Chapter VI (4)

6. _The Temple of Bacchus at Teos._—The ruins of this building afford only the diameter of the column (about 3 feet 8 inches at the base), with a few less important details of the other parts of the construction. But we have some means of judging of the dimensions of the temple, from its being the example of the eustylus given by Vitruvius, who informs us also that it was a hexastylus monopterus[568]. The columns therefore being 3.8 in diameter, and the intercolumniation of the eustylus being 3 diameters in the centre with 2¼ in the four other intercolumnia, the total length of the front must have been about 64 feet on the upper step, which is very nearly the breadth of another Ionic hexastyle, namely the temple of Minerva at Priene. If we suppose the number of columns in the sides at Teos to have been the same as at Priene, namely 11, these two temples must have been nearly equal in length as well as in breadth. It seems highly probable that such was the number of columns in the sides at Teos, because Vitruvius, who chiefly extracted his theoretical system from the commentaries of the great architects of the Asiatic temples, prescribes the number of columns in the hexastyle to be not more than 11. One of those Asiatic writers, we know, was Hermogenes the architect of the temple at Teos; and he also was the inventor of the eustylus or beautiful proportion, of which this temple was an example[569].

1. EPHESUS, Ionic. 425 feet long, 220 broad.

2. SAMUS, Ionic. 346 × 189.

3. BRANCHIDÆ, Ionic. 304 × 65.

4. SARDES, Ionic. 251 × 144.

5. MAGNESIA, Ionic. 198 × 105.

6. TEOS, Ionic. 122 × 64.

7. PRIENE, Ionic. 122 × 63.

1. AGRIGENTUM, Doric. 358 × 172.

2. SELINUS, Doric. 358 × 164.

3. ATHENS (Olympium), Corinthian. 354 × 171.

4. ATHENS (Parthenon), Doric.]

7. Although the temple of Minerva at Priene seems to have closely resembled that of Bacchus at Teos in the length and breadth, its other proportions were different, the intercolumnia being smaller in proportion to the diameter of the column, which measures four feet and a quarter at the bottom of the shaft. The shaft was 38 feet high and fluted. The material of the temple, as well as of the other buildings of the city, was the stone of the mountain on which it stands—a blue and white marble, not of a very compact texture.

Vitruvius has not spoken of the temple of Sardes, probably because it was already in ruins in his time. The other six just enumerated are the great examples of the Ionic order to which he has particularly alluded, and which happen also to be the temples of Asiatic Greece of which the existing ruins furnish us with the most satisfactory details. There were other temples of great celebrity in that country; particularly those of Apollo at Grynium and at Clarus, of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva at Phocæa, to which we may add that of Cyzicus destroyed by an earthquake in the reign of Antoninus Pius[570]; but no remains of these edifices, except that of Clarus, which is stated by Captain Beaufort to have been of the Doric order, have yet been discovered.

NOTE TO PAGE 268.

To the testimony of Livy as to the Phrygius might have been added that of Appian; but it is evident that in the description of the battle of Magnesia both the historians have drawn from the same source, namely Polybius, and Appian is less particular than Livy as to the topography of the position.

FOOTNOTES

[1] These remarks were written before the insurrection broke out in Greece—an event which will greatly increase the difficulties of travelling in Asia Minor.

[2] The coast between Cape Carambis and Sinope was not seen by Captain Gauttier, who has therefore borrowed that part from the Russian charts.

[3] An unfortunate fire destroyed the engravings prepared for Niebuhr’s third volume, and put a stop to its publication. I believe Major Rennell is in possession of a copy of the map of Niebuhr’s route through Asia Minor, struck from the plate before the fire.

[4] See the appendix to Mr. Kinneir’s Travels.

[5] In the latter part of the last century, Griffiths and Capper published their routes across the peninsula, from S.E. to N.W., but without adding much to geography.

[6] This is probably an error for Kílissa-Hissár, which, according to Hadji Khalfa, is the name of a castle near Bor; for the bearing and distance of Mr. Kinneir’s Ketch-Hissar from Nigde are sufficient to prove that it must have been very near the Bor of Hadji Khalfa and Paul Lucas.

[7] Mr. Kinneir calls this place Costambol; but the Turkish geographers give it the name in the text, which in fact is nothing more than a slight corruption of Castamon, its Greek name under the Byzantine empire. See Anna Comnena, l. 7. p. 206.—Nicet. in Joan. Comnen.—Chalcocond. l. 9. p. 259.—Leuncl. Annal. Turc.—It is to be regretted that Mr. Kinneir was not more careful in his orthography of places, which often requires correction from Hadji Khalfa, or modern travellers. Like Pococke he has omitted, in giving us his computation of miles, to add the actual _measure_ by the watch, which is generally the more useful of the two.

[8] The following are among some of the observations of the latitude of places on the road from Smyrna to Constantinople, made by Mr. Browne. They are taken from his manuscript papers.

Latitude. Longitude.
Smyrna 38° 28′ 7″ 27° 6′ 48″
Magnesia 38° 41′ 30″
Demir Kapu 39° 49′ 0″
Balikesr 39° 32′ 0″
Ulubad 40° 9′ 30″
Mikhalitza 40° 16′ 30″
Brusa 40° 9′ 30″
Yenishehr 40° 12′ 0″
Kizdervent 40° 32′ 0″
Nicæa 40° 21′ 30″

[9] It is almost unnecessary to remark that the latitudes and longitudes of Ptolemy are of very little use, though they may be sometimes employed as a concurrent testimony in proof of the vicinity of places.

[10] The routes of these three itineraries are described upon the map by a double line; and thus the part of the Peutinger Table relating to Asia Minor is (I believe for the first time) placed upon the real projection. This part of the Table has at the same time been engraved on the same plate with the Map, for the greater convenience of reference and comparison.

[11] Ante Christum, 401.

[12] A. C. 333.

[13] A. C. 189.

[14] An inquiry into the situation of the sees of the Greek bishoprics of the Lower Empire may sometimes assist the traveller in the discovery of the ancient _Pagan_ sites. In regard to the smaller places, this method may not often be successful, Turkish conquest and Christian depopulation having gradually obliterated the greater part of them; but it is difficult to suppose that the metropolitan, and some others of the more important sees, which are at the same time desiderata of ancient geography,—such as Synnada, Antiocheia of Pisidia, Perge, Philomelium, Pessinus, Amorium,—should be unknown to the Christians of Asia Minor, although their names may be no longer in common use.

[15] An Arabic word, meaning _master_, _ruler_.

[16] This name has been supposed to prove that Kutaya, the capital of Kermian, stands on the site of the Κεραμῶν ἄγορα of Xenophon; but there is no doubt that Kermian is a Turkish name, and foreign to ancient Asia Minor. The mosque of Sultan Kermian still exists at Kutaya.

[17] The rule which I have observed in writing Turkish names, requires the reader to pronounce the vowels as in Italian, and the consonants as in English. Gh, Dh, and Kh, are intended to express the aspirated forms of G, D, K. The accent is marked in all words, the sound of which might be doubtful without it.

[18] A kind of pipe in which the smoke is made to pass through water: used in every part of the East.

