‘_Tha_t came ffrom the Erle of Surrey;
But I shall him teach his prince to know,
If euer wee come in our countrye.’

98
‘I aske noe more,’ sayd the noble erle,
‘Ffor all _tha_t my men haue done trulye,
But _tha_t I may be iudge my selfe
Of _tha_t noble Erle of Surreye.’

99
‘Stand vp, Thomas!’ sayd our prince,
‘Lord Marshall I make thee,
And thou shalt be iudge thy selfe,
And as thou saiest, soe shall it bee.’

100
‘Then is his liffe saued,’ sayd the erle,
‘I thanke Iesu and yo_u_r Grace trulye;
If my vnckle slew his father deere,
He wold haue venged him on mee.’

101
‘Thou art verry patient,’ sayd our k_ing_;
‘The Holy Ghost remaines, I thinke, in thee;
On the south side of Turnay thou shalt stande,
W_i_th my godfather the Erle of Shrewsburye.’

102
And soe to _tha_t seege forth the went,
The noble Shrewsburye and the Erle of Derbye,
And the laid seege vnto the walls,
And wan the towne in dayes three.

103
Thus was Lancashire and Cheshire rebuked
Thorow the pollicye of the Erle of Surrey.
Now God, _tha_t was in Bethlem borne,
And for vs dyed vpon a tree,
Saue o_u_r noble prince _tha_t wereth the crowne,
And haue mercy on the Erles soule of Derbye!

· · · · ·

104
And then bespake o_u_r noble k_ing_,
These were the words said hee;
Sayes, Come, Alex_ander_ Ratcliffe, k_nigh_t,
Come hither now vnto mee,
Ffor them shalt goe on the south side of Tournay,
And w_i_th thee thou shalt haue thousands three.

105
Then forth is gone Alex_ander_ Ratcliffe, k_nigh_t;
W_i_th him he leads men thousand three;
But or ere three dayes were come to an end,
The Ffrenchmen away did flee.

106
Then K_ing_ Henery planted three hundred Englishmen
_Tha_t in the citye shold abyde and bee:
Alex_ander_ Rat_cliffe_, he wold haue mad him gou_er_no_u_r there,
But he forsooke it certainelye,
And made great intreatye to our k_ing_
_Tha_t he might come into England in his compa[n]ye.

· · · · ·

107
And then bespake noble K_ing_ Henery,
And these were the words said hee:
Sayes, Come hither, Row_land_ Egerton, k_nigh_t,
And come thou hither vnto mee;

108
For the good service _tha_t thou hast done,
Well rewarded shalt thou bee.
Then forth came Row_land_ Egerton,
And kneeled downe vpon his knee.

109
Saies, If it like yo_u_r Grace, my gracious k_ing_,
The reward _tha_t you will bestow on mee,
I wold verry gladlye haue it in Cheshire,
Ffor _tha_t’s att home in my owne country.

110
And then bespake him noble K_ing_ Henery,
And these were the words said hee;
‘I haue nothing, Egerton, in all Cheshire
_Tha_t wilbe any pleasure for thee
But fiue mills stands att Chester townes end;
The gone all ouer the water of Dee.’

111
Still kneeled Row_land_ Egerton,
And did not rise beside his knee;
Sayes, If it like yo_u_r Highnesse, my gracious k_ing_,
A milner called I wold neuer bee.

112
And then bespake him noble K_ing_ Harrye,
These were the words said hee;
Saith, I’le make mine avow to God,
And alsoe to the Trinitye,
There shall neu_er_ be k_ing_ of England
But the shalbe miller of the mills of Dee!

113
I haue noe other thing, Egerton,
_Tha_t wilbe for thy delight;
I will giue thee the forrest of Snoden in Wales,
Wherby thou may giue the horne and lease;
In siluer it wilbe verry white,
And meethinkes shold thee well please.

114
. . . . . . . . .
Still kneeled Row_land_ Egerton on his knee;
He sayes, If itt like yo_u_r Highnes, my gracious k_ing_,
A ranger called wold I neuer bee.

