Chapter VI (5)

The Doric dialect may be accounted for by Megiste being in possession, and probably a colony, of the Rhodii. I found the ruins of a Hellenic tower here, at the end of a small plain: perhaps the tower mentioned in the inscription.

[225] Liv. l. 37. c. 22, 24, 25.

[226] Liv. l. 37. c. 16.

[227] Stephan. Byzant. with the Notes of Holstein.

[228] Oppidum Olympus ubi fuit, nunc sunt montana: Gage, Corydalla, Rhodiopolis. Juxta mare Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit, et Mons Massycites, Andriaca, civitas Myra. Oppida Apyre, Antiphellus, quæ quondam Habessus (_al._ Edebessus) atque in recessu Phellus. Deinde Pyrrha itemque Xanthus a main xv. M. P. flumenque eodem nomine. Deinde Patara, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[229] The following fragment in honour of a person who had received the rites of citizenship in Rhodiopolis, Myra, and Phaselis, was found by Mr. Cockerell in the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash.

ΟΠΡΑΜΟΑΝ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΟΥ
ΔΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΛΛΙΑΔΟΥ ΡΟΔΙΟ
ΠΟΛΕΙΤΗΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΥΡΕΑ (καὶ)
ΦΑΣΗΛΕΙΤΗΝ ...
....

[230] The following are the names in their order:—Corydalla, Sagalassus, Rhodia, Trebenda (_al._ Arendæ), Phellus, Myra.

[231] Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[232] ... ἐν Λυκίᾳ δέ ἐστιν πόλις Ἀρύκανδα καλουμένη, ἧς πλησίον ἱερόν τι χωρίον, ὃ πρότερον μὲν Ἔμβολος ἐκαλεῖτο διὰ τὴν θέσιν τοῦ χωρίου. Schol. in Pindar. Olymp. Od. 7.

[233]

Μ’ ΑΥΡ’ ΤΟΑΛΙΣ ΔΙΣ ΟΛΥΜ
ΠΗΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΥΚΑΝΔΕΥΣ

[234] Stephanus of Byzantium describes Σιδαροῦς as a city and harbour, but he omits to add in what country it was situated.

[235] The order of names in Ptolemy on this coast is, Phaselis, Olbia, Attalia, the mouth of the Catarrhactes, Magydis, the mouth of the Cestrus, the mouth of the Eurymedon, Side. Ptol. l. 5. c. 5.

[236] Voyage au Levant, par C. Lebruyn, c. 74. Voyage en Grèce, &c. par Paul Lucas, tom. 1. c. 33. Beaufort’s Karamania, c. 6. Itinéraire de l’Asie Mineure, par Corancez, l. 4. c. 2.

[237] Hierocl. Synecd.—Notit. Episc. Græc.

[238] lib. 5. c. 16.

[239] lib. 1. c. 14.

[240] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14. Arrian. Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 27.

[241] Strabo, p. 570. Polyb. l. 5. c. 72. Dionys. Perieg. v. 858. Arrian. lib. 1. c. 28. Zosim. l. 5. c. 15.

[242] Scylax Perip. Pamphylia. Arrian, l. 1. c. 26.

[243] Hierocl. Synecd.—Constantin. Porph. de Them.—Notit. Episcop.

[244] τοῦ Μέλανος καὶ τοῦ Εὐρυμέδοντος ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπέκεινα διαβαίνει τῆς Σίδης· ὁ δὲ διαῤῥεῖ τῇ Ἀσπένδῳ. Zosim. l. 5. c. 16.—Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14.

[245] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[246] Geograph. lib. 5. c. 5.

[247] Liv. l. 33. c. 20.

[248] Pharsal. lib. 8. v. 259.

[249] Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. Cilicia.

[250] Livy (l. 33. c. 20.) says: “Nephelida promontorium Ciliciæ, inclitum fœdere antiquo Atheniensium.” What treaty this was it is difficult to discover—not the treaty of Cimon with the Persians; for according to that, the Chelidonian promontory was the point beyond which the Persians were forbidden to sail.

[251] Pompon. Mel. lib. 1. c. 13.

[252] See Eckhel, Hunter, &c.

[253] Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 5. cap. 27.

[254] Athen. l. 3. c. 5.

[255] In the copy of the treaty in Polybius (l. 22. c. 26.) Cape Calycadnus is mentioned as the point. Μηδὲ πλείτωσαν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Καλυκάδνου ἀκρωτηρίου, εἰ μὴ φόρους ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ ὁμήρους ἄγοιεν. In the Latin copy of the treaty in Livy (l. 38. c. 38.) both capes are mentioned. “Neve navigatio citra Calycadnum neve Sarpedonem promontoria” &c. Appian, who has given the substance only of the treaty, names also both the capes: Ὅρον μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι δύο ἄκρας Καλύκαδνόν τε καὶ Σαρπηδόνιον. Appian Syr. c. 39.

[256] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[257] Diodor. Sic. l. 19. c. 61.

[258] Liv. Hist. Nat. l. 33. c. 20.

[259] Among other places on this coast taken possession of by the Knights of St. John were three fortresses, consigned to their care about the year 1200 by Pope Innocent III., who had received them from Leo king of Armenia, on the occasion of his coronation and acknowledgment of the Latin church. The ancient Armenian inscriptions still existing at Korgos and Selefke, render it probable that these were two of the fortresses. See Beaufort’s Karamania, pp. 220, 245.

[260] Stephanus (in Σελεύκεια) says that this Seleuceia was formerly called Olbia: which appears to be a mistake, arising from the similarity of the names Olbia; and Holmi. Strabo is confirmed by Pliny (l. 5. c. 27.), who says, “Seleucia supra amnem Calycadnum, Trachiotis cognomine, a mare relata, ubi vocabatur Hormia” (Holmia).

[261] Ptolemy calls the southern cape at the entrance of the Issic gulf (now Cape Hanzir) by this name, Ῥωσσικὸς σκόπελος.

[262] Stephanus (in Ὑρία) says, the Calycadnus was sometimes called Calydnus.

[263] Τῆς ἴδιως Κιλικίας μεσόγειοι ... Μοψυεστία, Καστάβαλα, Νικόπολις, Ἐπιφάνεια, καὶ αἱ Ἀμανικαὶ πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

Ἡ Συρία περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτων τῇ τὲ Κιλικίᾳ, &c. ... Μετὰ τὸν Ἰσσὸν καὶ τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας Ἀλεξάνδρεια ἡ κατὰ Ἰσσὸν, Μυρίανδρος, &c.... Πιερίας δὲ πόλεις αἵδε. Πίναρα, Πάγραι καὶ αἱ Συρίαι πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 15.

[264] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 1. c. 20. M. Kinneir’s Journey in Asia Minor, p. 135. Niebuhr’s Map in the Voyage en Arabie, tom. 2. pl. 52. Drummond’s Travels, letter 5.

[265] I saw the foundation of the wall which once fortified this pass. Perhaps Beilan is only a corruption of Πύλην, or Pyla in the accusative.

[266] Strabo, p. 676. See the translation in p. 180 of this volume.

[267] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. ad Attic. l. 5. ep. 20. Cicero, in clearing Mount Amanus of the Parthians, took Erana, the chief town, and several smaller places.