[19] The initial K, P, T, in names of places have generally among the modern Greeks the sound of G, B, D: this arises from their practice of using those names in the accusative case preceded by στὴν; for ν before κ, π, τ, gives the harder kindred sound to the vowel which follows. Before π the ν becomes converted into m: as, στὴν πόλιν—Constantinople, pronounced stim bólin. Whence the Turkish Stambol.

[20] Ὀρχάνης ... ἦλθε πρὸς τοῦ Βυζαντίου τὴν Περαίαν, ὃ Σκουτάριον ἐρχωρίως ὀνομάζεται.—Cantacuz. l. 4. c. 4.

[21] Antonin. Itin. ed. Wessel. p. 139. Hierosol. It. p. 572.

[22] Ἐν δὲ Βιθυνίᾳ τόπος ἐστὶ θινώδης ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ κώμη τις οὐ μεγάλη Λίβυσσα καλεῖται—Plutarch. in Flam.

[23] Zonaras, l. 13. c. 16. Socrates, l. 4. c. 16. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 14. Cedrenus, p. 311. Theophanes, p. 50.

[24] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. Hist. Arcan. c. 30. Anna Comn. l. 10. p. 287.

[25] Διαβαίνειν αὐτὸν πλεῖον ἢ εἰκοσάκις ἐστὶ τοῖς τῇδε ἰοῦσι. Proc. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.

[26] Anna Comnena, l. 10. p. 286. ed. Paris.

[27] A similar confusion as to the Gallus and Sangarius seems to have prevailed in ancient times. Herodian places the city Pessinus on the Gallus; although we know from Polybius, Livy, and Strabo, that it stood on the banks of the Sangarius, not far from the sources of that river. Strabo, in describing the Gallus as the branch which joins the main river 300 stades from Nicomedia, has identified it with the river of Lefke.

[28] Mr. M. Kinneir found some antique remains, and copied some Christian Greek inscriptions here. Paul Lucas found some ruins, and transcribed some incomplete inscriptions at an Armenian village an hour and a half from Eski-shehr.

[29] Ann. Comn. l. 11. p. 317—l. 15. p. 469.

[30] Athen. l. 2, c. 5. ed. Casaub. Cinnam. l. 6. c. 74.

[31] Tab. Peutinger. Segm. vi. Anton. Itin. p. 202.

[32] Nacoleia was the chief fortress of this country in the reign of Arcadius, whose officer, Count Tribigild, with a garrison of Ostrogoths, rebelled against the Emperor, and reduced all the neighbouring country. Philostorg. l. 11. c. 8. For an account of the rebellion of Gainas and Tribigild, which illustrates several points of Asiatic geography, see Gibbon, c. 32, and the authors to whom he refers.

[33] I. Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Total 77 M. P. to Pessinus: the distance on the map is about 55 G. M. d.

II. Iter a Dorilao:—Arcelaio M. P. 30, Germa M. P. 20. Total 50 M. P.: the distance on the map is 57 G. M. d.

III. Dorileo Docymeo 32 Synnada 32 Jullæ 35 Philomelo 28 Laudicia Catacecaumeno. Total 127 M. P. _plus_ the distance from Dorylæum to Docimia. The distance upon the map is about 130 G. M. d.

IV. Dorileo 20 Necolea 40 Conni 32 Eucarpia 30 Eumenia Pella 12 ad vicum 14 Apamea Ciboton. Total 148 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 100 G. M. d.

V. Dorileo, 30 Cocleo (lege Cotyæo) 35 Agmonia 25 Aludda 30 Clanudda 35 Philadelfia. Total 155 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 120 G. M. d. The second of these roads is from the Antonine itinerary, the other four from the Peutinger Table.

The proportion between the real distances, and the amount of the several computed distances in Roman miles, shows that the distance, in the itineraries, from one place to another, cannot be relied on to within ten or twelve miles. In many instances, the errors of the Table are still greater.

[34] Herodot. l. 1. c. 142. l. 5. c. 59.

[35] Some fragments of these are to be seen in the British Museum.

[36] Strabo, p. 373.

[37] See Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca. There is nothing, however, very surprising in this peculiarity of the Etruscan. The Greek alphabet, like its oriental prototype, was at first written from right to left, then indifferently either way, then alternately, in the manner called boustrophedon; and lastly, from left to right. It was imported into Etruria at a period when it was written in the earliest manner; and the Etruscans, by a practice often observable in colonies, seem to have adhered to the custom after it had been altered in the mother country.

It can no longer be doubted, from a comparison of the military architecture and other arts of the Etruscans with those of the Greeks, as well as from that of their language and writing, so ably investigated by Lanzi, that the two people had a common origin, or a common source of civilization. This source, in the opinion of the Greeks, was a people called Pelasgi, the last seat of whose prosperity was the country adjacent to the Thessalian Olympus. Driven away from thence about the fifteenth century before the Christian æra, they migrated to Asia, Crete, Epirus, and a part of them to Etruria; where they are said to have been joined, about two centuries afterwards, by a colony from Lydia. We find an evidence of the skill of the Pelasgi in military architecture, in the circumstance of the Athenians having employed some of those who were settled in Attica to fortify the Acropolis: and it is probable that the peculiar style of building exhibited in the walls of many ancient cities, as well in Greece as in Etruria and Italy, and which is the same in all, had its origin in the Pelasgic school. Hellanicus of Lesbus, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, denied that the Etruscans had ever been colonized from Lydia: but in this they were opposed to the general opinion of antiquity, as shown by Herodotus, Strabo, Paterculus, Pliny, Seneca, Plutarch, Appian, Justin, and Tacitus. At the time of the War of Troy, the Pelasgi possessed the fertile plains on the south-eastern side of Mount Ida, and had given the name of the Thessalian Larissa to their chief town. Hom. Il. β. 840. Several other communities in the surrounding parts of Asia Minor were of Pelasgic origin, and Lydia is said to have received one of their colonies. (Plutarch in Romulo, Raoul Rochette Hist. des Colonies Grecques.) Etruria, therefore, in its manners, arts, language, and writing, could not have been very much altered by the addition of a Lydian colony, if any such event ever took place. Among the numerous instances of resemblance between the Etruscan and Æolic Greek adduced by Lanzi, I shall mention one only, as it is illustrated by a discovery of my own. 𐌀𐌐𐌋𐌖 Aplu, we find, by some of the monuments of Etruria, to have been the Etruscan name for Apollo; and Plato, in a passage of the Cratylus referred to by Lanzi, observes that Ἀπλοῦν or Ἀπλὸς was the name of the Thessalian Apollo. Between Larissa and Mount Olympus, in the part of Thessaly which, as late as the time of the Roman empire, was called Pelasgiotis, I found two marbles inscribed with dedications to this deity, ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ. See Lanzi Saggio di Lingua Etrusca, tomo 2. p. 200, 224; Walpole’s Collection of Travels in Turkey, vol. 2. p. 506; Classical Journal, No. 52.

[38] Strabo, p. 568, 576.

[39] Attic. c. 4.

[40] Strabo, p. 571. Paus. _ib._

[41] Herod. l. 1. c. 14. Eusebius places the beginning of the reign of the first Midas in the fourth year of the tenth Olympiad, or 737 B.C.

[42] Herod. l. 1. c. 35.

[43] The first letter of this word appears to be the old gamma, , as written on several ancient monuments. The sixth letter was perhaps a Τ, of which a part of the upper line has been effaced. Upon this supposition, the name in Greek was ΓΑϜΑΤΤΑΗΣ, which bears a resemblance to the royal Lydian names, Sadyattes, Alyattes.