115
Then our k_ing_ was wrath_e_, and rose away,
Sayes, I thinke, Egerton, nothing will please thee.
And then bespake him, Row_land_ Egerton,
Kneeling yet still on his knee:

116
Sayes, If itt like yo_u_r Highnesse, my gracious k_ing_,
_Tha_t yo_u_r Highnes pleasure will now heer mee,
In Cheshire there lyes a litle grange-house,
In the lo_rd_sh[i]ppe of Rydeley it doth lyee.

117
A tanner there in it did dwell;
My leege, it is but a cote w_i_th one eye,
And if yo_u_r Grace wold bestow this on mee,
Ffull well it wold pleasure me.

118
Then bespake our noble K_ing_ Harrye,
And these were the words saith hee;
Saies, Take thee _tha_t grange-house, Egerton,
And the lo_rd_shippe of Rydley, faire and free.

119
For the good service thou hast to me done,
I will giue it vnto thy heyres and thee:
And thus came Row[land] Egertton
To the lo_rd_shippe of Rydley, faire and free.

· · · · ·

120
This noble K_ing_ Harry wan great victoryes in France,
Thorrow the might _tha_t Christ Jesus did him send.

First our k_ing_ wan Hans and Gynye,
And [two] walled townes, the truth to say;
And afterwards wan other two townes,
The names of them were called Turwin and Turnay.

121
High Bullen and Base Bullen he wan alsoe,
And other village-townes many a one,
And Muttrell he wan alsoe—
The cronicles of this will not lye—
And kept to Calleis, plainsht w_i_th Englishmen,
Vnto the death _tha_t he did dye.

* * * * *

#a.#

4^2. soliders.

16^4. them.

17^3. 8^{th}.

20^3. wright.

20^4. vs 2.

31^4. 7[th .].

35^1. feele.

35^4. xopher Savage, _and again_ 45^1: always _for_ away.

41^1. vndeline.

45^1. K_nigh_t _for_ wighte.

52^{2,3}. 9.

52^4. 3.

53^2. whore.

53^4. white.

56^3. giue: p_ro_ _for_ for.

57^2. wright.

58^1. Lookes _for_ bookes. 2d Parte _at_ 59^3.

59^6. 2: 3.

61^2. 30.

65^1. Ianie.

79^3. 7.

79^4. 8^{th}: breake _for_ flee, _cf._ #b#, #c#.

83^4. ward: _cf._ #b#.

84^3. I cry _for_ a cry: a _in_ #b#, #c#.

89^4. who his _for the first_ who is.

94^3. 7.

95^1. Maurydden.

102^4, 104^4. 3.

103. 121 _in the MS._

104^6. 1000[s :] 3.

105^2. 1000[d :] 3.

106^1. 300[d :].

110^5. 5.

112^6. he _for_ the?

117^4. me pleasure.

120^5. 2.

And _for_ & _always_.

#b#, #c#.

_In stanzas of eight lines._ #b.# A ballate of the Battalle of
Ffloden Ffeeld betweene the Earle of Surrey and the King of
Scots. #c.# Flowden Feilde.

_Trivial variations of spelling are not regarded._

1^1. of the.

1^2. our fortune and chaunce.

1^3. tell of. #b.# tythandes. #c.# tythance.

2^2. surly _after_ And: his _wanting_.

3^1. at _for_ to.

3^2. #b.# lorde _for_ leed. #b#, #c#. great _for_ high.

3^4. #b.# found Henry our kynge.

4^5–7^6. _Two stanzas, the first ending at 6^2._

4^5. the prince.

4^6. #c.# Iesu.

5^2. he kneeled vppon.

5^4. King _wanting_.

6^4. and _for the second_ my.

7^3. biddethe.

7^5. ye.

8^2. _Prefix_ And.

8^3. bare: uppon, upon, _for_ of. #b.# them _for_ him.

9^2. they bene both.

9^3. non _for_ nere. #b.# belonged.

10^1. #b.# a stand.

10^2. And he.

10^4. _First_ he _wanting_. #b.# tould (_corrected from_ coulde?)
_for_ found.

11^1. #b.# noble _for_ comlye.

11^2. And he.

12^1. #b.# C. and L. #b#, #c# _add_ bothe.

