Chapter XXXVIII: Part I: , 8, 1707. (W. Macmath.) (2)

Three physicians from Salerno pour melted lead in the hands of Fenice, who is apparently dead. (She has taken a drug which makes her unconscious for a certain time. Her object is to escape from her husband to her lover, Cligés.) The lead has no effect in rousing Fenice. Crestien de Troies, Cligés, ed. Förster, vv. 6000–6009, pp. 246, 247. Förster cites Solomon and Morolf (Salman und Morolf, st. 133, ed. F. Vogt, Die deutschen Dichtungen v. Salomon und Markolf, I, 27, _molten gold_), and other parallels. Einleitung, pp. xix-xx. Cf. Revue de Traditions pop., II, 519. (G. L. K.)

100. Willie o Winsbury.

P. 398. There is a ‘Lord Thomas of Wynnesbury ’ in the Murison MS., p. 17, which was derived from recitation in Aberdeenshire, but it seems to me to have had its origin in the stalls, resembling #I#, which is of that source.

101. Willie o Douglas Dale.

Pp. 407, 409, #A# 14^2, #B# 12^2, ‘An lions gaed to their dens,’ ‘And the lions took the hill.’ “Lions we have had verie manie in the north parts of Scotland, and those with maines of no less force than they of Mauritania are sometimes reported to be; but how and when they were destroied as yet I doo not read:” Holinshed, I, 379.

102. Willie and Earl Richard’s Daughter.

P. 412 b. #A# is translated by Anastasius Grün, Robin Hood, p. 57; Doenniges, p. 166; Knortz, L. u. R. Altenglands, No 18; Loève-Veimars, p. 252.

105. The Bailiff’s Daughter of Islington.

II, 426 b, 428. The tune of 105 #b# is, I have a good old woman at home: of #f#, I have a good old wife at home.

#Italian.# ‘La Prova,’ Nigra, No 54, p. 314, #A-D#. ‘Il Ritorno,’ Giannini, p. 154.

106. The Famous Flower of Serving-Men.

P. 428. The Roxburghe copy, III, 762, Aldermary Church-Yard, is in the Ballad Society’s edition, VI, 567. The Euing copy, printed for John Andrews, is signed L. P., for Laurence Price: Mr J. W. Ebsworth, at p. 570.

109. Tom Potts.

P. 441 b. #B. b.# Ritson’s copy was “compared with another impression, for the same partners, without date.”

I have failed to mention, but am now reminded by Mr Macmath, that the ballad of ‘Jamie o Lee’ is given, under the title ‘James Hatelie,’ by Robert Chambers in the Romantic Scottish Ballads, their Epoch and Authorship, 1859, p. 37, Lord Phenix appearing as simple Fenwick.

112. The Baffled Knight.

P. 480 b. Spanish #C#, ‘El Caballero burlado,’ is now printed in full in Pidal, Asturian Romances, No 34, p. 156.

481 b. Add: ‘La Marchande d’Oranges’ in Rolland, V, 10. (Say Rolland, I, 258.)

Tears. Add: Rolland, II, 29, _e, g, h_.

Varieties. There may be added: Mélusine I, 483==Revue des Traditions pop., III, 634 f.; Romania, X, 379 f., No 18; Bladé, Poésies p. de la Gascogne, II, 208.

482 a. #Italian.# Nigra, No 71, p. 375, ‘Occasione mancata,’ #A-F#. See also ‘La Monacella salvata,’ No 72, p. 381, and ‘Il Galante burlato,’ No 75, p. 388.

482 b. The ballad, it seems, is by _Madame_ Favart: see Rolland, II, 33, _k_. Add: _l_, _ib._, p. 34, and Poésies pop. de la France, MS., III, 493.

483 b. Danish #A# is translated by Prior, III, 182, No 126.

113. The Great Silkie of Sule Skerry.

P. 494.

“On the west coast of Ireland the fishermen are loth to kill the seals, which once abounded in some localities, owing to a popular superstition that they enshrined ‘the souls of thim that were drowned at the flood.’ They were supposed to possess the power of casting aside their external skins and disporting themselves in human form on the sea-shore. If a mortal contrived to become possessed of one of these outer coverings belonging to a female, he might claim her and keep her as his bride.” Charles Hardwick, Traditions, Superstitions, and Folk-Lore, chiefly Lancashire and the North of England, p. 231. (G. L. K.)

506 a, last paragraph but one. So in Douns Lioð, Strengleikar, ed. Kayser and Unger, p. 52 ff. (G. L. K.)

VOL. III.

116. Adam Bell, etc.

P. 17 b. I have omitted to mention the Norwegian ballad ‘Hemingjen aa Harald kungen’ in Bugge’s Gamle Norske Folkeviser, No 1, p. 1.

44. ‘A Robynhode,’ etc.

In the Convocation Books of the Corporation of Wells, Somerset, vol. ii, “under the 13th Henry 7, Nicholas Trappe being master, there is the following curious entry, relative, apparently, to a play of Robin Hood, exhibitions of dancing girls, and church ales, provided for at the public expense.

“‘Et insuper in eadem Convocatione omnes et singuli burgenses unanimi assensu ad tunc et ibidem dederunt Magistro Nicolao Trappe potestatem generalem ad inquirendum in quorum manibus pecuniæ ecclesiæ ac communitatis Welliæ sunt injuste detentæ; videlicet, provenientes ante hoc tempus de Robynhode, puellis tripudiantibus, communi cervisia ecclesiæ, et hujusmodi. Atque de bonis et pecuniis dictæ communitati qualitercunque detentis, et in quorumcunque manibus existentibus. Et desuper, eorum nomina scribere qui habent hujusmodi bona, cum summis, etc.’” H. T. Riley in the First Report of the Historical MSS Commission, 1874, Appendix, p. 107.

The passage in the Wells Convocation Records is perhaps illustrated by an entry in the Churchwardens’ Accounts of the Parish of Kingston-upon-Thames, cited by Ritson, Robin Hood, 2d ed., I, cxviii, from Lysons, Environs of London, 1792, I, 228:

“16 Hen. 8. Rec^d at the church-ale and Robynhode all things
deducted

3 10 6.”

With this may be compared the following:

“Anno MDLXVI, or 9 of Eliz., payde for setting up Robin Hoodes bower

0 18”

(Churchwardens’ Accompts of St. Helen’s [at Abingdon, Berks], Archæologia, I, 18). This latter entry is loosely cited by Ritson, I, cxiv, 2d ed., as dating from 1556. Ibidem may be found his opinion as to R. H.’s bower (n. *). Hampson, Medii Ævi Kalendarium, I, 265, quotes this entry, also with the wrong year. He has no doubt about the Bower: “An arbour, called Robin Hood’s Bower, was erected in the church-yard, and here maidens stood gathering contributions.” I, 283. (All the above by G. L. K.)

117. A Gest of Robyn Hode.

P. 46 b, note. The Sloane MS. cited by Ritson as No 715 is No 780 (which is bound up with 715) and is “paper, early xviith century:” Ward, Catalogue of Romances, etc., I, 517. This correction is also to be made at p. 121 b, note; pp. 129 a, 173 b, 175 b.

51 b, sts 62–66.