[44] Arrian. ap. Eustath. in Il. ε. p. 429.

[45] An inscription found by Pococke, at Nysa in the valley of the Mæander, qualifies one Artemidorus as Παπὰς τῶν τῆς πόλεως στρατηγῶν, and as Παπὰς ἄρχων. Pococke Inscr. Ant. p. 13.

[46] Lanzi, tom. 2. p. 144.

[47] Strabo, p. 577.

[48] Paus. Att. c. 18.

[49] Strabo, however, informs us that anciently these plains bore olives: he describes the plain of Synnada as an ἐλαιόφυτον πεδίον.

[50] Of pasture there appears from Cicero to have been a great abundance in Asia Minor, even when the country was still famous for the exuberance of its agricultural productions. Asia tam opima est et fertilis ut et ubertate agrorum et diversitate fructuum et magnitudine pastionis, et multitudine earum rerum quæ exportantur, facile omnibus terris antecellat. (Cicero pro lege Manil.) But probably even as early as the time of Cicero, Asia had suffered from the wars and military despotism of the Romans.

[51] Lib. 11. p. 323. Lib. 15. p. 471.

[52] It was a bishoprick under the metropolitan of Synnada, in whose province were also Nacoleia and Dorylæum.

[53] Procop. Hist. Ar. c. 18. Anna Com. ib. A bishop of Polybotum sat in the second Nicene Council, A.D. 787.

[54] Cicero ad Att. l. 5. ep. 20. ad Divers. l. 3. ep. 8.

[55] Cic. ib. et ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.

[56] Σύνναδα δ’ ἔστιν οὐ μεγάλη πόλις· πρόκειται δ’ αὐτῆς ἐλαιόφυτον πεδίον ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων· ἐπέκεινα δ’ ἐστὶ Δοκιμία κώμη καὶ τὸ λατόμιον τοῦ Συνναδικοῦ λίθου· οὕτω μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν οἱ δ’ ἐπιχώριοι Δοκιμίτιν καὶ Δοκιμαῖον, &c. Strabo, p. 577.

[57] Apamiam ... ante adpellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice montis Signiæ, circumfusa Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus, in Mæandrum cadentibus. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

Inde in agrum Sagalassenum.... Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes ad vicum, quem Aporidis Comen vocant, posuit castra ... profectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada venit, metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis, quorum jam præda grave agmen vix quinque millium die toto itinere perfecto, ad Beudos quod vetus appellant pervenit. Ad Anabura inde, &c. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 15.

[58] Ἐπεὶ δὲ κοινή τις ὁδὸς τέτριπται ἅπασι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐξ Ἐφέσου καὶ ταύτην ἔπεισιν. Ἐπὶ μὲν τὰ Κάρουρα τῆς Καρίας ὅριον πρὸς τὴν Φρυγίαν διὰ Μαγνησίας καὶ Τραλλέων, Νύσης, Ἀντιοχείας, ὁδὸς 740 σταδίων. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἡ Φρυγία διὰ Λαοδικείας καὶ Ἀπαμείας καὶ Μητροπόλεως καὶ Χελιδονίων· ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Παρωρείου τοὺς Ὅλμους στάδιοι περὶ 920 ἐκ τῶν Καρούρων· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πρὸς τῇ Λυκαονίᾳ πέρας τῆς Παρωρείου τὸ Τυριάϊον διὰ Φιλομηλίου μικρῷ πλείους τῶν 500. Εἶθ’ ἡ Λυκαονία μέχρι Κοροπασσοῦ διὰ Λαοδικείας τῆς Κατακεκαυμένης 840· ἐκ δὲ Κοροπασσοῦ τῆς Λυκαονίας εἰς Γαρσάουρα, πολίχνιον τῆς Καππαδοκίας, ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἱδρυμένον, 120· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ εἰς Μάζακα, τὴν μητρόπολιν τῶν Καππαδόκων διὰ Σοάνδου καὶ Σαδακόρων 680· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην μέχρι Τομισῶν, χωρίου τῆς Σοφηνῆς διὰ Ἡρφῶν πολίχνης 1440. Artemidorus ap. Strab. p. 663.

[59] Ἡ μὲν οὖν Παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς ἐκτεινομένην ἐπὶ δύσιν· ταύτῃ δ’ ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκέ τι πεδίον μέγα καὶ πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν Φιλομήλιον, ἐκ θατέρου δὲ μέρους Ἀντιόχεια, ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουμένη, ἡ μὲν ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένη πᾶσα, ἡ δ’ ἐπὶ λόφου, ἔχουσα ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων. Strabo, p. 577. It is evident from this passage how greatly the discovery of Antioch of Pisidia would assist the comparative geography of all the adjacent country.

[60] Lib. 15. p. 473.

[61] Lib. 5. c. 2.

[62] The following was the route of Cyrus, according to Xenophon:—

Stathmi. Parasangs.
From Celænæ, afterwards Apameia Cibotus, to Peltæ, 2 or 10
Ceramorum Agora, at the end of Mysia, 2 — 12
Caystri Campus (a city), 3 — 30
Thymbrium, where was the fountain of Midas, 2 — 10
Tyriaium, 2 — 10
Iconium, 3 — 20
Through Lycaonia, 5 — 30
Through Cappadocia to Dana (Tyana), 4 — 25
--------
Total 23 92

In Major Rennell’s work on the Retreat of the Ten Thousand, the reader will see the extreme difficulty of fixing the places on this route. Indeed there seems no mode of reconciling Xenophon with other geographical authorities than by supposing great errors in his numbers; for it is difficult to believe that his Καΰστρου πεδίον is not the same as that which Strabo (p. 629.) describes as watered by the Caystrus and situated on the south side of Mount Tmolus. In like manner there is the greatest reason to think that Thymbrium and the fountain of Midas were on the branch of the Sangarius called Thymbres in the country which formed the kingdom of Midas, and not in the plains between Ak-shehr and Ilgún, where we must place Thymbrium, if we follow the evidence of Xenophon’s numbers. Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this itinerary of Xenophon is so incorrect that very little reliance can be placed on its authority. We have a strong proof of its inaccuracy in the positive assertion of Xenophon, that after he had crossed Mount Taurus, he marched twenty-five parasangs (or about seventy-five miles) in four days through the plain of Tarsus to the city, though Tarsus is only ten miles from the foot of that mountain. Xenophon probably meant four days from the halting-place of Cyrus, afterwards called the plain of Cyrus, on the north side of Taurus, but his words express the former meaning without the smallest ambiguity. Again, he places ten parasangs between Tarsus and the river Sarus, and only five between the Sarus and the Pyramus, although the real distances are nearly equal.

[63] Strabo, p. 534, 537, et seq.

[64] In a rude delineation of the country between Kesaría and Ak-shehr by a bishop of Iconium, published at Vienna in 1812, Bor is written πόρος, which suggests the origin of the word Bor—namely, that it is a Turkish corruption of the Greek πόρος, and that Porus was a suburb of Tyana, so called as being situated at the πόρος, or passage of the river, which now runs through Nigde and Bor into a lake near Erkle. Kílisa also is undoubtedly a Greek name (Κίλισσα, the feminine of Κίλιξ), derived from that of the neighbouring Cappadocian præfecture. The substitution of local names for provincial, and of provincial for local, was a kind of change common among the lower Greeks.