12^2. the _wanting_.

12^4. Not a.

13^3. King _wanting_.

13^4. #b#, And it, #c#, Yf it, like you my souereigne lord.

14^1. #c.# bene.

14^2. #c.# tythandes.

15^3. #b.# L. nor C. mene.

15^4. #b.# wold euer.

16^2. on _for_ vpon a.

16^3. For now: greatest _for_ most.

16^4. then served they _for_ they serued then.

17^4. And _for_ If.

18^1. ye: any _wanting_.

18^3. #c.# ye.

18^4. #b.# whether (_altered from_ wher) that wee are.

19^1. #b.# rounded. #b#, #c#. anon _added to_ king.

19^2. And _wanting_. #b.# Sayenge.

19^3. to thee _wanting_.

21^1. #b.# neuer a: besydes.

21^4. #b.# right angerly.

22^1. other syde.

22^4. lowly he.

23^3. #b.# our king sayde. #c.# speake.

23^4. #b.# Was _for_ Sayd.

24^1. #c.# L. and C.

24^2. was _for_ were.

24^3. nowe _inserted before_ are.

24^4. #b.# Neuer a one of them. #c.# Neuer one of them ys (_but_
are, _in a later hand_).

25^1. #c.# then _for_ free.

26^4. #b.# fled a foote.

27^2. #b.# to _for_ itt.

28^1. to brene, bren.

28^2. _First_ me _wanting_.

28^3. _First_ I _wanting_: all to. #b.# gates.

28^4. #b.# Bothe the.

29^1. walles they.

29^3. then sayd.

30^1. and _for_ nor.

30^2. #c.# thyne.

30^3. #b.# freely _for_ felly.

31^2. for me _for_ on tree.

32^2. #b.# To the towne of.

32^3. we _after_ soe.

33^2. #b.# vppon the same _for_ againe. #c.# in same, _but_ on the
_for_ in, _in a later hand_.

33^3. side, syde, _for_ hande.

34^4. #b.# duke _for_ erle.

35^1. Synce: feelde, feylde.

35^2. #c.# thyne: theare, there _for_ deere.

35^4. awaye _for_ always.

36^3. #c.# therby _added by a later hand_.

37^3. #c.# myne.

37^4. #c.# art _altered to_ weart.

38^1. whileste that, whiles that.

38^2. schunte besides.

38^4. nowe _before_ that.

39^1. #b.# for _before_ coward, #b#, #c#. none _for_ neuer.

39^4. be my.

40^2. the _for_ that.

40^3. #b.# Sotheworthe. #c.# Sothewarke _altered to_ Sotheworthe.

41^3. #c.# whilest.

41^4. schunte.

42^1. #b.# Anderton.

42^3. leaue nowe. #b.# at _altered to_ of.

43^3. For whileste, For whiles.

43^4. wouldeste (#c# woulde) neuer beside the playne.

44^1. #b.# Bolde.

44^2. ye.

44^3. stylle, still.

44^4. Vnslayne nowe yf, (#b#) that you bee, (#c#) you had bee.

45^1. weighte, wighte.

45^3. #b.# whileste.

45^4. woldeste, wouldest: beside.

46^1. Done, Downe.

46^2. Ye.

46^4. #b.# woldeste.

47^1. #b.# Seton _altered to_ Fitton.

47^2. Other.

47^3. _Prefix_ For: whiles.

47^4. woldeste, wouldest.

48^3. ffor _wanting_.

49^2. #c.# tythands.

49^4. myne.

51^4. #c.# lawne.

52^2. beareste, bearest.

52^3. in the vtter.

53^2. whore.

53^4. Wyte.

54^2. ronnethe, renneth. #b.# besydes.

54^3. #b.# was I.

54^4. #b.# I will.

55^1. Berkenhede, Byrkhead _altered to_ Byrkenhead.

55^4. #c.# the _wanting_.

56^2. myn, myne.

56^3. gaue: p_ro_ (_or_ for) _wanting_.

57^2. mayeste, maiest. #c.# yt clayme.

57^3. #c.# call _after_ may, _in a later hand_.

58^1. bookes, bokes.

58^2. comentye, comyntie.