The late Miss Hamilton McKie, New Galloway, told me this story:

A sturdy beggar, or luscan, came to a farm-house among the hills and asked quarters for the night. The gudewife, before entrusting him with the bedclothes in which to sleep in one of the outhouses, required a pledge or security for their return. He said he had none to offer but his Maker, and got his night’s lodging. In the morning he walked off with the bedclothes, but, becoming bewildered in a mist, he wandered about the whole day, and in the evening, seeing the light of a house, made towards it and knocked at the door. A woman opened it and said, “Your Cautioner has proved gude!” He had come back to the same house.

Mactaggart gives the story in his Gallovidian Encyclopedia, p. 325, but without the trait of the security. (W. Macmath.)

147. Robin Hood’s Golden Prize.

P. 210. The signature to a, L. P., is for Laurence Price: Ebsworth, Roxburghe Ballads, VI, 64.

150. Robin Hood and Maid Marian.

P. 218 (and 43–46).

Mr H. L. D. Ward, in his invaluable Catalogue of Romances, etc., while treating of Fulk Fitz-Warine, has made the following important remarks concerning the literary history of Maid Marian (p. 506 f.).

“There were three Matildas who were popularly supposed to have been persecuted by King John. The most historical of these was Matilda de Braose. She was imprisoned, with her son and her son’s wife, in 1210, some (Matthew Paris and others) say at Windsor, but another chronicler says at Corfe Castle (see a volume published by the Soc. de l’Hist. de France in 1840), and they were all starved to death. The second was Fulk’s wife Mahaud, who was the widow of Theobald Walter. The third was the daughter of Robert Fitz-Walter. The only authority that can be quoted for the story of the third Matilda is the Chronicle of Dunmow, of which one copy of the 16th century remains, in the Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iii. (ff. 281–7), but which was probably begun by Nicholas de Brumfeld, a canon of Dunmow in the latter part of the 13th century. It is there stated that, when Robert Fitz-Walter fled to France in 1213, his daughter took refuge in Dunmow Priory, where John, after a vain attempt at seduction, poisoned her. Now all these three Matildas may be said to appear in the two plays known as _The Downfall_ and _The Death of Robert Earle of Huntington_, by Anthony Munday and Henry Chettle, which are first mentioned in Henslowe’s _Diary_ in February and November, 1598. Two of them indeed appear in their own names, Matilda de Braose (or Bruce) and Matilda Fitz-Walter; and the one is starved at Windsor and the other is poisoned at Dunmow in the second play. But in the first play Matilda Fitz-Walter escapes the solicitations of John by joining her newly-married husband in Sherwood, where they are called Robin Hood and Maid Marian. This is clearly owing to a combination of the second and third Matildas. It may have been effected by the course of tradition, or it may have been the arbitrary work of a single author. But if the romance of Fulk Fitz-Warin had been known to either Munday or Chettle, other portions of it would almost certainly have appeared in plays or novels or ballads. Now Munday introduces the piece as a rehearsal, conducted by John Skelton the poet, who himself plays Friar Tuck, with a view to performing it before Henry VIII. And it is not at all unlikely that it was really founded upon a May-day pageant devised by Skelton, but not important enough to be specified in the list of his works in his _Garlande of Laurell_. We know that Skelton did write Interludes, of which one still remains, _Magnyfycence_: and Anthony Wood tells us that at Diss in Norfolk, where Skelton was rector, he was ‘esteemed more fit for the stage than the pew or pulpit.’ Thus there was no man more likely than Skelton to devise a new Robin Hood pageant for his old pupil, Henry VIII. And again, there was no man more likely to celebrate the story of Matilda Fitz-Walter, for the patron of his living was Robert Lord Fitz-Walter, who was himself a Ratcliffe, but who had inherited the lordship of Diss through his grandmother, the last of the old Fitz-Walters.[327] But whether Skelton may have read the then accessible poem about Fulk, afterwards described by Leland, or whether either he or Munday may have received the story in its composite form, it is pretty evident that the two reputed objects of King John’s desire, Matilda Walter and Matilda Fitz-Walter, have become blended together into the Maid Marian of the play.”

155. Sir Hugh, or, The Jew’s Daughter.

P. 235 a. Bells ringing of themselves (in ballads). Pidal, Asturian Romances, ‘Il Penitente,’ Nos 1, 2, pp. 82, 84; Nigra, ‘Sant’ Alessio,’ No 148, A, B, p. 538 ff., and see p. 541.

161. The Battle of Otterburn.

P. 294. St George our Lady’s knight.

A nemnede sein Gorge our leuedi kniȝt:

Sir Beues of Hamtoun, ed. Kölbing, v. 2817, p. 129; Maitland Club ed., v. 2640. (G. L. K., who also gave me the case in Roister Doister.)

“Now holy St George, myne only avower,
In whom I trust for my protection,
O very Chevalier of the stourished Flower,
By whose Hands thy Sword and Shield hast wone,
Be mediator, that she may to her Sone
Cause me to hear Rex splendens songen on hye,
Before the Trinitye, when that I shall dye.”

Poem on the Willoughbies of Eresby, in the form of a prayer to St George put into the mouth of one of the Willoughby family, Dugdale, Baronage of England, 1676, II, 85, 86. Dugdale does not date the MS. The male line of the Willoughbies became extinct in 1525.

(3. flourished? 4. thou thy?) (G. L. K.)

169. Johnie Armstrong.

P. 371 f. #B# #a#, #b# are signed T. R., the initials of a purveyor or editor of ballads for the popular press. #B# #a# of ‘Robin Hood and the Butcher,’ No 122, and #a# of ‘Robin Hood and the Beggar,’ I, No 133, bear the same signature: see pp. 116, 156 of this volume. No such rhymster as T. R. shows himself to be in these two last pieces could have made ‘Johnie Armstrong,’ one of the best ballads in English.

178. Captain Car, or, Edom o Gordon.

P. 423. “The Donean Tourist,” by Alexander Laing, Aberdeen, 1828, p. 100, has a very bad copy, extended to fifty-nine stanzas.

182. The Laird o Logie.

P. 449. ‘Young Logie’ is among the ballads taken down by Mrs Murison in Aberdeenshire, p. 88 of the collection. The copy is imperfect, and extremely corrupted. Lady Margaret is the daughter of the king (who is not called by that name), but is confused with her mother, who counterfeits her consort’s han-write and steals his right-han glove, as is done in #D#. Three ships at the pier of Leith, and three again at Queen’s Ferry.

184. The Lads of Wamphray.

P. 458. Mr Macmath has pointed out to me a case in Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, I, 397 f., in which “Jok Johnstoun, callit the Galzeart, Jok J., bruþer to Wille of Kirkhill,” with a Grahame, a couple of Armstrangs, and their accomplices, are accused of the theft of twelve score sheep from James Johnstoune, in February, 1557. We can make no inference as to the relation of Jok the Galliard to the Galliard of our ballad. There were generations of Jocks and Wills in these families, and the sobriquet of The Galliard, as Pitcairn has remarked, “was very prevalent.” He cites a “Gilbert Ellote, callit Gib the Galzart,” III, 441, under the date 1618.

To be Corrected in the Print.

I, 7 b, last line but three of text. _Read_ Fordringer.

71 a, 33^2. tell thee, ed. 1802; tell to thee, ed. 1833.

132 b, 7^2. _Read_ Lord John.