[268] We find in Hierocles that Seleuceia was the metropolis of Isauria at the time when Cilicia, divided into two ἐπαρχίαι, extended no further westward than Corycus inclusive. The chief magistrate, however, is stated by Hierocles to have been intitled ἡγεμών, not ἄρχων: but Hierocles probably wrote long after the date of this inscription, and in the interval some change may have taken place in the mode of government.

[269] Travels of Bertrandon de la Brocquière in the years 1432, 1433, translated by Johnes, pp. 174, 190.

[270] Josaphat Barbaro—Viaggio in Persia.

[271] Liv. l. 33. c. 20. Plin. l. 5. c. 27. Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13. Stephan. in Κώρυκος.

[272] In Ἐλαιοῦσσα.

[273] In Σεβάστη.

[274] Joseph. Antiq. Jud. l. 16. c. 4. Strabo, p. 671.

[275] Xenoph. Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Arrian, l. 2. c. 5. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7. Dio. Cass. l. 36. c. 20. Liv. l. 33. c. 20.—l. 37. c. 56. Pompon. Mel. l. 1. c. 13. Ptol. l. 5. c. 8.

[276] Stephan. in Ἀγχιάλη. Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg.

[277] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.

[278] Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 5. Dionys. Perieg. v. 868.

[279] Dio. Cass. l. 47. c. 31. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. Stephan. in Ἄδανα.

[280] Διὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς πόλεως ταύτης (scil. Comana) ὁ Σάρος ῥεῖ ποταμὸς καὶ διὰ τῶν συναγκειῶν τοῦ Ταύρου διεκπεραιοῦται πρὸς τὰ τῶν Κιλίκων πεδία καὶ τὸ ὑποκείμενον πέλαγος. p. 536. Comana is the modern Bostán.

[281] Strabo, ibid.

[282] Xenoph. de Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.

[283] Stephan. in Μάγαρσος.

... Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς
...
Αἰπὺς δ’ ἀλιβρὸς ὄχμος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ
Μέγαρσος.

Lycophr. v. 439.

ἡ δὲ Μέγαρσος πόλις κεῖται πρὸς ταῖς ἐκχύσεσι τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ. Tzetzes in Schol. ibid.

περὶ Μάγαρσα τοῦ Πυράμου πλησίον. Strabo, p. 676. See the translated extract.

[284] Ap. Tzetz. in Lycoph. ubi sup.

[285] ποταμὸς Πύραμος καὶ πόλις Μαλλὸς, εἰς ἣν ἀνάπλους κατὰ τὸν ποταμόν. Scylax in Cilicia.

[286] Steph. in Μάλλος.

[287] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 13.

[288] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.—... castris motis, et Pyramo amne ponte juncto, Mallon pervenit. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.

[289] Ap. Strabon. p. 675. See the translated extract.

[290] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Stephan. in Μόψου ἑστία. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.

[291] Cod. Theodos.

ἡ Μάμιστα ἡ καὶ Μόψου ἑστία λεγομένη. M. Glycæ Annal. p. 306. Paris.

Civitas Adana, 18 M. P. Civitas Mansista 48 M. P. Mansio Baiæ.—Itin. Hierosol.

[292] Hierocl. Synecd.

[293] Appian Mithridat. c. 96.—Epiphania quæ anteà Eniandus. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Hierocl. Synecd.

[294] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.

[295] Tab. Peutinger, seg. 7.

[296] Cicer. ubi supra.

[297] Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.

[298] Ἀντιόχεια ... ἕκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ Πυράμου. Stephan. in Ἀντιόχεια.

[299] Μάλλος, Σεῤῥέπολις, Αἴγαι, Ἰσσός. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

[300] Strabo, p. 651, 655, 664, 665.

[301] Strabo, p. 663. Strabo has committed a great error in stating that Physcus was the nearest point of the coast to Mylasa. The gulf of Kos is not one-third of the distance of Marmara from Mylasa.

[302] Caria mediæ Doridi circumfunditur ad mare utroque latere ambiens: in ea promontorium Pedalium, amnis Glaucus deferens Telmissum; oppida Dædala, Crya fugitivorum: flumen Axon: oppidum Calydna ... oppidum Caunos liberum; deinde Pyrnos, portus Cressa a quo Rhodus insula xx M.; locus Loryma. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

Here Pyrnus occupies the place of Physcus, which ought perhaps to be substituted for the former word.

[303] Senec. Qu. Nat. l. 3. c. 19.

[304] Liv. l. 37. c. 17.

[305] viginti paullo amplius millia. Liv. l. 45. c. 10.

[306] Κνίδος πόλις καὶ ἄκρα, Ὀνουγνάθος ἄκρα· Λώρυμα, Κρῆσσα λιμὴν, Φοίνιξ, Φοῦσκα, Κάλβιος ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαὶ, Καῦνος, Κάλινδα, Χύδαι, Καρύα, Δαίδαλα τόπος, Τέλμησσος. Ptol. l. 5. c. 2. 3.

[307] Λοιπὸν Καρία.

Ἐκ Τελμενσοῦ εἰς Δαίδαλα σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Δαιδάλων εἰς Καλλιμάχην σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Καλλιμάχης εἰς Κρούαν σταδ. ξ. (60.)

Ἐκ Κρούων εἰς τὸν Κοχλίαν σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Κλυδῶν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηδάλιον ἀκρωτήριον σταδ. λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πηδαλίου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγκῶνα τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ Γλαυκοῦ σταδ. π. (80.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος ἐπὶ τῶν Κουνίων (lege Καυνίων) Πάνορμον σταδ. ρκ. (120.)

200 stades from Pedalium to Panormus of the Caunii is nearly the real distance from cape Bokomádhi to port Karagatsh, and renders it probable that the latter was the ancient Panormus, a name which well applies to that fine basin. Its having been a part of the territory of the Caunii, may perhaps account for other authorities having omitted to mention it.

[308] Plutarch. de Virt. Mul.

[309]

ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ
ΧΑΛΚΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΟΣ
ΚΛΕΑΙΝΙΔΟΣ ΚΑΛΛΙΚΡΑΤΙΔΑ
ΚΡΥΑΣΣΙΔΟΣ.

[310] Plin. l. 5. c. 31.

[311] Stephan. in Κρύα.—Stephanus has distinguished Crya from Cryassus, ascribing the former to Lycia and the latter to Caria, copying Artemidorus for the former, and Plutarch for the latter. The distinction is probably an error; unless Crya was the old site, and that the other was the new Cryassus mentioned by Plutarch.

[312] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.

[313] Strabo, p. 656.

[314] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31. Stephanus in Πάσσαλα.

[315] At Lindus are the ruins of a dodecastyle Doric portico in front of a cavern, at Cnidus there is a Doric stoa, and at Halicarnassus are the ruins of a large Doric temple, supposed by Choiseul Gouffier, who has published a design of it, to have been the temple of Mars mentioned by Vitruvius.

It is not to be supposed that the people of the Hexapolis confined themselves to Doric architecture, being so near the country where the Ionic originated and was brought to perfection. At all the three places just mentioned, but particularly at Cnidus, we find examples of the other orders.