[65] Of course this distance must not be measured horizontally, the road from Mazaca to Tyana being plain, and that from Tyana to the Pylæ very mountainous.

[66] Strabo, ibid.

[67] D’Anville placed Cybistra at Bustere, which he supposed a corruption of the Greek word; but according to Hadjy Khalfa the name is Kostere not Bustere.

[68] See particularly the letter to Marcus Cato. Ep. ad Diversos, l. 15. ep. 4.—and that to Atticus, l. 5. ep. 20.

[69] Ἡ Καππαδοκία ... οἱ δ’ οὖν ὁμόγλωττοι μαλιστά εἰσιν οἱ ἀφοριζόμενοι πρὸς νότον μὲν τῷ Κιλικίῳ λεγομένῳ Ταύρῳ, πρὸς ἕω δὲ τῇ Ἀρμενίᾳ. Strab. p. 533. Ἡ Καταονία ... Περίκειται δ’ ὄρη ἄλλα τε καὶ ὁ Ἄμανος ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς νότον μέρους, ἀπόσπασμα ὂν τοῦ Κιλικίου Ταύρου, καὶ ὁ Ἀντίταυρος εἰς τἀναντία ἀπεῤῥωγώς. Strab. p. 535. Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 6.) describes Antitaurus as the mountain which extends from Taurus to the Euphrates.

[70] Strabo, p. 534.

[71] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[72] Ptolem. ibid.

[73] ... duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram cœptus; ab re nomen habet: non ligni modo quidquam, sed ne spinas quidem, aut ullum aliud alimentum fert ignis. Fimo bubulo pro lignis utuntur. Pococke observes, “They are very much distressed in these parts for fuel, and commonly make use of dried cow-dung.” His remark on the abundance of fine fish in the Sangarius had not escaped the notice of the Latin historian: Sangarius ... non tam magnitudine memorabilis quam quod piscium adcolis ingentem vim præbet. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 18.

The merit of this accuracy, however, is not due to Livy, but to Polybius, from whom the Latin compiler copied this part of his history.

[74] Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν, καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια, ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ καὶ ὀναγρόβοτα, ὑδάτων δὲ σπάνις πολλὴ· ὅπου δὲ καὶ εὑρεῖν δυνατὸν βαθύτατα φρέατα τῶν πάντων, καθάπερ ἐν Σοάτροις, ὅπου καὶ πιπράσκεται τὸ ὕδωρ· ἔστι δὲ κωμόπολις Γαρσαούρων πλησίον· ὅμως δὲ καίπερ ἄνυδρος οὖσα ἡ χώρα πρόβατα ἐκτρέφει θαυμαστῶς, τραχείας δὲ ἐρέας· καί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων μεγίστους πλούτους ἐκτήσαντο. Ἀμύντας δ’ ὑπὲρ 300 ἔσχε ποίμνας ἐν τοῖς τόποις τούτοις. Εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ λίμναι Κώραλις μὲν ἡ μείζων, ἡ δὲ ἐλάττων Τρογῖτις. Ἐνταῦθα δέ που καὶ τὸ Ἰκόνιόν ἐστι, πολίχνιον εὖ συνῳκισμένον καὶ χώραν εὐτυχεστέραν ἔχον τῆς λεχθείσης ὀναγροβότου· τοῦτο δ’ εἴχε Πολέμων. Πλησιάζει δ’ ἤδη τούτοις τοῖς τόποις ὁ Ταῦρος, ὁ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὁρίζων καὶ τὴν Λυκαονίαν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκείμενους Κίλικας τοὺς Τραχειώτας. Λυκαόνων δὲ καὶ Καππαδόκων ὅριόν ἐστι τὸ μεταξὺ Κοροπασσοῦ κώμης Λυκαόνων καὶ Γαρσαούρων πολιχνίου Καππαδόκων. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ μεταξὺ διάστημα τῶν φρουρίων τούτων 120 που στάδιοι. Strabo, p. 568.

For the extract from Artemidorus, relating to the same subject, see page 57.

[75] Hadji Khalfa lived in the middle of the 17th century. Whether any wild asses or wild sheep are still found on the Lycaonian hills, I have never been able to learn; but it is certain that the ὄναγρος, or wild ass, is still hunted on similar hills in many parts of Persia. Naturalists have often confounded this animal with the zebra.

[76] Tab. Peutinger. segm. 6.

[77] Compare Hierocles and the Acts of the Councils of Ephesus, Chalcedon, and Constantinople, with the Notitiæ Græcorum Episcopatuum.

[78] Livy (l. 38. c. 15.) mentions a Caralitis palus; but it seems to have been situated further westward than Karajeli, and near the Cibyratis.

[79] Pococke, in mentioning this inscription in the Narrative of his Travels (vol. 2. part 2. ch. 15.), makes a blunder similar to that which I have noticed relating to another inscription at Afióm Karahissár. He observes, that the inscription at Alekiam contains the word “Amorianorum:” no such word occurs, but “Orcistanorum” is found twice; and the inscription, which is long and curious, and (what is very uncommon with Pococke) tolerably correct, clearly shows that Alekiam is the site of Orcistus.

[80] Notitiæ Episcopatuum Græcorum.

[81] In the Jerusalem Itinerary the places are distinguished by the words Civitas, city; Mutatio, changing-place; Mansio, konák.

[82] These four distances occur again in the Antonine (ed. Wessel, p. 205.), in the road from Ancyra to Cæsareia, or Mazaca, as follows—24, 18, 20, 22; but I have rejected them, because those given in the text from the Antonine are confirmed by the Jerusalem as far as Aspona. On the other hand, the 24 M. P. from Aspona to Parnassus, in the Antonine, is so far confirmed by the 22 of the same itinerary in the road to Cæsareia, as to make it probable that the 35 of the Jerusalem is erroneous.

[83] This part of the route in the Table is very incorrect. Nitazus seems to stand in the place of Corbeus, and _vice versa_; and the _names_ of Ancyra and Archelais are omitted.

[84] This distance is taken from the road from Tyana to Mazaca.

[85] By a route which must have been different from that of the other two itineraries; none of the names being alike.

[86] By assuming (from the Antonine) 16 M. P. for the last stage to Tyana.

[87] Mopsucrene was 12 M. P. short of Tarsus, and was noted for the death of the Emperor Constantius. The name is disfigured in both the Itineraries. For the correction see the authorities quoted in Cellarius, l. 3. c. 7. § 122.; but particularly Ammianus, l. 21. c. 15., compared with Theophanes Chronog. p. 39. The Antonine seems to have confounded Mopsucrene with Mopsuestia; and hence to have omitted the distance between these two places.

[88] Xenoph. Anab. l. 1. c. 2. Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 4. Strabo, p. 539.

[89] According to this authority, the post-station of the Pylæ (mutatio Pylæ) was 24 M. P. from Tarsus.

[90] It should then be read thus,—Tyana ... Aquis Calidis 12 Podando 22 Coriopio 12 in Monte 12 Tarso Ciliciæ. We know from modern travellers, that there are about 12 miles from the foot of the mountain to Tarsus. Coriopium here stands at the same distance from Tarsus as Pylæ in the Jerusalem, and is probably the same place.