159 a, 3^{1,2}. to your, in the MS.

186 a, Notes to #A b#. _Add_ 2^2. slung at.

256 a, 1^4. _Read_ Machey _for_ May-hay.

274 b, note [261]. _Read_ Romania IX.

356 b, #D c# 1^3. _Read_ O go not.

400 a, #I.# _Read_ II, 360.

469 a, 22^3. _Read_ your _for_ yonr.

482 a, #D# 16, 17, 5th line. _Read_ Hine.

489 a, between 67 a and 84 b. _Insert_ 6. Willie’s Lady.

503 a. The title of #I# is ‘Hynd Horn.’

504 b, between 226 a and 231. _Insert_ 21. The Maid and the
Palmer.

II, 70 a, 18^4. Fall, ed. 1802; fell, ed. 1833.

104 a, 19^{1,2}. _Read_ pat.

129 a, 11^1. _Read_ ‘O here I am’ the boy says.

135 a, #A. a.# 11^1. _Drop._

176 b, 11^3. _Read_ Gae.

179 b, note to #B# 7^2. _Drop._

192 a, 7^4. _Read_ maun. 8^2. _Read_ Ye’r seer. 9^2. _Drop_ the
brackets.

193 a, 20^4. _Read_ ye never gat. 22^2. _Drop_ the brackets. 25^2.
_Read_ dreams.

193 b, 28^1. _Read_ Ge (==Gae) _for_ Ye.

226 a, 229 a, ‘Sweet William’s Ghost,’ #A.# _Read_ 1750 _for_
1763.

239 a, #B# 3^1. _Read_ O she.

272 f. _Read_ (_according to the text of 1755_): 2^1. will I. 7^4.
gar thy.

10^2. to thy.

18^3. maun cum.

22^1. _Note_: “perhaps fetchie” nurse.

23^4. hes he.

26^1. sits.

26^3. means a’ those folks.

26^4. mother she.

27^1. And when he cam to gude grene wod.

27^3. first saw.

27^4. Kemeing down.

28^2. Than, _misprint for_ That.

34^4. they lay.

35^4. hip was.

39^2. ill deed.

275 b. _Read, v._ 17, You see his heid upon my. v. 20, that did,
_apparently a misprint for_ that thocht.

The only variations in the other copy are: 26^3, these _for_ those; thocht _for_ did, in v. 20 of p. 275 b.

276 a. #A. a.# _Read_ 1750 _for_ 1763 _twice_.

276 b, 4th line of the preface. _Read_ Annandale. 13th line of the
preface. _Read_ our old. 2^1. _Read_ man (ed. 1750).

310 a, third paragraph, line seven. _Read_ authenticatable.

343. _Read_ (ed. 1755): 2^3. And there. 3^3. And mantel. 12^1. I
have. (_Drop_ the notes to 3^3, 5^1.)

348 b, #G#, #H#. _Read_ Reifferscheid.

352 b, #D# 5^4. MS. has And free.

378 a, last line. _Read_ Andrew Small.

381 b, 20^3. _Read_ Scotch.

393 a, 14^2. _Read_ shook.

405 b, notes. 16 belongs to #I# and should be on p. 406.

437 b, translations. _Read_ #E# is translated by Grundtvig, etc.;
#D# by Afzelius, etc.

462 a, 26^4. _Read_ sned _for_ sued.

478, first line after the title. _Read_ 56 b _for_ 27 b.

481 b, third paragraph, sixth line. _Read_, 27.

500, #20#, first line. _Read_ #O# _for_ #M#. English #N#, #O#
should be #O#, #P#.

502 b, #34#, first line. _Read_ Decurtins _for_ Decurtius.

506 b, #44#, 400 a. _Drop_ #Q#, etc.. Note to 401, _drop_ Revue
des Traditions, etc..

513 a, seventh line from bottom. _Read_ quam.

III, 6 a, 12^1. _Read_ Braidisbauks.

11, #M.# _Say_: Reminiscences by Thomas Carlyle, II, 171, 1881,
Froude’s Life of Carlyle, II, 416, 1882. In line 2, _read_, O
busk and go with me, me.

46 b, line 9. _Read_ S. S. _for_ S. G.

95 b, note [86]. _Say_: Jock o the Side, #B# 13, 14, #C# 10, III,
480, 482.

(The following are mostly trivial variations from the spelling of the text.)

I, 71 b, 51^1. Oh, ed. 1802; O, ed. 1883.

80 b, 14^1. _Read_ f[e]ast.

132 a, 5^1. _Read_ father[s].

133 a, #M#. _Read_ Deer.

137 b, #S# 4^2. _Read_ cam.

256 b, 3^2. _Read_ O. 4^2. _Read_ rocked.

302 a, #B#^{1,2}. _Read_ Whare.

321 b, 7^4. _Read_ doun.

325 a, 3^3. _Read_ Heavn. 6^2. _Read_ danton.

331 a, #C# 2^4. _Read_ thrie. #D# 2^3. _Read_ micht.

441 a, 1^6. _Read_ warsell. 4^3. _Read_ bloody.

468 a, 4^1. _Read_ stock. 10^2. _Read_ saftly. b 13^2. MS. has
bone. 16^3. _Read_ Beachen.

481 a, 31^2. _Read_ dazled.

500 a, 10^4. _Read_ down.

508 a, 7^4. _Read_ by.

II, 32 a, #P# 1^4. _Read_ aboon.

70 a, 19^4. _Read_ cheik. 20^2. _Read_ smil’d. b, 30^4. _Read_
tine.

90 b, 26^1. _Read_ won, _twice_.

108 a, 2^4. _Read_ die. b, 11^3. _Read_ mony.

130 a, 3^3. _Read_ Gil. 4^3. _Read_ Jill.

131 a, 17^3. _Read_ han. b, 19^3. _Read_ ain.

152 a, 4^3, 5^1. _Read_ grene.

153 b, 22^3. _Read_ grene.

161 a, 7^1, 8^1. _Read_ tane.

192 a, 5^4. _Read_ An. 7^3. _Read_ askin.

193 b, 26^1. _Read_ bour.

240 a, note. _Read_ Madden.

272 f. _Read_ (ed. 1755): 1^1. Gill Morice. 5^2. said. 6^3. red.
8^3, 16^3, 17^3, 24^3, 26^1, 36^3. guid grene wod. 9^2, 18^2.
slive. 10^2, 15^2. Tho. 11^1. micht. 11^2. near. 11^2, 20^2.
coud. 12^3. I’s. 13^3. whar he. 14^2. woud. 15^8. stracht. 17^4.
Even. 21^4. welcom. 21^4, 39^4. me. 22^2. lie. 22^4. she. 23^2.
he. 24^4. with. 26^1. Gill. 26^2. whistld. 26^4. tarrys. 27^2,
36^2. miekle. 27^2. cair. 28^2. well. 29^4, 31^1, 31^4, 33^3,
34^1. heid. 30^3. bodie. 33^4. town. 34^4. there. 35^3. ance.
37^1. credle. 39^2. die.

275 a, last line but three. _Read_ Wi, pearce. L. l. but one,
naithing, heid. Last line, coud. b, v. 3. day[s]. 7. been. 8.
me. 15. teirs, wensom. 18. bluid. 22. comly. 25. driry.