Cnidus formed one of the most important objects of the late mission of the Society of Dilettanti. There is hardly any ruined Greek city in existence which contains examples of Greek architecture in so many different branches. There are still to be seen remains of the city walls, of two closed ports, of several temples, of stoæ, of artificial terraces for the public and private buildings, of three theatres, one of which is 400 feet in diameter, and of a great number of sepulchral monuments. Designs of the most important of these curious remains are about to be published by the Society of Dilettanti.

[316] The following is an inscription at Cnidus:

Α ΒΟΥΛΑ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΑΜΟΣ
ΑΥΡΗΛΙΑΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΝ ΘΥΓΑΤΕΡΑ ΜΕΝ
ΝΕΙΚΑΔΑ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΑ ΔΕ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΑ-
ΑΡΙΣΤΟΥ. ΜΑΡ. ΑΥΡ. ΕΥΔΟΞΟΥ ΔΙΣ
ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΝ-
ΦΑΝΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΗΛΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΔΑΜΙ-
ΟΥΡΓΟΥ, ΑΡΕΤΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΑ
ΚΕΚΟΣΜΑΙΜΕΝΑΝ, ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΑΡΧΗΣΑΣΑΝ
ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΩΣ, ΤΑΝ ΤΕΙ-
ΜΑΝ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΝΤΟΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ
ΤΟΥ ΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΑΣ ΚΑΘ Α ΤΑ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ
ΥΠΕΣΧΕΤΟ
ΘΕΟΙΣ.

In a fragment of another Doric inscription at Cnidus, mention is again made of the officer called δαμιουργὸς, also of a γυμνικὸς ἀγὼν πενταετηρικὸς held at Cnidus. It was, probably, for these quinquennial celebrations, common, no doubt, to all the surrounding country, that the great theatre at Cnidus was principally intended.

In an inscription copied by Chandler (Ins. Ant. p. 19), at Iasus (Asýn Kale), we find a decree of the Calymnii cited at length. This decree is in the Doric dialect, whereas that of the Iasenses which contains it is in common Hellenic. We are informed by Herodotus (l. 7. c. 99.) that the islands Calydniæ, of which Calymna was the chief, were colonized from Epidaurus; they were consequently included (as was Nisyrus likewise) among the Dorians of the Hexapolis.

In Mitylene I found several inscriptions, shewing that the use of the Æolic dialect was preserved to a late period in that island, which was colonized from Thessaly: the most remarkable form is ΒΟΛΛΑ for ΒΟΥΛΗ, and ΒΟΛΛΕΥΤΑΣ for ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΣ.

Pococke has given copies (very inaccurately as usual) of some of these inscriptions (Inscr. Antiq. p. 45); and one is to be seen in Gruter, p. 1091.

In reference to the use of the Doric dialect by the colonies of that race of Greeks, it may be worthy of remark that the Greek inscription of the time of Psammetichus king of Egypt, lately discovered by Mr. W. Bankes on the temple of Ibsambal in Nubia, appears from the words Ψαματιχο Ἐλεφαντιναν, and τοι for οἱ, to be in the Doric dialect. Herodotus tells us that the Greeks in the service of Psammetichus were Ionians and Carians: those who inscribed the temple of Ibsambal may therefore have been from the Carian Doris. It was perhaps in memory of these first Greek settlers in Upper Egypt that the Greeks of the Thebais often used the Doric dialect as late as the time of the Roman emperors.

[317] Pliny also (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.) numbers Caryanda among the islands.

[318] Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Const. Porph. de Them. l. 1. th. 14.

[319] ... sinus Iasius et Basilicus. In Iasio est Bargylos. Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.

[320] Liv. l. 37. c. 17. Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Constant. Porph. ubi supr.

[321] Chishull, Antiq. Asiat. p. 155.—This inscription was copied at Eski-hissár in 1709, by the celebrated botanist Sherard, then British Consul at Smyrna. He also copied at the same place, a long Latin inscription, containing a list of the prices of various commodities, as regulated by one of the Roman emperors—which has recently been excavated and more completely transcribed by Mr. W. Bankes. Sherard presented to the Earl of Oxford a volume containing copies of between three and four hundred inscriptions collected by him in Asia Minor. This MS. is now in the British Museum. Catal. Harl. Cod. 7509.

[322] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 6. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.

[323] Τὰ δὲ Λάβρανδα κώμη ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ὄρει κατὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἀλαβάνδων εἰς τὰ Μύλασα, ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως· ἐνταῦθα Διός ἐστι νεὼς ἀρχαῖος καὶ ξόανον Διὸς Στρατίου. τιμᾶται δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν κύκλῳ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Μυλασέων· ὁδός τε ἔστρωται σχεδόν τι ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίων μέχρι τῆς πόλεως ἱερὰ καλουμένη δι’ ἧς πομποστολεῖται τὰ ἱερά. Strabo, p. 659.

Ælian (de Nat. Anim. l. 12. c. 30.) says that 70 stades was the distance between Alabanda and Mylasa.

[324] Ἀλάβανδα δὲ καὶ αὕτη μὲν ὑπόκειται λόφοις δυσὶ συγκειμένοις οὕτως, ὥστ’ ὄψιν παρέχεσθαι κανθηλίου κατεστραμμένου ... μεστὴ δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ αὕτη καὶ ἡ τῶν Μυλασέων πόλις τῶν θηρίων τούτων (σκορπίων) καὶ ἡ μεταξὺ πᾶσα ὀρεινή. Strabo, p. 660.

... πολλὰς δὲ (διαβάσεις τῇ αὐτῇ ὁδῷ ἔχει) καὶ (ὁ ποταμὸς) ὁ ἐκ Κοσκινίων εἰς Ἀλάβανδα. Strabo, p. 587.

[325] Antiquities of Ionia, part l. c. 4. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 58.

[326] Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, c. 11.

[327] Voyage de Chandler, tom. 2. p. 248.

[328] Polyb. l. 17. c. 2—l. 18. c. 27.—l. 30. c. 5. Liv. l. 33. c. 30.—l. 45. c. 25.

[329] τὸ Γρίον ... παράλληλον τῷ Λάτμῳ, ἀνῆκον ἀπὸ τῆς Μιλησίας πρὸς ἕω, διὰ τῆς Καρίας μέχρι Εὐρώμου καὶ Χαλκητόρων. Strabo, p. 635.

[330] Vaillant Num. Græc. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Caria.

[331] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[332] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.

[333] ... περίκεινται δὲ ἀξιόλογοι κατοικίαι πέραν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου, Κοσκινία καὶ Ὀρθωσία. Strabo, p. 650.

[334] Strabo, p. 587. vide supra.

[335] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 9.—It is impossible from Pococke’s confused narrative to understand either the exact course of the river Tshina, or the position of the places in its vicinity. The attempt to describe them on the map must therefore be considered as a mere approximation.

[336] Voyage de Chandler, tome 2. p. 252.

[337] Herodot. l. 5. c. 118.

[338] See above, chapter 4. p. 159.

[339] Strabo, p. 600. Stephan. in Ἑκατησία, Ἰδριὰς, Χρυσάορις. All these were ancient names of Stratoniceia. In consequence of some restorations by Hadrian, it afterwards received that of Hadrianopolis, but did not long retain the appellation. See Hierocles Synec. The worship of Hecate is mentioned in the inscription of Stratoniceia, published by Chishull.

[340] Strabo, p. 663.

[341] Strabo, p. 658.

[342] Strabo, p. 635. See p. 232, note [329].