[91] I read it thus. Iconium 20 fines Ciliciæ 25 in Monte Tauro 30 Tarso Ciliciæ: thus connecting the extremity, as in the former instance, with the words Tarso Ciliciæ. The number 20 (xx.) ought perhaps to be 120 (cxx).

[92] Tetrapyrgia and Crunæ are named together by the geographer of Ravenna.

[93] The only two that have any appearance of reality are 24 M. P. from Taspa to Isaura, and 33 M. P. from Crunæ to Seleuceia.

[94] Πλησίον δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαγγάριος ποταμὸς ποιεῖται τὴν ῥύσιν· ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν οἰκητήρια Μίδου καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Γορδίου καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν, οὐδ’ ἴχνη σώζονται πόλεων ἀλλὰ κῶμαι μικρῷ μείζους τῶν ἄλλων· οἷόν ἐστι τὸ Γόρδιον.... Strabo, p. 568.

Τὸ δὲ Γόρδιον ἐστὶ μὲν τῆς Φρυγίας τῆς ἐφ’ Ἑλλησπόντου, κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ. Arrian, lib. 1. c. 29.

[95] Strabo, p. 574.

[96] Eckhel. Doct. Num. vet. Bithynia.

[97] Ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ἐν Γαλάταις, ὅνπερ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι Σίβεριν, τῶν μὲν καλουμένων Συκέων ἄγγιστα, πόλεως δὲ Ἰουλιοπόλεως ἀπὸ σημείων μάλιστα δέκα ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[98] De cætero intus in Bithynia colonia Apamena, Agrippenses, Juliopolitæ, Bithynion; flumina, Syrius, Lapsias, Pharmicas, Alces, Crynis, Lilæus, Scopius, Hiera, qui Bithyniam et Galatiam disterminat. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 32.

[99] Civitas Juliopolis 13 M. P. Mutatio Hieron potamon 11 M. P. Agannia (Laganeus) Itin. Hierosol. p. 574. Wessel.

[100] Justinian built a bridge and dyke to preserve the high road from the ravages of the Siberis. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[101] Plin. ubi supr. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1.

[102] Ammian. l. 25. sub fin. Socrat. l. 3. sub fin. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 6. Theodoret, l. 4. c. 5.

[103] Procop. De Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[104] Postero die ad Gordium pervenit. Id haud magnum quidem oppidum est, sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium: tria maria pari ferme distantia intervallo habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius oræ litora, qua Cilices maritimi colunt: multarum magnarumque præterea gentium fines contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum mutui usus contraxere. Liv. l. 38. c. 18.

Phrygia tunc habebat quondam nobilem Midæ regiam; Gordium nomen est urbi, quam Sangarius amnis interfluit pari intervallo Pontico et Cilicio mari distantem. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.

These observations of Livy and Curtius may be taken as examples of the extreme negligence and inaccuracy often shown by the Latin authors in matters of fact relating to foreign countries. It could hardly have been unknown at Rome in their time, that Gordium was not half so distant from the Propontis or Euxine as from the Ægæan or Cilician sea.

[105]

Iter a Pesinunte Ancyram 99 M. P.
---------
Sic Germa 16
Vindia 24
Papira 32
Ancyra 27
---------
Iter a Dorylao Ancyra 141 M. P.
---------
Sic Arcelaio 30
Germa 20
Vindia 32
Papira 32
Ancyra 27

The 32 to Vindia is an error for 24, as appears by the numbers in the former list agreeing with the total: 32 seems by a mistake of the copier to have been written twice.

[106] Polyb. l. 22. c. 20. Liv. l. 38. c. 18. Strabo, p. 567. Herodian (in the Life of Commodus) says that Pessinus was on the Gallus: but we know from Strabo that the Gallus was that branch of the Sakaría which waters the valley of Léfke. The mistake of Herodian is easily accounted for:—The Gallus being a very important branch of the Sangarius, the united stream was often known by the former name; as we observe in Ammianus,—who in coupling the Gallus with the lake Sophon, which we know from some passages in the Byzantine history to have been the lake of Sabanja,—evidently means by the Gallus the lower part of the Sangarius. In process of time the name Gallus became applied to the whole course of the Sangarius as far as its sources. The same thing happened to the Scamander at Troy, the name of which between the time of Homer and that of Antiochus the Great had become attached not only to the part below the junction of the two rivers, but to that also above it, as far even as the sources of the Homeric Simoeis.

[107] Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Tab. Peutinger, seg. 6.

[108] Strabo, p. 567.

[109] Liv. l. 38 c. 18.

[110] Ammian. l. 22. c. 9.

[111] Strabo, p. 567.

[112] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[113] Pococke, however, observes, that the river was “small” where he crossed it, “being near the sources.”

[114] Zonar. Ann. l. 15. c. 29.

[115] Geogr. Nubiens. (Clim. 5. pars 5.)

[116] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καὶ Κοτιάειον, καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις.... Ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς Ἐπικτήτου πρὸς νότον ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη Φρυγία λείπουσα ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Λυκαονίαν, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ Μαίονας καὶ Λύδους καὶ Κᾶρας· ἐν ᾗ ἐστιν ἥτε Παρώρειος λεγομένη Φρυγία καὶ ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ἀμόριον καὶ Εὐμένειαν καὶ Σύνναδα. Strabo, p. 576.

[117] Anna Comn. l. 15. p. 470.

[118] Τεκτόσαγες δὲ τὰ πρὸς τῇ μεγάλῃ Φρυγίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ Ὀρκαορυκούς. Strabo, p. 567.

[119] Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν πρὸς νότον ἥτε λίμνη ἐστὶν ἡ Τάττα, παρακειμένη τῇ μεγάλῃ Καππαδοκίᾳ τῇ κατὰ τοὺς Μοριμηνοὺς, μέρος δ’ οὖσα τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας· καὶ ἡ συνεχὴς ταύτῃ μέχρι τοῦ Ταύρου, ἧς τὴν πλείστην Ἀμύντας εἶχεν.... Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ, &c. Strabo, p. 568.

[120] Stephan. in Πίτνισσα.

[121] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4.

[122] Liv. l. 38. c. 15 et seq.

[123] The _chief_ town of the Tolistobogii, however, in the time of Strabo, was not Tolistochora, but Pessinus. Ancyra, according to the arrangement of Augustus, was the chief town of the Tectosages, who occupied the central part of Galatia, and Tavium was that of Trocmi, who possessed the eastern part of the province. Strabo, p. 567.

[124] A bishop of Perta sat in the Second Nicene Council, A.D. 787.

[125] By the description of Mr. Kinneir it appears that Argæus is not less than 8 or 9000 feet above the sea; for it was covered with snow to a great distance below the summit in October: Strabo’s expression, therefore, of ὅρος πάντων ὑψηλότατος may, perhaps, apply to it with truth, if we confine his observation to the countries between the Caucasus and the Alps.

[126] Karasi, Sarukhan, Aidin, Kermian. See Niceph. Greg. l. 7. c. 1. Chalcocond. l. 1. p. 7.

[127] Act. Apost. c. 14.

[128] Cicero speaks of him with more respect: “Cum Antipatro Derbete mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas intercedit.”—Ep. ad Div. l. 13. ep. 73.