58^3. Hopesdalle.

58^4. Mouldesdalle, Mouldesdale.

58^5. take my: hevie, heavie _for_ sorry.

59^3. Iames: Garsye, Garsyde.

59^6. stycked, sticked.

60^1. #b.# And after.

60^3. #b.# Iames.

60^4, 66^3. #c.# tythandes.

61^2. hadeste, had.

61^4. wearte for, were for.

62^2. will nowe.

63^1. #b.# Fitzwaters. #c.# Feighwater _altered to_ Fitzwater.

63^3, 71^1. #c.# vp _for_ ap.

63^4. And all they spake.

64^1. standen.

64^3. But _wanting_.

65^1, 73^3, 74^3, 82^3. #b.# Iames.

65^1. #c.# send.

65^4. Amydeste.

66^1. #c.# soe _wanting_.

66^3. #b.# makes.

67^4. non.

68^1. #c.# Feighwater. #b.# he followed.

69^1. #b.# hied _for_ hoved.

69^3. #b.# Osboldstone.

69^4. #b.# come.

70^3. #b.# wighty.

71^2. came forthe even with.

71^3. #c.# bend.

71^4. gallowes.

72^1. When as. #b.# the king.

72^3. #b.# minge.

72^4. _Prefix_ Said: vnto.

73^1. _Prefix_ But.

73^2. #c.# our owne _altered to_ yondere.

74^2. #c.# waste.

74^4. lyke, like, _for_ please.

75^4. vpbrayded that I _for_ I vpbrayded.

77^1. tooke me.

77^2. #b.# kepte.

78^3. of vewe.

79^4. #b.# did flee. #c.# be _altered to_ flie.

80^{1,2}. #b.# Then I layd the bowe one his face, and bade him
gather vpe the bowe, _etc._ #c.# geder.

80^4. for _wanting_.

82^1. had lyuer, leaver.

83^2. #c.# whiles, #b.# Frenche.

83^3. ye.

83^4. #b.# word.

84^3. Our prince: a cry.

85^2. #b.# settethe one and.

85^3. Yf that.

85^5. rebuketh. #b.# and _for_ or.

86^1. stylle at rest.

86^2. #b.# as _wanting_.

87^1. #b.# prince for king.

87^2. #b.# kneene, _rhyming with_ 86^{2,4}.

87^3. prince _for_ king.

87^4. This owere (#c# our) noble kynge this (#c# thy) speede may
be.

87^5. greetes (#c# gretteth) yow well your lyffe and spouse (#c#
liking).

87^6. Your honorable: fair ladye.

88^1. for to.

88^2. #b.# in-law _wanting_.

89^2. And sayd.

89^3. vppon, vpon, the _for_ of the.

89^4. And who weare, were, _bis_.

91^1. #b.# on highe, _originally_; _altered in the same hand to_
w_i_th ane highe word.

91^4. Ye, yea, _prefixed_: shalt thou.

92^2. As _for_ And.

92^3. #b.# thes _for_ the. #c.# tythands. #b.# _adds_ righte _at
the end_.

93^1. Brother _after_ hart.

93^2. #c.# tythandes.

93^3. #b.# this (_written upon_ thy) men cowards were they. #c.#
cowardes called _for_ called cowerds.

93^4. they _wanting_.

94^1. #b.# him _for_ the erle.

94^2. _adds_ trulye _at the end_. #b.# and lede him _for_ thus
they ledden.

94^5. haue from the taken.

94^6. agayne to thee.

95^1. #b.# marshallynge. #c.# manratten. #b.# men _for_ both.

95^2. for to. #b# _omits_ euer.

95^3. these. #b.# be.

95^4. #b.# be.

96^1. #b.# the earle saide.

96^4. for to.

97^1. #b.# our kinge sayd.

97^4. And _for_ If.

98^1. #b.# the earle nowe.

98^3. #b.# That I my selfe his iudgmente maye pronounce, #c.# But
that I gyve iudgment my selfe.

99^2. #b.# will I. #c.# that I shall.

99^3. shalt geue (gyue) the iudgment.

100^1. #b.# Then sayd the earle, saved is his lyfe.