[343] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[344] The form of the letters in this inscription seems to show that its date is about the time of the first wars of the Romans in Asia. It was an epistle addressed to the Amyzonenses by some person in power: beginning with the usual form of salutation, and ending with the no less customary ΕΡΡΩΣΘΕ. In the Classical Journal, No. 28, the reader will find an inscription nearly of the same tenor and date, which I copied at Cyretiæ in Perrhœbia, and which was an epistle addressed to the people of that place by the Consul Titus Quinctius Flamininus, when he commanded the Roman army in Greece against the king of Macedonia, Philip son of Demetrius. In the inscription of Amyzon, besides the two words already stated, I distinguish ΤΟ ΙΕΡΟΝ ΑΣΥΛΟΝ—ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΕΥΝΟΙΑΝ—ΚΑΙ ΜΗΘΕΝΙ ΕΝΟΧΛΕΙΝ ΥΜΑΣ.

[345] Having described Miletus and the islands before it, Lade and the Tragææ, now heights in the plain, he adds: ἐξῆς δ’ ἐστὶν ὁ Λατμικὸς κόλπος ἐν ᾧ Ἡράκλεια ἡ ὑπὸ Λάτμῳ λεγομένη, πολίχνιον ὕφορμον ἔχον· ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ πρότερον Λάτμος ὁμωνύμως τῷ ὑπερκειμένῳ ὄρει. Strabo, p. 635.

[346] A re-examination of the ruins of Priene and Branchidæ was a principal object of the second Asiatic Mission of the Society of Dilettanti. Their late publication renders it unnecessary for me to make any observations on the great monuments at those two places: but the reader will not be displeased at my here inserting a curious inscription, in Boustrophedon, from Branchidæ. It was copied by Sir W. Gell from the chair of a sitting statue on the Sacred Way, or road leading from the sea to the temple of Apollo Didymeus. This road—bordered on either side with statues on chairs of a single block of stone, with the feet close together and the hands on the knees—is an exact imitation of the avenues of the temples in Egypt. The inscription (which is perfect to the right and incomplete to the left) is as follows:

The name at the beginning was probably Hermesianax. It appears by ἡμεὰς (Ion. for ἡμὰς _us_) ἀνέθηκεν, that the inscribed statue speaks for them all. The word at the beginning of line 3 may possibly be ΒΡΑΝΚΙΔΕΩ. Of the _crasis_ instanced in ΤΩΠΟΛΛΩΝΙ, there are several examples in the Sigeian inscription, in the Eleian tablet, and in other monuments of a time when the Greeks wrote rather by sound than grammar. It seems to have been particularly at the end of inscriptions that the Greek ear required an agreeable cadence and combination of vowel sounds; and hence their inscriptions sometimes ended in metre, although the former part was not constructed by any such rules. Thus the last line of the following Doric inscription on a helmet lately found at Olympia appears to be the end of a hexameter verse: a supposition which will account for the crasis or omission of two of the vowels.

The single instead of double liquid in TVRANA, seems to have been not uncommon in the old Doric—we have ΑΛΑΛΟΙΣ for ἀλλήλοις in the Eleian tablet.

This curious inscription relates to a military expedition of Hiero king of Syracuse, son of Deinomenes, (commonly called Hiero the First,) in aid of the people of Cyme, who had suffered severely from the Tyrrhenian fleet. (Diod. l. 11. c. 51.) The triremes of Hiero gained a brilliant victory and destroyed a great number of Tyrrhenian ships; and the helmet seems to have been among the _Tyrrhenian spoils_ which upon this occasion Hiero and his Syracusans dedicated at Olympia. A few years before this exploit, the same prince had obtained a victory in the Olympic games, which the first Ode of Pindar has made more illustrious than the historian Diodorus has rendered his triumph over the Tyrrhenians: though the poet alludes also to the latter victory. (Pyth. l. v. 137.) Pausanias, who has described (Eliac. post. c. 12. Arcad. c. 42.) the magnificent dedications of Deinomenes the son of Hiero, in honour of his father’s three victories in the Olympic games, says nothing of the offerings of Hiero after his success over the Tyrrhenians: but so numerous were these martial dedications at Olympia, that the omission is not surprising. Pausanias had enough to do to describe the great monuments of art and religion.

[347] ... ἀφ’ Ἡρακλείας ἐπὶ Πύῤῥαν πολίχνην πλοῦς ἑκατόν που σταδίων. Μικρὸν δὲ πλέον τὸ ἀπὸ Μιλήτου εἰς Ἡράκλειαν ἐγκολπίζοντι· εὐθυπλοίᾳ δ’ εἰς Πύῤῥαν ἐκ Μιλήτου τριάκοντα· τοσαύτην ἔχει μακροπορίαν ὁ παρὰ γῆν πλοῦς.... Ἐκ δὲ Πύῤῥας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πεντήκοντα.... ἀναπλεύσαντι δ’ ὑπηρετικοῖς σκάφεσι τριάκοντα σταδίους πόλις Μυοῦς.... Ἔνθεν ἐν σταδίοις τέσσαρσι κώμη Καρικὴ Θυμβρία παρ’ ἣν Ἄορνόν ἐστι σπήλαιον ἱερὸν Χαρώνειον λεγόμενον.... Ὑπέρκειται δὲ Μαγνησία ἡ πρὸς Μαιάνδρῳ.... Μετὰ δὲ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Μαιάνδρου ὁ κατὰ Πριήνην ἐστὶν αἰγιαλός· ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δ’ ἡ Πριήνη καὶ ἡ Μυκάλη τὸ ὄρος &c. Strabo, p. 636. I have inserted this passage, as giving, when compared with the actual topography, the clearest idea of the situation of the ancient places and the state of the coast in the time of Strabo. The plain of the Mæander as it advanced upon the sea, and converted the commercial shores of the maritime cities into unhealthy marshes, successively devoted them to desolation. Myus in the time of Strabo had recently been abandoned by its inhabitants, who had removed to Miletus; but the accumulations had not yet shut up the Latmic Gulf. Such having been the causes of the desolation of the ancient sites near the mouth of the Mæander, they are never likely to be reoccupied. In the Voyage Pittoresque of Choiseul Gouffier, vol. 1. pl. 111., will be found plans by Kauffer and Barbié du Bocage, explanatory of the progressive increase of the Mæandrian plain and the consequent changes in the topography.

[348] Inekbazar was visited by Van Egmont and Heyman in passing from Skalanóva to Ghiuzel-hissár; and one is rather surprised, that their account of the ruins at that place, although extremely vague, did not lead geographers to the suspicion that at Inekbazar would be found remains of Magnesia and of the temple of Leucophryene. The general dulness and inaccuracy of Heyman’s book may perhaps account for this neglect of its authority. I am ignorant of the exact date of the Travels of the Dutch statesman and of the Oriental scholar of the same nation who was his companion. The English translation was published in 1759. We are told in the Preface that the travels occupied thirteen years.

[349] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[350] Artem. ap. Strab. p. 663.

[351] Artem. ibid.

[352] Plin. ubi supr.

[353] Artem. ubi supr.

[354] Strabo, p. 648.

[355] Strabo, p. 647.

[356] Plin. ubi supr.