[129] Strabo, p. 534, 567.

[130] Τῆς δὲ Ἰσαυρικῆς ἐστιν ἐν πλευραῖς, ἡ Δέρβη, μάλιστα ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ ἐπιπεφυκὸς, τὸ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τυραννεῖον τοῦ Δερβήτου· τούτου δ’ ἦν καὶ τὰ Λάρανδα. Strabo, p. 569.

[131] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[132] Stephan. in Δέρβη.

[133] There is a similar keep at Launceston in Cornwall.

[134] Apollodorus, l. 3. c. 4.

[135] Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.

[136] Strabo, p. 668.

[137] Basil of Seleucia, in the Life of Thecla.

[138] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

[139] Claudiopolis, quam dedux coloniam Claudius Cæsar. Ammian. l. 15. c. 25.

[140] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[141] It was founded by Hugh Lusignan the Third: for a description of it see the work of Mariti, who visited Cyprus in 1762.

[142] See Mariti, Drummond, and Pococke.

[143] This is the Mount Andriclus which Strabo places above Charadrus.

[144] In some parts of the modern wall are remains of Hellenic masonry, of the kind often called Cyclopian.

[145] Josaphat Barbaro, who was sent by the Venetian government into Persia, and who published a description of his journey, assisted at the capture of Corycus and Seleuceia by a squadron under Pietro Mocenigo. The work of Barbaro was printed at the Aldine press in 1543.

[146] The following words are distinguished upon one of the architraves.... ΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ... ΚΑΙΣΑΡΙ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΩΙ. On another architrave is recorded the name of a person who had bequeathed land for restoring the city, and from the profits of which the temple had been rebuilt. Ἐκ τῆς προσόδου τῶν ἀγρῶν, ὧν ἀπέλιπεν εἰς ἐπισκευὴν τῆς πόλεως Κλεόστρατος υἱὸς πόλεως, φύσει δὲ Τελλικόντος, ἐπεσκευάσθη.

[147] Mount Solyma, then distant about sixty miles.

[148] In passing by sea from Aláya to Castel Rosso, I was obliged to follow the coast of the gulf of Adália, the sailors being afraid, in this season, of crossing directly to Cape Khelidóni. This practice has been common among the Greek seamen of every age, and was anciently expressed by the word κατακολπίζω. After having been detained three days in the mouth of a river, to the westward of Menavgát, I passed within sight of the mouth of the river Dudén, not far to the eastward of Adália, and I observed that it discharged itself into the sea by a perpendicular fall over a high cliff. This singularity accounts for the name Catarrhactes, anciently given to it.

[149] This is evident upon comparing it with the fragments of the 22d book of Polybius, as well as from the confession of Livy himself in several places.

[150] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καί Κοτιάειον καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις καὶ Κάδοι· τοὺς δὲ Κάδους ἔνιοι τῆς Μυσίας φασίν. Strabo, p. 576.

[151] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

[152] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 31. c. 10.

[153] Arrian ubi supra.

Μιλύας δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Τερμησσὸν στενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου ὑπερθέσεως δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Σίνδα, παρατείνουσα ὀρεινὴ μέχρι Σαγαλασσοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀπαμέων χώρας. Strabo, p. 631.

Ὑπέρκειται δ’ αὐτῆς (scil. Phaselidis) τὰ Σόλυμα ὄρος καὶ Τερμησσὸς, Πισιδικὴ πόλις, ἐπικειμένη τοῖς στενοῖς, δι’ ὧν ὑπέρβασίς ἐστιν εἰς τὴν Μιλυάδα. Strabo, p. 666.

In Arrian the names are Salagassus and Telmissus, but improperly, as the coins of the two cities show. Stephanus says there was a greater and lesser Termissus in Pisidia, which is confirmed by the coins with the legend, Τερμησσέων τῶν μειζόνων. (Eckhel and Mionnet in Pisidia.)

[154] Strabo, p. 573, 630.

[155] ... τὰ μέχρι Καρούρων εἴρηται. Τὰ δ’ ἐξῆς ἐστὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς δύσιν, ἡ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πόλις τῶν ἐπὶ Μαιάνδρῳ, τῆς Καρίας ἤδη· τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον ἡ Κίβυρά ἐστιν ἡ μεγάλη, καὶ ἡ Σίνδα καὶ ἡ Καβαλὶς, μεχρὶ τοῦ Ταύρου καὶ τῆς Λυκίας. Strabo, p. 630.

... τῆς Νυσαΐδος, ἥ ἐστι χώρα κατὰ τὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πέραν μέχρι τῆς Κιβυράτιδος καὶ τῆς Καβαλίδος. Strabo, p. 629.

[156] Strabo, p. 631. Liv. l. 38. c. 14.

[157] Compare the preceding passages of Strabo, pp. 629, 630, with those of pp. 651, 665, where he says that a branch of Taurus occupied all Lycia, from the Cibyratis to Peræa of the Rhodii, and that Tlos a Lycian city stood near the pass leading to Cibyra.

[158] Strabo, p. 631.

[159] Hierocl. Synecd.

[160] Polyb. l. 5. c. 72.

[161] In the year before Christ 219.

[162] Strabo, p. 667.

[163] ... οἱ Σελγεῖς οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἀξιολογώτατοι τῶν Πισιδῶν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν πλέον αὐτῶν μέρος τὰς ἀκρωρείας τοῦ Ταύρου κατέχει· τινὲς δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ Σίδης καὶ Ἀσπένδου, Παμφυλικῶν πόλεων, κατέχουσι γεώλοφα χωρία, ἐλαιόφυτα πάντα· τὰ δ’ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀρεινὰ ἤδη, Κατεννεῖς, ὅμοροι Σελγεῦσι καὶ Ὁμοναδεῦσι· Σαγαλασσεῖς δ’ ἐπὶ τὰ ἐντὸς τὰ πρὸς τῇ Μιλυάδι. Strabo, p. 569.

[164] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[165]

Τοῖς δ’ ἔπι Πισιδέων λιπαρὸν πέδον, ἧχι πόληες
Τερμισσὸς Λύρβη τε καὶ ἣ ἐπολίσσατο λαὸς
Πρίν ποτ’ Ἀμυκλαίων, μεγαλώνυμος ἐν χθονὶ Σέλγη.

Dionys. Perieg. v. 858.

[166] Strabo, p. 569.

[167] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 570. Liv. l. 38. c. 15. Arrian, l. 1. c. 28.

[168] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

[169] See Note [163], p. 149.

[170] See Note [153], p. 146.

[171] Ἀμύντας ... πολλὰ χωρία ἐξεῖλεν ἀπόρθητα πρότερον ὄντα, ὧν καὶ Κρήμνα. τὸ δὲ Σανδάλιον οὐδ’ ἐνεχείρησε βίᾳ προσάγεσθαι, μεταξὺ κείμενον τῆς τε Κρήμνης καὶ Σαγαλασσοῦ. Τὴν μὲν οὖν Κρήμναν ἄποικοι Ῥωμαίων ἔχουσι. Σαγαλασσὸς δ’ ἐστὶν ὑπὸ τῷ αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὑφ’ ᾧ καὶ ἡ Ἀμύντου βασιλεία πᾶσα· διέχει δ’ Ἀπαμείας ἡμέρας ὁδὸν, κατάβασιν ἔχουσα σχεδόν τι καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος· καλοῦσι δ’ αὐτὴν καὶ Σέλγησσον. Strabo, p. 569.