321 b, note [152]. _Read_ Balcanqual.

331 b, 3^1. _Read_ nurice.

343. _Read_ (ed. 1755): 1^4, favord. 5^1. spack. 6^3. bot. 7^3.
bin. 9^1. coud. 9^4, 14^4. die.

352 b, 3^3. _Read_ pown.

363 b, 11^1. _Read_ ladie’s.

364 a, 20^1. _Read_ ladye’s.

389 a, 8^3. _Read_ You’r.

390 b, 29^2. _Read_ hir. 51. _Read_ bouer.

391 a, 12^1. _Read_ Whan.

396 a, 1^2. _Read_ blithe.

404 b, 9^1. _Read_ Whan.

473 b, 17^3. _Read_ mony.

475 a, 11^3. _Read_ down, _twice_.

478. _Read_: 1^2, on _for_ an. 4^1. s_ir_. 6^2. do. 14^1. a[t]
London. 15^1. medans. 17^1. leyne.

483, 1^3. _Read_ wel. 6^4. _Read_ beene.

III, 2 a, note, line 5. _Read_ Bennet.

5 a, #D# 5^2. _Read_ Lincolm. b, 10^1. _Read_ there.

8 b, 24^1. _Read_ betide.

253 b, #R#, v. 3. _Read_ dochter.

-----

Footnote 1:

This manuscript, which Fry bought in Glasgow in 1810, contained
several other ballads, “but written so corruptly as to be of little or
no authority.” It did not occur to Fry that the illiteracy of the
drummer gave his ballads the best of authority. I have done what I
could to recover the manuscript, but in vain, though I had the kindest
assistance in Bristol from the Rev. J. Percivall, Mr Francis Fry, and
Mr J. F. Nicholls.

Footnote 2:

See Motherwell’s apt remarks, Minstrelsy, p. 1.

Footnote 3:

“It is sometimes said that this outlaw possessed the old Castle of
Morton in Dumfriesshire, now ruinous.... The mention of Durisdeer, a
neighboring parish, adds weight to the tradition.” Minstrelsy of the
Scottish Border, 1833, III, 114 f. Mr W. Bennett, writing in 1826 in
The Dumfries Monthly Magazine, III, 250, of which he was editor,
speaks of a field a little to the southwest of Lochmaben as still
showing the trace of a circular tower, which was “called Cockiesfield,
from one John Cock, or O’Cock, who had there his residence, and who
during his lifetime was one of the most renowned freebooters in
Annandale.” Mr Macmath, who pointed out the passage to me, observes
that in Thomson’s map of Dumfriesshire, 1828, the name is given
“Cocketfield,” and that there is also a Cocket Hill.

Footnote 4:

Colophon: [P]rynted at London, in Fletestrete, at [the si]gne of the
Sonne, by me Iohn [By]ddell. In the yere of our lord god
m.ccccc.xxxvj. The seconde daye of June. Iohn̄ Byddell.

Eight lines wanting: 120^{3,4}; 121; 168^{3,4}. Mutilated at the
beginning: 169; 170. Mutilated at the end: 164^1; 165^3; 167^1.

Footnote 5:

Eleven lines wanting: 60^{2,3,4}; 67^4; 68^{1,2}; 100^3; 104^4;
105^{1,2}; 110^4. Mutilated at the beginning: 61–64^1; 64^3–67^3;
75^4–83^1; 90^{4,5,6}; 96^4; 105^3–110^3; 111^{1,2}. Mutilated at the
end: 60^1; 101^3; 102^3; 103^1; 104^{2,3}. Elsewhere: 97^{2,3}; 104^1.

Footnote 6:

Colophon. Imprinted at London, in Lothburye, by Wyllyam Copeland.

Footnote 7:

“Two leaves, discovered in the pasteboard or fly-leaves of a book
received from abroad.”

Footnote 8:

#b# was kindly copied for me by Mr J. P. Collier in 1857. Mr Collier
described his fragment as “a scrap which once formed the fly-leaf of a
book.” Hazlitt says that the type is clearly older than Copland’s, and
very like Wynkyn de Worde’s.

Footnote 9:

This old woman gives the title ‘Auld Matrons’ to a ballad in Buchan’s
larger collection, II, 238, in which kitchen-tradition has made over
some of the incidents in the First Fit of Adam Bell.

Footnote 10:

Vischer, Die Sage von der Befreiung der Waldstädte, pp 33, 36 f;
Rochholz, Germania, XIII, 56 f. “Wa er das nit hette gethan, so hette
er selbs müssen darumb sterben:” Russ’s Chronicle, 1482, Vischer, p.
50.

Footnote 11:

Liliencron, Die historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen, II, 109, No
147; Böhme, p. 47, No 10; Vischer, p. 46; Rochholz, Tell u. Gessler,
p. 180; Tobler, p. 3. This or a like song was known to Russ, 1482.
Tschudi, about a hundred years later, c. 1570, says that the child was
five or six, not more than six, years old: Vischer, p. 122. There is
another, but later and even worse, “song” about William Tell and the
confederacy: Böhme, No 11, p. 49; Wunderhorn, 1808, II, 129; etc.

Footnote 12:

Müllenhoff, Sagen, u. s. w., der Herzogthümer Schleswig Holstein u.
Lauenburg, p. 57, No 66. The story is localized at another place in
Holstein, with the change of apple to pear: Lütolf, Germania, VIII,
213.

Footnote 13:

Torfæus, in his history of Norway, III, 371, speaks of a ballad about
Heming sung in his time, c. 1700, which would seem to have been the
same as this, only somewhat fuller. Landstad, p. 187.

These ballads represent the king as regarding himself as quite
unapproachable in athletic exercises. The little boy of ballads,
smádrengin, kongins lítil svein, Norwegian #B#, Färöe #A#, or, in a
Färöe variation (Hammershaimb, p. 161), Harald’s queen, intimates
knowledge of an equal or superior. Harald answers, in true ballad
style, in Färöe #A# 6, If he is not my better, you shall burn for it.
In Norwegian #B#, Färöe #A#, the king immediately sets out to find his
rival. Cf. Charlemagne and King Arthur, I, 275, 279, and the beginning
of ‘King Estmere,’ II, 51, and Landstad, p. 177, note 1.

Footnote 14:

The Witches’ Hammer was composed in 1486, and Punker is there recorded
to have exercised his devil’s craft sixty years before. Elsewhere
Punker [Pumper] is said to have been torn to pieces by oppressed
peasants in 1420. The name is spelled Puncler in the edition of 1620,
pp 248 f, and Puncher in the edition followed by Grimm. See Rochholz
in Germania, XIII, 48–51.

Footnote 15:

The Tell story, complete, Apfelschuss, Felsensprung und Tyrannenmord,
is said to occur among the Finns and the Lapps: E. Pabst, cited by
Pfannenschmid, Germania, IX, 5. Particulars’, which are very
desirable, are not given. This would not add much to the range of the
story.

Footnote 16:

In the prose Hemings Ðáttr, the intent to take vengeance appears from
Hemingr’s wish that the king should stand close to the mark; in the
ballads he reserves an arrow. In the Ólafs Saga, Eindriði openly
announces his purpose; in all but this version (treating the prose
Hemings Ðáttr and the ballads as one), the archer provides himself
with two arrows, or three.