100^3. If _wanting_.

101^1. #b.# our kyng sware.

101^2. remayneth: I thinke _wanting_.

101^4. #c.# the _wanting_.

102^1. #b.# they ganged.

102^3. #b# _adds_ batled _at the end_.

102^4. #b.# toweres. #c.# townes. #b#, #c#. w_i_thin.

103^5. #b.# weres.

103^6. #b.# And shewe thie mersye one the Earle of Derby.

104–121 _wanting._

169

JOHNIE ARMSTRONG

#A. a.# ‘A Northern Ballet,’ Wit Restord in severall Select Poems not
formerly publisht, London, 1658, p. 30, in Facetiæ, London, 1817, I,
132. #b.# ‘A Northern Ballad,’ Wit and Drollery, London, 1682, p.
57.

#B. a.# ‘John Arm-strongs last Good - Night,’ etc., Wood, 401, fol. 93
b, Bodleian Library. #b.# Pepys Ballads, II, 133, No 117. #c.#
‘Johnny Armstrongs last Good-Night,’ Old Ballads, 1723, I, 170.

#C.# ‘Johnie Armstrang,’ The Ever Green, 1724, II, 190.

#A b# is not found in Wit and Drollery, 1661; it is literally repeated in Dryden’s Miscellanies, 1716, III, 307. #B# is in the Roxburghe collection, III, 513, the Bagford, I, 64, II, 94, and no doubt in others. It was printed by Evans, 1777, II, 64, and by Ritson, English Songs, 1783, II, 322. #C# was printed by Herd, 1769, p. 260, 1776 (with spelling changed), I, 13; by Ritson, Scotish Songs, 1794, II, 7; by Scott, 1802, I, 49, 1833, I, 407 (with a slight change or two).

‘Ihonne Ermistrangis dance’ is mentioned in The Complaynt of Scotland, 1549, ed. Murray, p. 66. The tune of #C# is No 356 of Johnson’s Museum; see further Stenhouse, in the edition of 1853, IV, 335 f.

Of his copy #C#, Ramsay says: “This is the true old ballad, never printed before.... This I copied from a gentleman’s mouth of the name of Armstrang, who is the sixth generation from this John. He tells me this was ever esteemd the genuine ballad, the common one false.” Motherwell remarks, Minstrelsy, p. lxii, note 3: “The common ballad alluded to by Ramsay [#A#, #B#] is the one, however, which is in the mouths of the people. His set I never heard sung or recited; but the other frequently.” A manuscript copy of #B#, entitled Gillnokie, communicated to Percy by G. Paton, Edinburgh, December 4, 1778, which has some of the peculiar readings of #B a#, introduces the 27th stanza of #C#[225] in place of 12, and has ‘Away, away, thou traitor strong’ for 12^1. A copy in Buchan’s MSS, I, 61, ‘The Death of John Armstrong,’ has the first half of #C# 18 and also of #C# 19 (with very slight variations). Another Scottish copy, which was evidently taken from recitation, introduces #C# 23 after 14.[226]

Both forms of the ballad had been too long printed to allow validity to any known recited copy. Besides the three already mentioned, there is one in Kinloch’s MSS, V, 263, which intermixes two stanzas from Johnie Scot. The Scottish copies naturally do not allow ‘Scot’ to stand in 17^3. Paton’s substitutes ‘chiell’; the others ‘man,’ and so a broadside reprinted by Maidment, Scotish Ballads and Songs, Historical and Traditionary, I, 130.

The Armstrongs were people of consideration in Liddesdale from the end, or perhaps from the middle, of the fourteenth century, and by the sixteenth had become the most important sept, as to numbers, in that region, not only extending themselves over a large part of the Debateable Land,[227] but spreading also into Eskdale, Ewesdale, Wauchopedale, and Annandale. The Earl of Northumberland, in 1528, puts the power of the Armstrongs, with their adherents, above three thousand horsemen. Mangerton, in Liddesdale, on the east bank of the Liddel, a little north of its junction with the Kersope, was the seat of the chief. John Armstrong, known later as Gilnockie, a brother of Thomas, laird of Mangerton, is first heard of in 1525. Removing from Liddesdale early in the century, as it is thought, he settled on the church lands of Canonby, and at a place called The Hollows, on the west side of the Esk, built a tower, which still remains.[228]

Others of the Armstrongs erected strong houses in the neighborhood. Lord Dacre, the English warden of the West Marches, essayed to surprise these strengths in the early part of 1528, but was foiled by John and Sym Armstrong, though he had a force of two thousand men. The Armstrongs, if nominally Scots, were so far from being “in due obeysaunce” that, at a conference of commissioners of both realms in November of the year last named, the representatives of the Scottish king could not undertake to oblige them to make redress for injuries done the English, though a peace depended upon this condition. Perhaps the English border suffered more than the Scottish from their forays (and the English border, we are informed, was not nearly so strong as the Scottish, neither in “capetayns nor the commynnaltie”), but how little Scotland was spared appears from what Sym Armstrong, the laird of Whitlaugh, in the same year again, told the Earl of Northumberland: that himself and his adherents had laid waste in the said realm sixty miles, and laid down thirty parish churches, and that there was not one in the realm of Scotland dare remedy the same. Indeed, our John, Thomas of Mangerton, Sym of Whitlaugh, and the rest, seem to be fairly enough described in an English indictment as “enemies of the king of England, and traitors, fugitives, and felons of the king of Scots.[229]

Other measures having failed, King James the Fifth, in the summer of 1530, took the pacifying of his borders into his own hand, and for this purpose levied an army of from eight to twelve thousand men. The particulars of this noted expedition are thus given by Lindsay of Pitscottie.[230]

“The king ... made a convention at Edinburgh with all the lords and barons, to consult how he might best stanch theiff and river within his realm, and to cause the commons to live in peace and rest, which long time had been perturbed before. To this effect he gave charge to all earls, lords, barons, freeholders and gentlemen, to compeir at Edinburgh with a month’s victual, to pass with the king to daunton the thieves of Teviotdale and Annandale, with all other parts of the realm; also the king desired all gentlemen that had dogs that were good to bring them with them to hunt in the said bounds, which the most part of the noblemen of the Highlands did, such as the earls of Huntly, Argyle, and Athol, who brought their deer-hounds with them and hunted with his majesty. These lords, with many other lords and gentlemen, to the number of twelve thousand men, assembled at Edinburgh, and therefrom went with the king’s grace to Meggat-land, in the which bounds were slain at that time eighteen score of deer. After this hunting the king hanged John Armstrong, laird of Kilnokie; which many a Scotsman heavily lamented, for he was a doubtit man, and as good a chieftain as ever was upon the borders, either of Scotland or of England. And albeit he was a loose-living man, and sustained the number of twenty-four well-horsed able gentlemen with him, yet he never molested no Scotsman.[231] But it is said, from the Scots border to Newcastle of England, there was not one, of whatsoever estate, but paid to this John Armstrong a tribute, to be free of his cumber, he was so doubtit in England. So when he entered in before the king, he came very reverently, with his foresaid number very richly appareled, trusting that in respect he had come to the king’s grace willingly and voluntarily, not being taken nor apprehended by the king, he should obtain the more favor. But when the king saw him and his men so gorgeous in their apparel, and so many braw men under a tyrant’s commandment, throwardlie he turned about his face, and bade take that tyrant out of his sight, saying, What wants yon knave that a king should have? But when John Armstrong perceived that the king kindled in a fury against him, and had no hope of his life, notwithstanding of many great and fair offers which he offered to the king—that is, that he should sustain himself, with forty gentlemen, ever ready to await upon his majesty’s service, and never to take a penny of Scotland nor Scotsmen; secondly, that there was not a subject in England, duke, earl, lord, or baron, but within a certain day he should bring any of them to his majesty, quick or dead—he, seeing no hope of the king’s favor towards him, said very proudly, I am but a fool to seek grace at a graceless face. But had I known, sir, that ye would have taken my life this day, I should have lived upon the borders in despite of King Harry and you both; for I know King Harry would down weigh my best horse with gold to know that I were condemned to die this day. So he was led to the scaffold, and he and all his men hanged.”