[172] Κρήμναν ... ἐν ἀποκρήμνῳ τε κειμένην καὶ κατὰ μέρος χαράδραις βαθυτάταις ὀχυρωμένην. Zosim. l. 1. c. 69.

[173] “A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque Caularem amnem, posuit castra. Postero die est præter Caralitin paludem agmen ductum; ad Mandropolim manserunt; inde progredientibus ad Lagon, proximam urbem metu incolæ fugerunt; inde ab Lysis fluminis fonte, postero die ad Cobulatum (ap. Polyb. Κολοβάτον) amnem progressi. Termessenses eo tempore Isiondensium arcem, urbe capta, oppugnabant.... Volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam divertendi oblata est; adveniens obsidione Isiondenses exemit. Termesso pacem dedit, 50 talentis argenti acceptis: item Aspendiis cæterisque Pamphyliæ populis. Ex Pamphylia rediens ad fluvium Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen comen posuit castra. Profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa (ap. Polyb. Κύρμασα) urbem pervenit. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam ... desertam ... invenit. Progredienti præter paludes (ap. Polyb. τὴν λίμνην) legati ab Lysinoe dedentes urbem venerunt. Deinde in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem fertilemque omni genere frugum, ventum est. Colunt Pisidæ, longe optimi bello regionis hujus: quum ea res animos facit, tum agri fœcunditas, et multitudo hominum, et situs inter paucas munitæ urbis.... Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes, ad vicum, quem Aporidos comen vocant, posuit castra. Eo Seleucus ab Apamea postero die venit. Ægros inde et inutilia impedimenta quum Apameam dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis, profectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada,” &c. Liv. l. 38. c. 15.

[174] Compare the preceding Note with those in pp. 146, 147, 158. Artemidorus (ap. Strabon. p. 570) includes Sinda among the cities of Pisidia. Stephanus calls it a city of Lycia.

[175] Strabo, p. 570.

[176] Strabo, p. 576.

[177] Strabo, p. 627.

[178] “Inde (ab Antiochia ad Mæandrum) ad Gordiutichos, quod vocant, processum est; ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris perventum: in finibus Pisidarum posita est urbs, in ea parte, quæ vergit ad Pamphylium mare.” Liv. l. 38. c. 13.

[179] See the Note page 152.

[180] Strabo, p. 576. See Note [187], p. 158.—Ptolemy places it in the same part of the country with Cibyra, Hierapolis and Apameia. By Hierocles it is named among the towns of Phrygia Pacatiana, together with Laodiceia, Colossæ and Hierapolis.

[181] See Note, p. 152.

[182] Strabo, p. 577.

[183] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 2. c. 14.

[184] I have somewhat enlarged Pococke’s computation of miles, as I find, in the sequel of his route to A´ngura, that (contrary to the common error of travellers) it is generally below the truth. He computes about 100 English miles from Karahissár to A´ngura; whereas the distance is little less than 120 G. M. in direct distance.

[185] The beginning of this inscription is imperfect: it ends in a form common upon sepulchral monuments, by subjecting the violator of the tomb to a fine, payable to the treasury of the city, and another sum to the Council.

......................
......................
ΦΙΣΚΟΝ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ ΔΙΣΧΕΙΛΙΑ ΚΑΙ
ΤΗ ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ Β. Φ

Pococke copied the third letter of the lower line Σ instead of Ε, which was probably the cause of his failing to discover the ancient name of Ishekle. Εὐμενεύς is the ethnic adjective of Eumeneia in Stephanus, and ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ is the legend on the coins of that city. Another inscription at Ishekle supported a statue of Marcus Aurelius, τὸν ἴδιον θεὸν εὐεργέτην. And a third attests the worship at that place, among other deities, of the _dæmon Angdistis_, ΑΝΓΔΙΣΤΕΩΣ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΟΣ, under which name the _mother_ of the gods was adored at Pessinus. Her worship in the country adjacent to the Mæander may be inferred from Pliny, who alludes to her epithet of Berecynthia in the passage in which he speaks of Eumenia: “Est Eumenia Cludro flumini apposita, Glaucus amnis. Lysias oppidum et Orthosia, Berecynthius tractus, Nysa, Tralles,” &c. l. 5. c. 29.

[186] Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Phrygia.

[187] P. 576. “To the south of Phrygia Epictetus,” he says, “is Great Phrygia, which has Pessinus and Lycaonia on the right, the Mæones, Lydians and Carians on the left: it contains Phrygia Paroreius and the part towards Pisidia, and the country about Amorium, and Synnada and Eumeneia, Apameia surnamed Cibotus, and Laodiceia, which are the two greatest of the Phrygian cities, and around which are other smaller towns, Aphrodisias, Colossæ, Themisonium, Sanaus, Metropolis, Apollonias; and still further off Peltæ, Tabæ, Eucarpia, Lysias:” the “still further off” (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω τούτων) is however not geographically accurate in regard to all the places mentioned.

[188] Κελαινὰς.... Ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας.... Διὰ μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ, ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὸν Μαίανδρον. Xenoph. Cyri Exp. l. 1. c. 2.

Xenophon adds that Celænæ was a large and flourishing city; that the palace and acropolis were built by Xerxes on his return from Greece; that the park was full of wild beasts which Cyrus hunted for the exercise of himself and his horses; that the Marsyas rose in a cavern, where Apollo hung up the skin of Marsyas; and that the breadth of the Marsyas was 25 feet.

[189] Ἀλέξανδρος ... ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Κελαινὰς πεμπταῖος. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς Κελαιναῖς ἄκρα ἦν πάντη ἀπότομος. Alexander gladly came to terms with the people on account of the strength of the citadel. (ἄπορον πάντη προσφέρεσθαι τὴν ἄκραν.) Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

Alexander ... ad urbem Celænas exercitum admovit. Mediam illa tempestate interfluebat Marsyas amnis.... Fons ejus ex summo montis cacumine excurrens in subjectam petram magno strepitu aquarum cadit.... Alexander ... arcem oppugnare adortus caduceatorem præmisit ... illi caduceatorem in turrim et situ et opere multum editam perductum, quanta esset altitudo intueri jubent, &c. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.

[190] ... ἐς Κελαινάς· ἵνα πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ, καὶ ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει ἐὸν Καταῤῥήκτης, ὃς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων ἀνατέλλων, ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ. Herod. l. 7. c. 26.

[191] Ἵδρυται δὲ ἡ Ἀπάμεια ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ· καὶ ῥεῖ διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ὁ ποταμὸς, τὰς ἄρχας ἀπὸ τῆς (παλαιᾶς) πόλεως ἔχων· κατενεχθεὶς δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ προάστειον σφοδρῷ καὶ κατωφερεῖ τῷ ῥεύματι, συμβάλλει πρὸς τὸν Μαίανδρον, προσειληφότα καὶ ἄλλον ποταμὸν Ὀργᾶν, δι’ ὁμαλοῦ φερόμενον πρᾷον καὶ μαλακόν·.... Ἄρχεται δὲ (ὁ Μαίανδρος) ἀπὸ Κελαινῶν, λόφου τινὸς ἐν ᾧ πόλις ἦν ὁμώνυμος τῷ λόφῳ. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἀναστήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁ Σωτὴρ Ἀντίοχος εἰς τὴν νῦν Ἀπάμειαν, &c.——Ὑπέρκειται δὲ καὶ λίμνη φύουσα κάλαμον, τὸν εἰς τὰς γλώττας τῶν αὐλῶν ἐπιτήδειον, ἐξ ἧς ἀπολείβεσθαί φασι τὰς πηγὰς ἀμφοτέρας, τήν τε τοῦ Μαρσύου καὶ τὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου. Strabo, p. 578.