Footnote 17:

Such as the penalty for missing, as above said; or Tell’s shooting at
a hundred and twenty paces, and bearing Cloudesly’s name, William. If
the coincidence as to the distance should be held to be very
important, I, for one, should have no objection to admitting that this
part of the ballad may be derived from the Tell story.

J. Grimm remarked in 1813, Gedanken über Mythos, Epos und Geschichte
(Kleinere Schriften, IV, 77), that the similarity of the names Tell,
Bell, Velent, Bellerophon (see a little further on, p. 21), could
hardly fail to strike even a superficial observer, and also pointed to
the identity of Tell’s and Cloudesly’s Christian name. In his Deutsche
Mythologie, I, 317, ed. 1875, it is simply said that the surname Bell,
as well as Cloudesly’s Christian name, is suggestive of William Tell.

Footnote 18:

The poet is Mohammed ben Ibrahim, 1119–c. 1230, and he bore the
honorary title of Furîd Uddîn (Pearl of Religion), and the sobriquet
of Attâr, perfumer. The title of the poem is The Language of Birds.
Garcin de Tassy, La Poésie Philosophique et Religieuse chez les
Persans, Extrait de la Revue Contemporaine, t. xxiv, pp. 4, 35. “Nur
den Apfel treffen wir hier.... Es bleibt also weiter nichts übrig als
anzunehmen dass die persische Sage ... in die grauesten Urzeiten des
arischen Alterthums hinaufreichen muss.” (Pfannenschmid, in Germania,
X, 26 f.) A rapid inference.

Footnote 19:

Eindriði also had accomplished a harder shot before he tried the
chessman. But Hemingr, having done what was thought a masterly thing
in cleaving a nut, is compelled to knock the same nut, shooting at the
same distance, from his brother’s head.

Footnote 20:

Das Inland, No 39, p. 630, cited by Rochholz, Tell und Gessler, p. 40
f. Gerhard’s Wila, I, 147 f, cited by Rochholz, p. 39 f. Eustathius to
Iliad, xii, 101, first cited by Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie (who says,
“Es stimmt auch theilweise,” p. 317, ed. 1875); by others later.

Footnote 21:

To Virgil, Ecl. v, 11, cited by Ideler, Die Sage von dem Schuss des
Tell, p. 59, note 3.

Footnote 22:

Hisely, Recherches Critiques sur l’Histoire de Guillaume Tell, p. 590.

Footnote 23:

Pfannenschmid, in Germania, X, 25; Rochholz, Tell und Gessler, p. 41
f.

Footnote 24:

T. B. Thorpe, Reminiscences of the Mississippi, in Harper’s New
Monthly Magazine, XII, 30. A story is there related of a famous Mike
Fink’s striking an apple from a man’s head by shooting between it and
the skull, like the Scandinavian marksmen. In Captain Mayne Reid’s
Scalp Hunters, or Romantic Adventures in Northern Mexico, ch. 22, we
are told of an Indian’s shooting a prairie-gourd from the head of his
sister, which may or may not be an invention. The title of the chapter
is A Feat à la Tell, and this may perhaps be the only foundation for
an assertion that the Tell story had been found in Mexico; at least,
inquiries have not brought to light any other.

Footnote 25:

For the interpretation which has been put upon the Tell story, see,
among many, Pfannenschmid, in Germania, X, 1–40; Rochholz, Tell und
Gessler, in Sage und Geschichte.

The mildew of myth spreads, of course, from William to his comrades.
J. Grimm, in his Gedanken über Mythos, etc., 1813, interprets Clim,
Cloudesly, and Clough all in the sense of nail, sharp point, arrow;
and as Bell is βέλος, Tell is telum, Toko τόξον, and Egil is igel,
hedgehog, and therefore the spine of the hedgehog, and therefore dart,
the names are all one as to meaning. But Grimm appears to have been
less confident about these etymologies in later days. Sir G. W. Cox,
on the other hand, says that Cloudesly’s name marks him as an
inhabitant of Cloudland. (Meanwhile, every likelihood favors the
derivation of Cloudesly from clúd, rock, and leáh, lea, and the
interpretation of Clim as Clem and of Clough as ravine.) Cloudesly and
his mates are all the more mythical because they are three, and
because, as it is asserted, Robin Hood is mythical, with whom they
are, one and all, assumed to be identical.

Footnote 26:

Camden, Britannia, II, 175, ed. 1772. King Edward the First, when
hunting in this forest, is said to have killed two hundred bucks in
one day. For Arthur’s hunting there, see Robson, Three Early English
Metrical Romances, p. 26, LV^7, p. 59, V^1; Madden’s Syr Gawayne, p.
298, v. 16; this book, I, 294, st. 9, etc.

Footnote 27:

Cronykil of Scotland, Book vii, v. 3523 f, ed. Laing, II, 263.

Footnote 28:

John Bell robbed the Chamberlain’s men of cattle, 1337: Exchequer
Rolls of Scotland, II, 437. The Bells are included with the Grahams,
Armstrongs, and others, among the bad and more vagrant of the great
surnames of the border, by the Lord Warden of the Marches of England,
1593 (Rymer’s Fœdera, XVI, 183, ed. 1727, cited by Bishop Percy), and
had no better estimation in Scotland.

Footnote 29:

#a# preserves stanzas 1–83^4, 118^4–208^3, 314^2–349^3; with defects
at 2^{2,3}, 7^1, 123^4–127^3, 133–136^3. It has therefore about 200
stanzas out of 456.

#c# preserves 26^4–60^3; #d#, 280–350, very much mutilated; #e#,
435^4–450^1, very much mutilated. #e#, inserted among the Douce
fragments, was presented by Mr Halliwell-Phillips.

Footnote 30:

Dr Farmer considered these leaves to be of Rastell’s printing, and
older by some years than #b#; which is not quite intelligible, since
Rastell’s work is put at 1517–38. #c# is cited under Rastell’s name in
Ritson’s second edition as well as his first.

Footnote 31:

9^4, #a#, allther moste: #b#, all other moste. (#f#, #g#, of all
other; #b#, 283^3, all ther best; 284^1, all theyre best; #f#, #g#, al
of the best.) 61^4, #a#, Muche in fere: #b#, Much also. 68^4, #a#, By
xxviii (eight and twenty) score: #b# (#f#, #g#), By eyghtene score,
which gives no meaning. 138^3, #a#, frembde bested: #b# (#f#, #g#),
frend. 173^4, #a#, same nyght: #b#, same day. 176^4, #a#, wode hore:
#b# (#f#, #g#), wode tre. 333^2, #a#, on rode: #b# (#f#, #g#), on a
tre. 343^2, #a#, The sherif: #b# (#f#, #g#), The knyght.

Footnote 32:

13^3, #a#, #b#, husbonde: #f#, #g#, husbandeman. 256^1, #b#, in yonder
other corser: #f#, on the other courser: #g#, in the other coffer.
274^4, 286^2, 387^4, 412^2, #b#, trystell-tre: #f#, #g#, trusty tre.
385^1, #b#, “tarpe”: #f#, #g#, seale. 371^4, #b#, blyve: #f#, #g#,
blythe, etc.