[357] It appears to have been very customary with the Asiatic Greeks to make their stadia circular at both ends. Examples exist at Magnesia ad Mæandrum, Tralles, Aphrodisias, Laodiceia ad Lycum, and Pergamum. At Magnesia, Tralles, Sardes, and Pergamum, the theatre is placed on one side of the stadium thus,

Under the Romans the stadium was sometimes converted into an amphitheatre, by building a curved wall across its breadth, so as to form with one of the circular ends a circle or oval. An inscription at Laodiceia, boasting of such a pitiful conversion of the stadium at that place, has been published by Chandler: and Pococke remarked the remains of a similar operation in the stadium of Ephesus. It appears from Strabo that there was an amphitheatre at Nysa: and there is one still existing at Pergamum; the latter is a building separate from the theatro-stadium.

[358] Vitruv. præf. in l. 7.

[359] Strabo, p. 647.

[360]

1.

ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΑ
ΤΟΝ ΓΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΑΛΑΣ-
ΣΗΣ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΝ ΜΑΡ·
ΑΥΡ· ΑΝΤΩΝΕΙΝΟΝ ΕΥ-
ΣΕΒΗ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ ΣΕ
ΒΑΣΤΟΝ Μ· ΑΥΡ· ΣΤΡΑ-
ΤΟΝΕΙΚΟΣ Κ. ΣΙΛΙΚΙΟΣ
ΙΕΡΟΚΛΗΣ· Κ· Μ· ΑΥΡ·
ΟΦΙΛΗΤΟΣ· Κ· ΑΥΡ.....
ΜΑΣ. Κ. ΑΥΡ.....ΤΑΣ
ΟΙ ΑΡΧΙΕΡΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜ
ΜΑΤΕΙΣ ΑΝΕΣΤ (ησαν)
ΛΟΓΙΣΤΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ
ΚΡΙΣΠΟΥ ΑΣΙΑ....

2.

...ΔΕΣΠ.....
...ΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑ....
..Μ. ΑΥΡ. ΑΝΤΩ...-
..ΝΟΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗ Ε....
...............
...Σ ΔΙΔΙΑΝΟΣ Ο...
...ΕΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜΜΑ-
...Σ ΤΗΣ ΜΑΓΝΙΤΩΝ
... ΕΩΣ ΚΑΙ..

3.

...............
...............
.............ΙΕ-
ΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡΤΕ-
ΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥΗ-
ΝΗΣ ΑΦΡΟΔΕΙΣΙΑ Ν
............

On the same stone as the preceding:

ΑΓΑΘΗ ΤΥΧΗ
ΙΕΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡ-
ΤΕΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥ-
................

Although Magnesia was an Æolic city founded by Thessalians, (Strabo, p. 647.) no inscriptions have been found there in the Æolic dialect.

Pausanias in enumerating the great temples of Ionia has omitted that of Magnesia, possibly because he did not consider its district a part of Ionia. He states the temple of Ephesus to have been the first both for size and riches; next, the temples of Apollo at Branchidæ and at Colophon, neither of which was ever finished; then the temple of Juno at Samus and of Minerva at Phocæa, both of which had been burnt by the Persians, but were still objects of admiration: and after them the temples of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva at Priene; the former remarkable for its antiquity, the latter for the statue which it contained. Pausan. Achaic. c. 5. The remark of Pausanias on the temple of Samus, which in magnitude was second only to that of Diana Ephesia, may account for the neglect of it by Strabo and Vitruvius. The latter was so ill-informed as to call it a Doric building.

[361] Strabo, p. 648.

[362] Præf. in l. 7.

[363] Pachymer. Hist. l. 6. c. 20. Nicephor. Greg. l. 5. c. 5.

[364] Strabo, p. 649.

[365] Id. Ibid.

[366] Strabo, p. 650.

[367] Liv. l. 37. c. 56.

[368] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[369] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 11.

[370] Plin. ibid. Strabo, p. 630.

[371] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 663.

[372] Sherard was accompanied in a tour to Aphrodisias in the year 1705, by Picenini; and in another in the year 1716, by Lisle. He copied upwards of 100 inscriptions at Aphrodisias, which are to be found in the MS. volume already mentioned. From two of the inscriptions of Aphrodisias, selected for publication by Chishull, it appears that Aphrodisias and Plarassa formed one community, having a governing council and a temple of Venus common to both: coins with a legend of both names are also not very uncommon. Plarassa is designated as a town of Caria by Stephanus.

[373] Mr. Gandy, one of the architects of the Mission of the Dilettanti, visited Gheira, and made drawings of the ruins.

[374] Its other appellations were Ninoe, Megalopolis, and Lelegopolis. Steph. in Μεγάλη Πόλις et Νινόη.

[375] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 12.

[376] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 65.

[377] Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.

[378] The Second Mission of the Dilettanti into Asia did not penetrate so far as these places.

[379] Laodiceia is now a deserted place, called from the ruins Eski-hissár, a Turkish word equivalent to the Paleókastro, which the Greeks so frequently apply to ancient sites.

[380] Antiquities of Ionia, part 2. p. 32.—Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 67.

[381] Cicero. Epist. ad Am. l. 2. ep. 17. l. 3. ep. 5. l. 5. ep. 20. Tacit. l. 14. c. 27.

[382] ... Εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλη καὶ ἡ Λαοδίκεια εὔσειστος καὶ τῆς πλησιοχώρου τὸ πλέον. Strabo, p. 578.

[383] Strabo, p. 579, 628, 630.

[384] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 13.—Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 68.

[385] Strabo, p. 629, 630. Chandler found at the theatre the beginning of an encomium of Hierapolis:

Ἀσίδος εὐρείης προφερέστατον οὖδας ἁπάντων
Χαίροις Χρυσόπολι Ἱεράπολι πότνια νυμφῶν
Νάμασιν ἀγλαΐησι κεκασμένη....

And Smith was the first to copy an inscription mentioning a company of dyers:

Τοῦτο τὸ ἥρωον στεφανοῖ ἡ ἐργασία τῶν βαφέων.

The latter illustrates Strabo, who tells us the waters of Hierapolis were famous for dyeing.

[386] Phot. Biblioth. p. 1054.

[387] Const. Porphyrog. de Them. l. 1. th. 3. The bishops of Chonæ subscribed to the second Nicene Council in 787, one hundred and fifty years before Porphyrogennetus.

[388] Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.

[389] Herodot. ibid. Strabo, p. 579.

[390]

... riget arduus alto
Tmolus in adscensu: clivoque extentus utroque
Sardibus hinc, illinc parvis finitur Hypæpis.

Ovid. Metam. l. 11. v. 150.

Ὕπαιπα δὲ πόλις ἐστὶ καταβαίνουσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τμώλου πρὸς τὸ τοῦ Καΰστρου πεδίον. Strabo, p. 627.

[391] Tacit. Ann. l. 2. c. 47. Euseb. Chron.

[392] Strabo, p. 440, 620, 629. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[393] See Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. vol. 3. p. 96; where several coins are described, with the legends ΚΑΥΣΤΡΙΑΝΩΝ, ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΩ and ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΑΝΩ. But it seems that not only the upper and lower Cilbiani, but that settlers also in their country, from Nicæa and Pergamum, had their separate coinage. Eckhel. ibid.

[394] Strabo, p. 620.

[395] Strabo, p. 440.