[192] Consul (Cn. Manlius) ... ad Antiochiam super Mæandrum amnem posuit castra. Hujus amnis fontes Celænis oriuntur. Celænæ urbs caput quondam Phrygiæ fuit: migratum inde haud procul veteribus Celænis, novæque urbi Apameæ nomen inditum.... Et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Mæandri fontibus oriens, in Mæandrum cadit. Famaque ita tenet Celænis Marsyam cum Apolline tibiarum cantu certasse. Mæander, ex arce summa Celænarum ortus, media urbe decurrens, per Caras primum, deinde Ionas, in sinum maris editur, qui inter Prienen et Miletum est. Liv. l. 38. c 38.

[193] Tertius (Asiæ Conventus) Apamiam vadit, ante appellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice Montis Signiæ, circumfusis Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus in Mæandrum cadentibus. Marsyas ibi redditur ortus ac paullo mox conditus; ubi certavit tibiarum cantu cum Apolline, Aulocrenis ita vocatur, convallis decem millia passuum ab Apamia Phrygiam petentibus.... Amnis Mæander ortus e lacu in monte Aulocrene.... Apamenam primum pervagatur regionem mox Eumeniticam, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[194] Φρύγες οἱ περί Κελαινάς νεμόμενοι τιμῶσι ποταμοὺς δύο, Μαρσύαν καὶ Μαίανδρον. εἶδον τοὺς ποταμούς. ἀφίησιν αὐτοὺς πηγὴ μία, ἣ προελθοῦσα ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος ἀφανίζεται κατὰ νώτου τῆς πόλεως κᾳὖθις ἐκδιδοῖ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, διελοῦσα τοῖς ποταμοῖς καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα. ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Λυδίας ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος, ὁ δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰ πεδία ἀναλίσκεται. Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 8.

He then proceeds to relate a tale resembling that which Strabo has told us of the Alpheius and Eurotas, and which shews that the sources of the Mæander and Marsyas were exactly circumstanced as those of the two Peloponnesian rivers, described by Pausanias (Arcad. c. 43.) and Strabo (p. 343), and the accuracy of whose description I have myself ascertained. Those celebrated streams issue from separate sources at the foot of a mountain, behind which, in the elevated plain of Asea, is a rivulet, which, after crossing that plain, runs through a small lake into the mountain. This rivulet was anciently reputed to be the common origin of the two rivers; and it was believed (but apparently not by Strabo himself), that if offerings to the two river-gods were thrown into this stream, each offering would re-appear at the source of the river for the god of which it was destined by the sacrificer. Maximus Tyrius improves upon the similar story relating to the Mæander, by adding, that if a joint offering was thrown in for both the gods, it was divided in its passage through the mountain, and a portion appeared at each of the lower sources.

[195] See Eckhel and Mionnet in Phrygia.

[196] Strabo, p. 579.

[197] M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation of Chandler, thinks that the words of Pliny cited above, warrant the supposition that Apameia was ten miles distant from the site of Celænæ. I cannot perceive any such meaning in them: on the contrary, I think it clearly appears from Strabo, that both the rivers ran through Celænæ, and that they united in the suburb, which afterwards became the new city Apameia. The removal of Grecian cities, from the strong positions of the ancient independent republics, to neighbouring situations more commodious but less defensible, was a common occurrence on the decline of the republican system in Greece, and on the prevalence of monarchy; and it was a natural consequence of that change of system. The removal was generally attended with a change of name, which flattered the Macedonian or Roman prince under whom the removal took place. It often occurred, also, that a new name was given upon the mere occasion of a repair, when there was no change of situation.

[198] See Rennell’s Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus.

[199] Stephan. in Ἀπολλωνία.

[200] Τὴν γὰρ Ἀντιόχειαν ἔχων τὴν πρὸς τῇ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι Ἀπολλωνιάδος, τῆς πρὸς Ἀπαμείᾳ τῇ Κιβωτῷ &c. Strabo, p. 569.

[201] Strabo, ibid.—Tacit. Ann. l. 3. c. 48.

[202] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. Similar assemblies were held at Cibyra, Synnada, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Alabanda, Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardes, Adramyttium, and Pergamum.

[203] Between Eumenia and the number which marks the miles from thence to _ad vicum_, which seems to have been a small place between Eumenia and Apameia,—occurs the word Pella. I am quite unable to explain what this means. I thought at first it was a mistake for Peltæ, an important town situated in this part of Phrygia; but it is impossible to find room for Peltæ and the great Peltene plain between Ishékle and Dinglar.

[204] Ptolemy, l. 5. c. 2.

[205] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[206] Stephan. de Urb. in Εὐκαρπία.

[207] Cicero pro Flacco, c. 15.

[208] It was also called Hellespontine Phrygia, although totally divided from the Hellespont by Mysia. Hence it would seem that the part of Mysia lying between mount Olympus and the Caicus was included at one time in the district of Hellespontus; which at that time extended from the Hellespont to the Thymbres.

[209] Strabo, p. 576.

[210] Strabo ibid. See Note, p. 145.—Ptolemy ascribes Cadi and two other towns to the Erizeli, a people of Mæonia, on the borders of Mysia, Lydia and Phrygia.

[211] Strabo, p. 629.

[212] The survey having been reduced to a tenth of Captain Beaufort’s scale in the map which accompanies the present volume, the latter may in some instances, perhaps, be found inadequate to illustrate the geographical remarks in the following chapter; which were constantly made with a reference to the survey itself. In all such difficulties, which it is hoped will not be found numerous, the reader is necessarily referred to the original authority.

[213] Strabo, p. 664.

[214] Strabo here means to allude to the mention of these two places by Homer.

[215] See Strabo, p. 533 et seq. and page 64 of this volume.

[216] ... Τλῶν, κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τὴν εἰς Κίβυραν κειμένην. Artemid. ap. Strab. p. 665.

[217] Liv. l. 37. c. 17.

[218] Arrian. de Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 24.

[219] Appian. Bel. Civ. l. 4. c. 82.

[220] Panegyr. §. 41.

[221] Ptol. l. 5. c. 3.

[222] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.

[223] Stephan. in Δολιχίστη et Μεγίστη.

[224] With a little correction it was as follows; but the beginning of the third line still wants explanation:

ΣΩΣΙΚΛΗΣ ΝΙΚΑΡΟΤΑ
ΣΑΜΙΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΑΤΗΣΑΣ
ΕΝΤΕΚΑΣΤΑΒΙ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙ
ΤΟΥ ΠΥΡΓΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΜΕ-
-ΓΙΣΤΑΙ ΕΡΜΑΙ ΠΡΟΠΥ-
-ΛΑΙΩΙ ΧΑΡΙΣΤΗΡΙΟΝ