Footnote 33:

111^2, That all this worldë wrought; 163^2, The whilë that he wolde;
316^4, To metë can they gone; 72^4, But his bowë tree; 29^1, They
brought hym to the lodgë dore.

255^4, To seke a monkës male; 360^3, He shall haue the knyghtës
londys; 369^1, And I wyll be your ledës man; 376^1, Robyn toke the
kyngës hors; 366^3, 367^2, 368^4, etc. 336^3, For our derë lady loue.

31^1, With wordës fayre and fre; 34^4, Of all these wekÿs thre; 210^2,
Or a man that myrthës can; 318^4, The wallës all aboute; 60^2, 331^4,
332^2, 371^2, etc. 433^4, And all his mennës fe.

21^2, By a dernë strete; 25^1, Welcome be thou to grenë wode; 298^1,
But had I the in grenë wode; 327^3, 373^3, 374^3.

56^4, Ouer the saltë see; 173^4, That ylkë samë nyght; 213^2, By the
hyë way; 235^2, Of all this longë day; 241^1, 292^4, 303^2, 305^1,
393^2, 455^4, etc. 25^2, Hendë knyght & fre; 113^3, Out, he sayd, thou
falsë knyght; 242^3, Therfore I cun the morë thanke.

47^2, 100^2, By God that madë me; 80^4, To walkë by his syde; 222^2,
And that shall rewë the; 297^4, Other wyse thou behotë me; 426^1, So
God me helpë, sayd our kynge. #d#, 282^2, 317^2, herkeneth.

Footnote 34:

Ritson had seen, among Peck’s collections for the history of
Premonstratensian monasteries, a Latin poem with the title Prioris
Alnwicensis de bello Scotico apud Dunbar, tempore regis Edwardi I,
dictamen, sive rithmus Latinus, quo de Willielmo Wallace, Scotico illo
Robin Whood, plura sed invidiose canit, and in the margin the date 22
Julii, 1304; whence he concluded that Robin Hood was both mentioned,
and compared with Wallace, in 1304. The date refers to matters in the
poem. The MS. (Sloane, 4934, pars II, ff 103–106) is of the eighteenth
century, Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue, etc., III, 279, No 503. The
title was supplied by Peck, one of whose marks is the spelling Whood.

Footnote 35:

Either Randle the second, earl from 1128 to 1153, or Randle the third,
earl from 1181 and for fifty years, would be likely to be the subject
of ballads, but especially the latter. He figures in the story of Fulk
Fitz Warine: Wright, p. 149.

Footnote 36:

Cited by Ritson. I have not found the writs.

Footnote 37:

Cited in the Edinburgh Review, 1847, LXXXVI, 134, note; and by Hunter,
1852, The Ballad-Hero, Robin Hood, p. 58 (where the year is wrongly
given as 1432). It appears from many cases that the name was very
often pronounced Róbinhode.

Footnote 38:

“Robertus Hode et Litill-Johanne, cum eorum complicibus, de quibus
stolidum vulgus hianter in comœdiis et in tragœdiis prurienter festum
faciunt, et præ ceteris romanciis mimos et bardanos cantitare
delectantur.”

“Of whom the foolish vulgar in comedies and tragedies make lewd
entertainment, and are delighted to hear the jesters and minstrels
sing them above all other ballads:” Ritson, whose translation may
pass. Ritson rightly observes that comedies and tragedies here are not
to be understood as plays. Then follows this abstract of one of the
‘tragedies.’

“De quo etiam quædam commendabilia recitantur, sicut patuit in hoc,
quod cum ipse quondam in Barnisdale, iram regis et fremitum principis
declinans, missam, ut solitus erat, devotissime audiret, nec aliqua
necessitate volebat interrumpere officium, quadam die, cum audiret
missam, a quodam vicecomite et ministris regis, eum sæpius perprius
infestantibus, in illo secretissimo loco nemorali ubi missæ interfuit
exploratus, venientes ad eum qui hoc de suis perceperunt ut omni
annisu fugeret suggesserunt. Quod, ob reverentiam sacramenti, quod
tunc devotissime venerabatur, omnino facere recusavit. Sed, ceteris
suis ob metum mortis trepidantibus, Robertus, in tantum confisus in
eum quem coluit, inveritus, cum paucis qui tunc forte ei affuerunt
inimicos congressus eos de facili devicit, et, de eorum spoliis ac
redemptione ditatus, ministros ecclesiæ et missas in majore
veneratione semper et de post habere præelegit, attendens quod
vulgariter dictum est:

Hunc deus exaudit qui missam sæpius audit.”

Scotichronicon, ed. Goodall, II, 104.

Footnote 39:

Major was in extreme old age in 1524: see Moir’s Wallace, I, iv.
“Robertus Hudus Anglus et Paruus Ioannes, latrones famatissimi in
nemoribus latuerunt, solum opulentorum virorum bona diripientes.
Nullum nisi eos inuadentem, vel resistentem pro suarum rerum tuitione,
occiderunt Centum sagittarios ad pugnam aptissimos Robertus
latrociniis aluit, quos 400 viri fortissimi inuadere non audebant.
Rebus huius Roberti gestis tota Britannia in cantibus utitur. Fœminam
nullam opprimi permisit, nec pauperum bona surripuit, verum eos ex
abbatum bonis ablatis opipare pauit.” Historia Maioris Britanniæ, fol.
55 b.

It will be observed that Wyntoun, Bower, and Mair are Scots.

Footnote 40:

Because comic and not heroic, and because Robin is put at a
disadvantage. In the other ballads Robin Hood is “evermore the best.”
Though there is humor in the Gest, it is kept well under, and never
lowers Robin’s dignity.

Footnote 41:

The only one of these ballads entered in the Stationers’ Registers, or
known to have been printed, at a date earlier than the seventeenth
century is No 124, ‘Of Wakefylde and a Grene,’ 1557–58.

The earliest known copy of Robin Hood’s Garland is one in the Bodleian
Library, Wood, 79, printed for W. Gilbertson, 1663. This contains
seventeen ballads. An edition of 1670, in the same library, Douce, H.
80, for Coles, Vere and Wright, omits the first of these, a version of
Robin Hood and Queen Katherine which is found nowhere else. There is
an edition, printed by J. M. for J. Clarke, W. Thackeray, and T.
Passinger, among Pepys’s Penny Merriments, vol. iii, and Gutch had a
copy, printed for the same, to which he gives the date 1686. Garlands
of the eighteenth century increase the number of ballads to
twenty-seven.

Footnote 42:

In the Stationers’ Registers, 1562–63, Arber, I, 204, ‘a ballett of
Robyn Hod’ is licensed to John Alde. The best one would expect of this
would be a better copy of some later broadside. ‘Robyn Hode in
Barnysdale stode’ is the first line of a mock-song introduced into the
Morality of the Four Elements (which alludes to the discovery of
America “within this xx. yere”): Halliwell, Percy Society, vol. xxii,
p. 51. It is mentioned (“As R. H.,” etc.) in Udall’s translation of
Erasmi Apothegmata, 1542: Hazlitt, Handbook, pp 513 f. This line,
Ritson observes, has been repeatedly cited, singularly enough, in
law-cases (and always misquoted: in Barnwood stood, in Barnwell stood,
upon Greendale stood): Ritson’s Robin Hood, 1832, I, lxxxix ff. We
find “Robyn stode in Bernesdale,” Gest, 3^1; also, “As Robin Hood in
the forest stood,” No 138, 2^1; “When Robin Hood in the greenwood
stood,” No 141, 1^1, both texts very much later than the interlude. It
is not strictly necessary to assume, as Ritson does, that the line
belongs to a lost ballad; it may be from some older text of one that
we have.