[396] The total disappearance of such a vast edifice as the temple of Diana Ephesia is to be ascribed to two causes, both arising from its situation. Its position near the sea has facilitated the removal of its materials for the use of new buildings during the long period of Grecian barbarism; while that gradual rising of the soil of the valley, which has not only obstructed the port near the temple, but has created a plain of three miles between it and the sea, has buried all the remains of the temple that may have escaped removal. Enough of these however, it is probable, still exists beneath the soil to enable the architect to obtain a perfect knowledge of every part of the construction.

It is remarkable that all the greatest and most costly of the temples of Asia, except one, are built on low and marshy spots: those of Samus, Ephesus, Magnesia, and Sardes, are all so situated. It might be supposed that the Greek architects, having to guard against earthquakes, as against the most cruel enemy of their art, and having ample experience in all the concomitant circumstances of these dreadful convulsions, which are the peculiar scourge of all the finest parts of Asia Minor, were of opinion that a marshy situation offered some security against their effects. But the custom seems rather to be connected with the character of the Ionic order, which is itself associated with that of the Asiatic Greeks. While the massy and majestic Doric was best displayed on a lofty rock, the greater proportional height of the elegant Ionic required a level, surrounded with hills. So sensible were the Greeks of this general principle, that the columns of the Doric temple of Nemea, which is situated in a narrow plain, have proportions not less slender than some examples of the Ionic order. In fact, it was situation that determined the Greeks in all the varieties of their architecture; and, so far from being the slaves of rule, there are no two examples of the Doric, much less of the Ionic, that exactly resemble, either in proportion, construction, or ornament. It must be admitted, however, that the colonies of Italy and Sicily appear to have been less refined in taste; and, like all colonies, to have adhered to ancient models longer than the mother-country.

[397] Strabo, p. 639.

[398] Liv. l. 37. c. 11.

[399] Colophon stood at a distance of two miles from the shore. Liv. l. 37. c. 26. The temple of Clarus has not yet been sufficiently examined, although, according to Captain Beaufort, its remains are not inconsiderable; and, what is curious in this part of the country, it was of the Doric order. For Teos, see Antiquities of Ionia, part 1. c. 1.

[400] Liv. l. 36. c. 43.

[401] Strabo, p. 644.

[402] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 25.

[403] Strabo, ubi sup.

[404] Strabo, p. 645.

[405] Liv. l. 36. c. 43.—l. 44. c. 28.

[406] Particularly Herodot. in vitâ Hom. Thucyd. l. 8. c. 24. Strabo, ubi sup. There is a manifest error in regard to the breadth of the island in our copies of Strabo, which assign 60 stades for the interval between Elæus on the western side, and the city Chius on the eastern:—the narrowest part of the island cannot be less than double that distance.

[407] Herodot. l. 1. c. 93.

[408] Herodot. l. 5. c. 102.—Strabo, Chrest. l. 10.

[409]

Ὀρεστέρα παμβῶτι Γᾶ
Μᾶτερ αὐτοῦ Διὸς
Ἃ τὸν μέγαν Πακτωλὸν εὔχρυσον νέμεις.

Sophocl. Philoct. v. 395.

From a drawing of the temple by Peyssonel in 1750, it appears there were then standing three columns with their architraves, a part of the cella, and three detached columns. Mr. Cockerell found there in 1812 only three columns standing with their capitals; but enough remained of the ruins to satisfy him that it was of the kind called by Vitruvius Octastylus Dipterus—that the exterior columns of the peristyle were about 7 feet in diameter at the base, and that the peristyle was upwards of 260 feet in length.

[410] Choiseul Gouffier. Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tome 2. c. 13.

[411]

... τοι τέμενος πατρώϊόν ἐστιν,
Ὕλλῳ ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντι, καὶ Ἕρμῳ δινήεντι.

Il. Υ. 392.

[412] Strabo, p. 554. ... Ἕρμον εἰς ὃν καὶ ὁ Ὕλλος ἐμβάλλει, Φρύγιος νῦν καλούμενος. Strabo, p. 626.

[413] Pliny (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.) says that the Hermus rises near Dorylæum of Phrygia; which although not a very accurate description, agrees at least with the distant origin of the Kodús in the mountains adjoining to Olympus.

[414] Hermus ... oritur juxta Dorilaium Phrygiæ civitatem multosque colligit fluvios, inter quos Phrygem, qui nomine genti dato a Caria eam disterminat, Hyllum et Cryon et ipsos Phrygiæ, Mysiæ, Lydiæ amnibus repletos. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[415] Strabo, p. 616.

[416] Strabo, p. 622.

[417] Antiq. Asiat. p. 146.

[418] This place was visited by Chishull in the year 1702, in his way from Smyrna to Adrianople; when leaving the main road from Smyrna to Brusa to the right at Susugerli, he proceeded from thence to the Hellespont which he crossed at Gallipoli. It is from his route alone that I obtain any clear knowledge of the situation and course of the Æsepus and Granicus.

[419] This Hadrianotheræ was a place of sufficient importance to coin its own money. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Bithynia.

[420] Ergasteria was at 440 stades from Pergamum on the road to Cyzicus. Galen, in proceeding to Ergasteria from Pergamum, remarked a great quantity of metallic substance, which he calls molybdæna. Galen. de Medicam. Simp. l. 9. c. 22.

[421] Bala, or Bali, from the Greek Παλαιὰ, is not unfrequently prefixed to Turkish corruptions of ancient Greek names. Abubekr Ben Behrem mentions a Baliambóli (Παλαιὰν πόλιν) in the district of Aidin, and a Balia in that of Karasi. Patræ in the Peloponnesus is called by the Turks Balabátra.

[422] Eckhel Bithynia.—Sestini, Lett. t. 2. p. 103.

[423] It is to M. de Choiseul Gouffier, and to those who assisted him, that we are indebted for the best map of this interesting region, though much still remains to be done in the details of its topography. In 1819 Choiseul’s map received some corrections and additions from M. Barbié du Bocage, founded upon the observations of M. Dubois, who had been sent to the Troas in the preceding year by M. de Choiseul. See Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tom. 2. pl. 19.

[424] Strabo, p. 604.

[425] Id. pp. 440, 473, 604, 612, 620.

[426] Strabo, p. 605.

[427] Id. pp. 596, 606.

[428] Id. pp. 552, 603.

[429] Id. p. 596.

[430] Id. p. 472.

[431] Id. p. 606.

[432] Strabo, pp. 593, 597.

[433] Strabo, p. 595.

[434] Stephan. in Ἀγάμεια. Hesych. et Phavorin. in Ἀγαμίας et Ἄγαμος. Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pitt. de la Grèce, tom. 2. p. 331.

[435] Est tamen et nunc Scamandria civitas parva, ac M. D. passus remotum a portu Ilium immune. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30.

[436] This inscription is now in the Royal Museum of Paris. Choiseul Gouffier, tom. 2. p. 288.

[437] I may particularly mention Choiseul Gouffier, Lechevalier, Morritt, Hawkins, Gell, Hamilton, and Foster.

[438] To those who may consider it idle to inquire for a site which was unknown 2,000 years ago, it may not be improper to offer the remark, that not one of the ancient authors who have written on the Troas, with the exception of Homer, was so well acquainted with the locality as modern travellers are; and that not one possessed any delineation of its topography approaching to the accuracy of that with which we are furnished and not yet satisfied.