Buchanan’s account is, that the king undertook an expedition for the suppressing of freebooters in July, 1530, with an army of about eight thousand men, and encamped at Ewes water, near which was the hold of John Armstrong, a chief of a band of thieves, who had struck such terror into the parts adjacent that even the English for many miles about paid him tribute. Under enticement of the king’s officers, John set out to pay a visit to the king with about fifty horsemen, both unarmed and without a safe-conduct, and on his way fell in with a body of scouts, who took him to their master as a pretended prisoner, and he and most of his men were hanged. The authors of his death averred that Armstrong had promised the English to put the neighboring Scots territory under their sway, if they would make it for his interest; whereas the English were extremely pleased at his death, because they were rid of a redoubtable enemy.[232]

Bishop Lesley says simply that in the month of June (apparently 1529) the king passed to the borders with a great army, where he caused forty-eight of the most noble thieves, with John Armstrong, their captain, to be taken, who being convict of theft, reiff, slaughter, and treason, were all hanged upon growing trees.[233]

Another account gives us positively and definitely to understand that the Armstrongs were not secured without artifice. “On the eighth of June the principals of all the surnames of the clans on the borders came to the king, upon hope of a proclamation proclaimed in the king’s name that they should all get their lives if they would come in and submit themselves in the king’s will. And so, upon this hope, John Armstrong, who kept the castle of Langholm (a brother of the laird of Mangerton’s, a great thief and oppressor, and one that kept still with him four and twenty well-horsed men), came in to the king; and another called Ill Will Armstrong, another stark thief, with sundry of the Scotts and Elliotts, came all forward to the camp where the king was, in hope to get their pardons. But no sooner did the king perceive them, and that they were come afar off, when direction was given presently to enclose them round about; the which was done, accordingly, and were all apprehended, to the number of thirty-five persons, and at a place called Carlaverock Chapel were all committed to the gallows.... The English people was exceeding glad when they understood that John Armstrong was executed, for he did great robberies and stealing in England, maintaining twenty-four men in household every day upon reiff and oppression.”[234]

The place of execution is mentioned by no other historian than Anderson, just quoted, and he gives it as Carlaverock Chapel. But this must be a mistake for Carlenrig Chapel, Carlaverock not being in the line of the king’s progress. James is known to have been at Carlenrig[235] on the 5th of July, and Johnie Armstrong not to have been alive on the eighth. It has been popularly believed that Johnie and his band were buried in Carlenrig churchyard (where the graves used to be shown), and their execution made so deep an impression on the people[236] that it is not unplausible that the fact should be remembered, and that the ballad #C#, in saying that John was murdered at Carlenrig, has followed tradition rather than given rise to it.

It appears from Lindsay’s narrative that Johnie Armstrong came to the king voluntarily, and that he was not “taken or apprehended.” Buchanan says that he was enticed by the king’s officers, and Anderson that the heads of the border-clans were induced to come in by a proclamation that their lives should be safe. It is but too likely, therefore, that the capture was not effected by honorable means, and this is the representation of the ballads. There is no record of a trial,[237] and the execution was probably as summary as the arrest was perfidious.

The ballads treat facts with the customary freedom and improve upon them greatly. In #A#, #B#, English ballads, Johnie is oddly enough a Westmorland man,[238] though in #B# 11 he admits himself to be a subject of the Scots king. The king writes John a long letter promising to do him no wrong, #A# 4; a loving letter, to come and speak with him speedily, #B# 4, #C# 2. Johnie goes to Edinburgh with the eight-score men that he keeps in his hall, all in a splendid uniform, asks grace, and is told that he and his eight-score shall be hanged the next morning. They are not unarmed, and resolve to fight it out rather than be hanged. They kill all the king’s guard but three, #B# 16, but all Edinburgh rises; four-score and ten of Johnie’s men lie gasping on the ground, #A# 14. A cowardly Scot comes behind Johnie and runs him through; like Sir Andrew Barton, he bids his men fight on; he will bleed awhile, then rise and fight again. Most of his company are killed, but his foot-page escapes and carries the bad news to Giltnock Hall. His little son, by or on the nurse’s knee, vows to revenge his father’s death.