Footnote 43:

Knights and squires are exempted in the Gest, 14, inconsistently with
7, and, as to knights, with the tenor of what follows.

Footnote 44:

Bower, as above. The writer in the L. & W. Review does not distinguish
Fordun and Bower.

Footnote 45:

Lieut.-Col. Prideaux states the resemblances between the story of Fulk
Fitz Warine and that of Robin Hood, in an interesting article in Notes
and Queries, 7th series, II, 421 ff, and suggests that the latter has
borrowed from the former. Undoubtedly this might be, but both may have
borrowed from the common stock of tradition.

Footnote 46:

The Pinder of Wakefield became, according to his ballad, one of Robin
Hood’s men, but is not heard of in any other. Will Stutly is also one
in No 141; Clifton, No 145; David of Doncaster, No 152. Robin Hood
assumes the name Locksley in No 145, and by a blunder Locksley is made
one of his men in 147 and 153. Scarlet and Scathlock are made two in
the Earl of Huntington plays. Grafton says that the name of William of
Goldesborough was graven, among others, with that of Robin Hood on
Robin’s tombstone: Chronicle, I, 222, ed. 1809. Ritson says that
Munday makes Right-hitting Brand one of the band: I have not observed
this.

Footnote 47:

Robin Hood presents the friar with a “lady free,” not named, who may
be meant for a degraded Maid Marian, such as Falstaff refers to in 1
Henry IV, III, iii, 129.

Footnote 48:

Stow, Survay of London, 1598, p. 72, in Ritson’s excellent note EE,
Robin Hood, I, cix ff, ed. 1832, which contains almost all the
important information relative to the subject. Stow adds that in
consequence of a riot on Mayday, 1517, the great Mayings and May-games
were not after that time “so freely used as afore.”

Footnote 49:

These are the people’s sports. Hall, fol. lvi, b, cited by Ritson,
gives an account of a Maying devised by the guards for the
entertainment of Henry VIII and his queen, in 1516. The king and
queen, while riding with a great company, come upon a troop of two
hundred yeomen in green. One of these, calling himself Robin Hood,
invites the king to see his men shoot, and then to an
outlaws-breakfast of venison. The royal party, on their return home,
were met by a chariot drawn by five horses, in which sat “the Lady May
accompanied with Lady Flora,” who saluted the king with divers songs.

Footnote 50:

Lysons, The Environs of London, I, 225–32.

Footnote 51:

The last two lines are to be understood, I apprehend, exclusively of
the May, and the lord and lady mean Lord and Lady of the May. The Lord
of Misrule, “with his hobby-horses, dragons, and other ántiques,” used
to go to church: Stubbes, Anatomy of Abuses, ed. Furnivall, p. 147.

Footnote 52:

Myselfe remembreth of a childe, in contreye native mine,
A Maygame was of Robyn Hood, and of his traine, that time,
To traine up young men, stripplings, and eche other younger childe,
In shooting; yearely this with solempne feast was by the guylde
Or brotherhood of townsmen don, etc.

Richard Robinson, 1553, in Ritson, p. cxii f, ed. 1832.

Footnote 53:

A Christmas game of very modern date is described in The Mirror, XXVI,
42, in which there was a troop of morris-dancers with Robin Hood and
Maid Marian; and also Beelzebub and his wife. Cited by Kuhn, Haupt’s
Zeitschrift, V, 481.

Footnote 54:

The entries in the Kingston accounts for 28 and 29 Henry VIII, if they
refer to the morris-dance only, would show the morris to be
constituted as follows:

(28 Henry VIII.) Four dancers, fool, Maid Marian, friar, and piper. A
minstrel is also mentioned.

(29 Henry VIII.) Friar, Maid Marian, Morian (Moor?), four dancers,
fool. This entry refers to the costume of the characters, which may
account for the omission of the piper. Lysons, Environs of London, I,
228 f.

Footnote 55:

It need hardly be remarked that the morris was neither an exclusively
English dance nor exclusively a May-game dance. A Flemish morris,
delineated in an engraving dated 1460–70, has for personages a lady,
fool, piper, and six dancers: Douce, p. 446 f. In Robert Laneham’s
description of a bride-ale at Kenilworth, 1575, there is a
morris-dance, “according to the ancient manner,” in the which the
parties are Maid Marian, the fool, and six dancers: Furnivall, Captain
Cox, p. 22 f. A painting of about 1625 has a morris-dance of seven
figures, a Maid Marian, fool, piper, hobby-horse, and three dancers. A
tract, of Elizabeth’s time, speaks of “a quintessence, beside the fool
and the Maid Marian, of all the picked youth, footing the morris about
a Maypole,” to the pipe and tabor, and other music; and a poem of 1614
describes a country morris-dance of a fool, Maid Marian, hobby-horse,
and piper: Ellis’s Brand, p. 206 f.

Footnote 56:

The well-to-do Codrus says to the starving Menalcas, who has been
venting his spleen against “rascolde” rivals,

‘Yet would I gladly heare some mery fit
Of Maide Marian, _or els_ of Robin Hood.’

Codrus is here only suggesting themes which would be agreeable to him.
We are not to deduce from his words that there were ballads about Maid
Marian. But if there had been, they would have been distinct from
ballads about Robin Hood.

Footnote 57:

See Monmerqué et Michel, Théatre Français au Moyen Age, 1842, Notice
sur Adam de la Halle, pp 27 ff, the songs, pp 31 ff, the play, pp 102
ff; Ducange, Robinetus. Henryson’s Robin and Ma’kyne was undoubtedly
suggested by the French pastorals.

Footnote 58:

I must invoke the spirit of Ritson to pardon the taking of no very
serious notice of Robin Hood’s noble extraction. The first mention of
this seems to be in Grafton’s Chronicle, 1569. Grafton says: In an
olde and auncient pamphlet I finde this written of the sayd Robert
Hood. This man, sayth he, discended of a noble parentage; or rather,
beyng of a base stocke and linage, was for his manhoode and chiualry
aduaunced to the noble dignitie of an erle.... But afterwardes he so
prodigally exceeded in charges and expences that he fell into great
debt, by reason whereof so many actions and sutes were commenced
against him, wherevnto he aunswered not, that by order of lawe he was
outlawed, etc.: I, 221, ed. 1809. (Some such account furnished a
starting-point for Munday.) Leland also, Ritson adds, has expressly
termed him “nobilis” (Ro: Hood, nobilis ille exlex), Collectanea, I,
54, ed. 1770, and Warner, in Albion’s England (1586), p. 132, ed.
1612, calls him a “county”:

Those daies begot some mal-contents, the principall of whom
A countie was, that with a troop of yeomandry did roam.

Ritson also cites the Sloane MS., 715, “written, as it seems, toward
the end of the sixteenth century;” and Harleian MS., 1233, which he
does not date, but which is of the middle of the seventeenth century.
Against the sixteenth-century testimony, so to call it, we put in that
of the early ballads, all of which describe Robin as a yeoman, the
Gest emphasizing the point.