[439] It is almost unnecessary here to remark, that the ruling family, and hence probably a large portion of the people of Troy, were of Greek origin, and that they had adopted the manners and language of Greece. The Dardanidæ were Greeks settled in Asia, as the Atridæ were Phrygians settled in Europe. For the history of Ilium the reader may conveniently consult the work of Chandler, in 4to. 1802.

[440] Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, tome 2. c. 5, 6.

[441] A monument of the same kind is seen on the summit of the hill above the lower European castle of the Dardanells, and another at the upper European castle. The latter has been clearly described as the Cynossema or tomb of Hecuba (Strabo, p. 595); the former as the monument of Protesilaus, near Elæus. Herodot. l. 9. c. 116. Philostr. Heroic. c. 2.

[442]

Κρουνὼ δ’ ἵκανον καλιῤῥόω, ἔνθα δὲ πηγαὶ
Δοιαὶ ἀναΐσσουσι Σκαμάνδρου δινήεντος·
Ἡ μὲν γὰρ θ’ ὕδατι λιαρῷ ῥέει, ἀμφὶ δὲ καπνὸς
Γίγνεται ἐξ αὐτῆς ὡσεὶ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο·
Ἡ δ’ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλάζῃ
Ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ, ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ.

Il. X. v. 147.

[443] Major Rennell quotes several observations, all of which make both the sources from 61° to 64° Fahr. Choiseul says that on the 10th Feb. he found the atmosphere at 10° Reaumur, the hot source at 22°, the cold source at 8°. Dubois from the 12th to 16th Jan. found the temperature of the single or hot source from 2° to 5° Reaumur higher than the air; and that of the Forty Fountains, from ½° to 1° below the heat of the air. Although I was several days in the Troas, I could not make any observations, from an accident which happened to my thermometer.

[444] Strabo, p. 594. Demetrius visited New Ilium about the time that Antiochus the Great was defeated by the Romans—he was then a boy. He describes the town of New Ilium as being in a state of decline, and so poor that the houses were not covered with earthen tiles—ὥστε μηδὲ κεραμωτάς ἔχειν τὰς στέγας: meaning probably that they were covered with what are called in modern Greek πλάκες, generally made of schistose limestone.

[445] That Troy was totally ruined and abandoned as early as the time of the poet, is evident from his expressions in many parts both of the Ilias and Odysseia. That it continued to be an uninhabited place was the general opinion of all antiquity.

[446] Strabo, p. 601. The Lydians are here called semibarbarous in the Greek sense—as using a language and writing not Greek, and yet bearing a great resemblance to it.

[447] Herodot. l. 5. c. 94. Strabo, p. 599.

[448] The Pisistratidæ lived at Sigeium after their exile from Athens. Herodot. l. 5. c. 65.

[449] Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 13. c. 14.—Pausan. Achaic. c. 26.—Cicero de Orat. l. 3. c. 34.—Epig. in Anthol. l. 4. c. 4.

[450] Strabo, p. 593.

[451] Thucydides (l. 1. c. 7.) has remarked the effect of the progress of Grecian society, in moving the settlements of the Greeks nearer to the sea-coast.

[452] Ἰλιεῖς. This word is never used by Homer, who always calls the people Trojans, Τρῶες.

[453] Strabo, pp. 593, 600.

[454] Hellanicus of Lesbus. Ἑλλάνικος χαριζόμενος τοῖς Ἰλιεῦσιν, &c. Strabo, p. 602.

[455] Strabo, p. 599.

[456] He says that the greater part of the actions described by the poet were fought in the Scamandrian plain (or Trojan properly so called): and there, he adds, the Ilienses _point out_ the Erineus, the tomb of Æsyetes, Batieia, and the tomb of Ilus—τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους τόπους ἐνταῦθα δεικνυμένους ὁρῶμεν, τὸν Ἐρινεὸν &c. Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.

[457] Strabo, p. 602. A passage in the 12th book of the Ilias (v. 20.) has been adduced in favour of the opinion that the Mendere was the Scamander of Homer; because the description there given of the origin of the Scamander in Mount Ida, will better apply to the Mendere than to the Bunárbashi stream, which rises on the edge of the plain. But the same passage makes the Granicus and Æsepus concur with the Scamander and Simoeis in the destruction of the Grecian rampart, though they flow in an opposite direction and fall into the Propontis,—an absurdity which must destroy the geographical authority of the passage, if indeed it be not spurious.

[458] It is not easy to distinguish the opinions and observations of Strabo from those which he has copied from Demetrius. In general, however, it may be supposed that Strabo had seen little of the Troas himself, and that he therefore followed Demetrius, as a native and a copious writer on the subject. But there is reason to think that even Demetrius saw little of the Troas after his early youth.

[459] Strabo, p. 598.

[460] So called from the ruins of an aqueduct upon arches (καμάρες) which crosses the bed of the river. This aqueduct probably conveyed water from Mount Ida to New Ilium.

[461] Demet. ap. Strab. p. 602.

[462] Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.

[463] Scamander, Mæander and Mendere,—which last is now applied by the Turks to three of the rivers of Asia Minor,—seem all to belong to the ancient language of the country, before the introduction of Greek. Scamander may be Sca-Mæander, Sca being perhaps a distinctive prefix to the Trojan Mæander. And the Σκαιαὶ πύλαι may have received its name from the same word.

[464] A part of the old bed is still to be seen in going from Bunárbashi to Tshiblak.

[465] This has been admitted by nearly all the writers on the Trojan question, but has been stated with particular clearness by Major Rennell (Observations, Sect. IV.). I shall therefore merely cite the verse of Homer, which furnishes the direct proof.

... Ἕκτωρ
... μάχης ἐπ’ ἀριστερὰ μάρνατο πάσης,
Ὄχθας πὰρ ποταμοῖο Σκαμάνδρου....

Il. Λ. v. 497.

It is almost unnecessary to add, that the poet here, as elsewhere, speaks of the left of the Greeks. Hector was opposed to Ajax, whose station was on the Greek left.

[466] Strabo, p. 597, 598.

[467] In the time of Strabo (or Demetrius) the mouth of the river was 20 stades distant from New Ilium: it has now moved still further west, and joins the sea close to Kum-Kale. The small harbour under Intepe (or the tomb of Ajax) is the modern representative of the portus Achæorum, which was the port of New Ilium, and the nearest point of the coast to that city. Strabo, p. 598. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30. Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 18. Naustathmum was near the place where the river joined the sea in the time of the geographer.

[468] Strabo says 12 stadia; Pliny, 1500 Roman paces.

[469] Hestiæa ap. Strab. p. 599.

[470] A late writer on the Trojan question (Mr. Maclaren) particularly insists on this supposed error, and conceives the sandy point of Kum Kale to be nearly in the same state as it was in the Trojan war; founding his opinion chiefly on the rapidity of the current of the Hellespont, which must, he thinks, have carried away the soil almost as quickly as it was brought down. But the cape of new formation which lies between Kum Kale and Intepe is surely a proof that the current has had no such effect; and in fact every one who has navigated the Hellespont knows that there is a strong counter current along the two shores, the effect of which has probably contributed to form that cape. Strabo (p. 599.) has collected the passages of Homer which support his opinion that Troy stood far from the sea; and these alone seem fatal to the new hypothesis brought forward by the author just alluded to—that of its position at New Ilium.

[471]

Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ’, εὐρύς περ ἐὼν, ἐδυνήσατο πάσας
Αἰγιαλὸς νῆας χαδέειν· στείνοντο δὲ λαοί·
Τῷ ῥὰ προκρόσσας ἔρυσαν, καὶ πλῆσαν ἁπάσης
Ἠϊόνος στόμα μακρὸν, ὅσον συνεέργαθον ἄκραι.

Il. Ξ. v. 33.

[472] Thucydides (l. 1. c. 10.) verifies our copies of the catalogue by remarking that the total number of ships was 1200.

[473] In one passage (O. 676) the poet seems to represent Ajax as striding from ship to ship: but if some of the vessels were so closely arranged as to have admitted of such an action, a greater width must have been necessary between the divisions than if each vessel was isolated: so that in either case the _entire_ space required will be nearly the same.

[474] Il. Η. v. 467.

[475] About one hundred thousand is the result of the calculation of Thucydides; and the extent of country from which the army was collected will hardly allow of a smaller number. We may admit, however, with the historian, that a large part of them was always absent collecting plunder and provisions.

[476] Polyb. l. 6. c. 27, &c. See Lipsius de Mil. Rom. l. 5.

[477] στείνοντο δὲ λαοί. These words, however, seem more to relate to the unusual and somewhat dangerous expedient of doubling the ranks of ships, in consequence of the narrowness of the beach, than to the crowded state of the army in general.

[478] Il. Ε. v. 791.

[479] Ζ. v. 256, 435.

[480] Η. v. 282.

[481] Λ. v. 86.

[482] Λ. v. 170.

[483] Σ. v. 239.

[484] Il. Ε. v. 303. Υ. v. 286.

[485] Θ. v. 222.

[486] Π. v. 77.

[487] Γ. v. 178.

[488] Il. Χ. v. 131.

[489] Il. Β. 508. Ζ. 327. Π. 448. Σ. 279.

[490] Il. Γ. 395. Θ. 499. Μ. 115. Ν. 724. Σ. 174. Ψ. 64, 297.

[491] Il. Ν. 625.

[492] Il. Δ. 508. Ζ. 512. Ε. 460. Χ. 411. Ω. 700.

[493] Strabo, p. 599.

[494] Χ. v. 165.

[495] These Periplus are: 1. By Arrian, governor of Cappadocia under Hadrian. 2. By Marcian of Heraclia Pontica, who is supposed to have lived about a century later than Arrian. And, 3. By an anonymous author, who has collected his information from the two former, and from some other sources. He is of a much later date than the two others, as appears from the names of his own time, which he has annexed to some of the ancient names, and by the miles which he has subjoined to the stades.

[496] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 694. Notit. Episc. Græc.

[497] Pausan. Arcad. c. 9. Stephan. in Βιθύνιον.

[498] From Mantineia in Arcadia. Pausan. ibid.

[499] Itin. Anton. p. 200.

[500] Strabo, p. 562.

[501] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4. Justinian. Novel. 29. c. 1.

[502] See the Note on Σόρα in Hieroc. Synec. p. 695. ed. Wess.

[503] Anna Comn. l. 7. p. 206. Nicet. in Joan. Comn. Chalcocond. l. 9. p. 259.

[504] Artemid. ap. Strab. p. 663.

[505] Gesta Dei per Francos.

[506] Procop. Hist. Secr. c. 30.

[507] In each interval that might be traversed by a foot passenger in a day, there were several inns, and at each inn 40 horses and as many grooms,—so that a courier could perform in one day a distance equal to ten pedestrian journeys. Justinian substituted asses for horses, and left only one inn, where before there had been from five to eight.

[508] Nicephor. Callist. l. 7. c. 49.

[509] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.

[510] Ann. Comn. p. 312.

[511] For the details of the theatre of Side, from the drawings of Mr. Cockerell, see the Karamania of Captain Beaufort.—The theatre of Side is of the largest size, and is in better preservation than any in Asia Minor.

[512] The reader will perceive from the plan of the theatre of Myra, that when the segment was very great, the ends of the cavea were directed not upon the centre of the orchestra, but upon a point nearer to the scene.

[513] The form of the Asiatic Greek theatre is exemplified in the annexed plans of Patara and Myra, and in that of Hierapolis, given in a succeeding note.

[514] Vitruv. l. 5. c. 6, 7.

[515] The lower B in the plan and section of the theatre of Patara annexed.

[516] See Ionian Antiquities, vol. 2. pl. 49.

[517] Perhaps the theatre of Laodiceia was accommodated to the Roman mode of construction, when that city became the seat of the Roman government in Asia, and when the stadium was converted into an amphitheatre in the Roman fashion. See page 245.

[518] Topography of Athens, sect. 4.

[519] Those marked [519] are so much ruined, that it is difficult to procure an exact measurement.

[520] See note [519] in the preceding page.

[521] In Asia Minor there still exist Odeia at Laodiceia and Anemurium.

[522] Vopisc. in Aurelian.

[523] Sericum ad usus antehac nobilium nunc etiam inferiorum sine ulla discretione. Ammian. l. 23. c. 6. Although silken garments were then so common, Ammianus still describes silk, as Virgil and Pliny had done three centuries earlier, as a sort of woolly substance (lanugo, canities frondium) which was _combed_ from a tree in China.

[524] See Arbuthnot on Ancient Weights, &c.

[525] See Romé de l’Isle, Métrologie, &c.

[526] i.e. one Italian sextarius cost 24 denarii. The sextarius or sextarium was in general use among the Greeks under the Roman Government. The Greek sextarius contained 15 ounces of oil or 16 of water. Galen de Comp. Med. l. 1.—L. Pætus ap. Græv. Thes. vol. 11.

[527] Conditum, wine mixed with various ingredients; in the Apsinthium the prevailing ingredient was wormwood, and in the Rhosatum roses. Apicius, l. 1, has given us the receipt for making these three mixtures.

[528] (Oleum) quod post molam primum est, flos. Plin. H. N. l. 15. c. 6. ed. Harduin.

[529] Cibarium, the most ordinary kind of oil used by soldiers, &c., and made from the refuse of the olives. Columella, l. 12. c. 50.

[530] Raphaninum, oil of coleseed, or rape. Plin. H. N. l. 23. c. 49. Dioscor. l. 1. c. 41.

[531] Liquamen: this favourite condiment, also called Garum, as having been originally obtained from the fish garum, was made by throwing salt on the entrails of fish, exposing the mixture to the sun for some time, and then separating the liquid part. This liquor was the liquamen: the residue was called Alec. Geopon. l. 20. c. ult. Plin. H. N. l. 31. c. 43. There were other kinds of liquamen less commonly used, which are described by Apicius.

[532] M̊ was the usual note for modius or modium, the dry measure in most common use in the time of the Roman Empire, from whence the use of the word passed into Italy and France and became the moggio and muid. The sextarius in like manner became the setier. Here appear to be two modia, that for salt preceded by F, and that for grain preceded by K. I am unable to discover the meaning of this distinction.

[533] Sal conditum, salt mixed with drugs of several kinds and used for medicinal purposes. Apic. l. 1. c. 27.

[534] Perhaps mel phœnicinum, the debs or date honey of Egypt and Arabia.

[535] One Italian pound.