Footnote 59:

The Edinburgh Review, LXXXVI, 123 (with a slight correction in one
instance), mostly from Ritson, I, cix, cxxvi ff, 1832, and from
Wright’s Essays, etc., II, 209 f, 1846. Of course the list might be
extended: there are some additions in The Academy, XXIV, 231, 1883,
and four Robin Hood’s wells in Yorkshire alone are there noted.

Footnote 60:

A Robin Hood’s Stone, near Barnsdale, of what description we are not
told, is mentioned in an account of a progress made by Henry VII, and
Robin Hood’s Well, in the same region, in an account of a tour made in
1634: Hunter’s Robin Hood, p. 61. The well is also mentioned by
Drunken Barnaby. A Robin Hood’s Hill is referred to in Vicars’ account
of the siege of Gloucester in 1643: The Academy, XXIV, 231.

Footnote 61:

Gough, in the Gentleman’s Magazine, March 8, 1793, cited by Gutch.
Wright has, somewhat naively, furnished his own refutation: “A large
tumulus we know well in our own county, near Ludlow in Shropshire,
which is also called Robin Hood’s But, and which affords us a curious
instance how new stories were often invented to account for a name
whose original import was forgotten. The circumstances, too, in this
case, prove that the story was of late invention. The barrow, as
regarded superstitiously, had borne the name of Robin Hood. On the
roof of one of the chancels of the church of Ludlow, which is called
Fletchers’ chancel, as having been, when ‘the strength of England
stood upon archery,’ the place where the fletchers held their
meetings, and which is distant from the aforesaid barrow two miles, or
two miles and a half, there stands an iron arrow, as the sign of their
craft. The imagination of the people of the place, after archery and
fletchers had been forgotten, and when Robin Hood was known only as an
outlaw and a bowman, made a connection between the barrow (from its
name) and the chancel (from the arrow on its roof), and a tale was
invented how the outlaw once stood upon the former and took aim at the
weathercock on the church steeple; but the distance being a little too
great, the arrow fell short of its mark, and remained up to the
present day on the roof of the chancel.” (Essays, I, 209 f.)

A correspondent of The Academy, XXIV, 181, remarks that one of the
Anglo-Saxon charters in Kemble’s Codex Diplomaticus mentions a “place”
in Worcestershire called Hódes ác (now Hodsoak), that there is a
village in Nottinghamshire called Hodsock, that it is improbable that
two men living in districts so widely apart should each have given his
name to an oak-tree, and that therefore we may safely conclude Hód to
be a mythical personage. Somebody’s tree is given as a boundary mark
more than thirty times in these charters, somebody’s thorn at least
ten times, somebody’s oak at least five times. How often such a mark
might occur in connection with any particular name would depend upon
the frequency of the name. Hód or Hóde is cited thirteen times by
Kemble, and few names occur oftener. The name, we may infer, was
relatively as common then as it is in our century, which has seen
three Admiral Hoods (who, by virtue of being three, may be adjudged as
mythical by and by) and one poet Hood alive together. Why may not
three retired wícings and one scóp, of the name, have been living in
Berks, Hants, Wilts, and Worcestershire in the tenth century?

Footnote 62:

Plot’s History of Staffordshire, p. 434, cited in Ellis’s Brand, I,
383; The Mirror, XX, 419, cited by Kuhn, Haupt’s Zeitschrift, V, 474
f. The Kentish sport is also described in the Rev. W. D. Parish’s
Dictionary of the Kentish Dialect, p. 77, under Hoodening.

Footnote 63:

In West Worcestershire _h_ is put for _w_, “by an emphatic speaker,”
in such words as wood, wool: Mrs Chamberlain’s Glossary. Hood for wood
occurs in East Sussex; also in Somerset, according to Halliwell’s
Dictionary. The derivation of Hood from wood has often been suggested:
as by Peele, in his Edward I, “Robin of the Wood, alias Robin Hood,”
Works, Dyce, I, 162. The inventive Peck was pleased always to write
Robin Whood.

Footnote 64:

The Hobby-Horse, Schimmel, Fastnachtspferd, Herbstpferd, Adventspferd,
Chevalet, Cheval Mallet, is maintained by Mannhardt to be figurative
of the Corn-Sprite, Korndämon; nichts anderes als das Kornross,
Vegetationsross, nicht aber eine Darstellung Wodans, wie man nach
Kuhns Vorgang jetzt allgemein annimmt: Mannhardt, Mythologische
Forschungen, in Quellen u. Forschungen, LI, p. 165. “Man sieht den
Ungrund der bei deutschen Mythologen so beliebten Identifizierung von
Robin Hood und Wodan:” Mannhardt, Wald- u. Feldkulte, I, 546, note 3.

Footnote 65:

The reasoning, in the instance of Robin Hood, has been signally loose
and incautious; still, the general conclusion finds ready acceptance
with mythologists, on one ground or another, and deductions are made
with the steadiness of a geometer. Robin Hood, being one of the “solar
heroes,” “has his faint reflection in Little John, who stands to him
in the same relation as Patroclus to Achilles,” etc. “Maid Marian will
therefore be the dawn-maiden, to be identified with Briseis,” etc.
“Friar Tuck is one of the triumvirate who appear also in the Cloudesly
and Tell legends,” etc. And again, by an interpreter of somewhat
different views: “though a considerable portion of this story is
ultimately derived from the great Aryan sun-myth, there is the
strongest reason for believing that the Anglian Hód was not originally
a solar personage, but a degraded form of the God of the Wind,
Hermes-Woden. The thievish character of this divinity explains at once
why his name should have been chosen as the popular appellation of an
outlaw chief.” (The Academy, XXIV, 250, 384.)

The Potter in the later Play of Robin Hood (not in the corresponding
ballad) wears a rose garland on his head. So does a messenger in the
history of Fulk Fitz Warine, Wright, p. 78, not to mention other cases
referred to by Ritson, Robin Hood, II, 200, ed. 1832. Fricke, Die
Robin-Hood Balladen, p. 55, surmises that the rose garland worn by the
Potter may be a relic of the strife between Summer and Winter; and
this view, he suggests, would tend to confirm “the otherwise
well-grounded hypothesis” that Robin Hood is a mythological personage.

Footnote 66:

“Desde la última década del siglo xvi hasta pocos años hace, no eran
ya los héroes del pueblo ni los Bernardos, ni los Cides, ni los
Pulgares, ni los Garcilasos, ni los Céspedes, ni los Paredes, porque
su pueblo estaba muerto ó trasformado en vulgo, y este habia
sustituido á aquellos los guapos Francisco Estéban, los Correas, los
Merinos, los Salinas, los Pedrajas, los Montijos.” (Duran, p. 389,
note.)

Footnote 67:

Bernardo del Montijo, Duran, No 1342, kills an alcalde at the age of
eighteen, “con bastante causa:” upon which phrase Duran observes,
“para el vulgo era bastante causa, sin duda, el ser alcalde.”
Beginning with so much promise of spirit, he afterwards, in carrying
off his mistress, who was about to be wedded against her will, kills
six constables, a corregidor, the bridegroom, and a captain of the
guard. For differences, compare the English broadside R. H. and
Allen-a-Dale, No 138.

Footnote 68: