Chapter D (4)

The Dudekulas are described by Mr. W. Francis [110] as "a Muhammadan caste of cotton-cleaners, and rope and tape-makers. They are either converts to Islam, or the progeny of unions between Musalmans and the women of the country. Consequently they generally speak the Dravidian languages--either Canarese or Telugu--but some of them speak Hindustani also. Their customs are a mixture of those of the Musalmans and the Hindus. Inheritance is apparently according to Muhammadan law. They pray in mosques, and circumcise their boys, and yet some of them observe the Hindu festivals. They worship their tools at Bakrid and not at the Dasara; they raise the azan or Muhammadan call to prayers at sunset, and they pray at the tombs of Musalman saints." In the Vizagapatam district, the Dudekulas are described as beating cotton, and blowing horns.

For the following note on the Dudekulas of the Ceded Districts, I am indebted to Mr. Haji Khaja Hussain. They claim Bava Faqrud-din Pir of Penukonda in the Anantapur district as their patron saint. Large numbers of Muhammadans, including Dudekulas, collect at the annual festival (mela) at his shrine, and offer their homage in the shape of a fatiha. This, meaning opener, is the name of the first chapter of the Koran, which is repeated when prayers are offered for the souls of the departed. For this ceremony a pilau, made of flesh, rice and ghi (clarified butter) is prepared, and the Khazi repeats the chapter, and offers the food to the soul of the deceased saint or relation.

The story of Faqrud-din Pir is as follows. He was born in A.H. 564 (about A.D. 1122), and was King of Seistan in Persia. One day, while he was administering justice, a merchant brought some horses before him for sale. His attention was diverted, and he became for a time absorbed in contemplation of the beauty of one of the horses. Awakening from his reverie, he blamed himself for allowing his thoughts to wander when he was engaged in the most sacred of his duties as a king. He summoned a meeting of all the learned moulvis in his kingdom, and enquired of them what was the penalty for his conduct. They unanimously decreed that he should abdicate. Accordingly he placed his brother on the throne, and, becoming a dervish, came to India, and wandered about in the jungles. Eventually he arrived at Trichinopoly, and there met the celebrated saint Tabri-Alam, whose disciple he became. After his admission into holy orders, he was told to travel about, and plant his miswak wherever he halted, and regard the place where it sprouted as his permanent residence. The miswak, or tooth-brush, is a piece of the root of the pilu tree (Salvadora persica), which is used by Muhammadans, and especially Fakirs, for cleaning the teeth. When Bava Faqrud-din arrived at Penukonda hill, he, as usual, planted the miswak, which sprouted. He accordingly decided to make this spot his permanent abode. But there was close by an important Hindu temple, and the idea of a Muhammadan settling close to it enraged the Hindus, who asked him to leave. He not only refused to do so, but allowed his disciples, of whom a number had collected, to slaughter a sacred bull belonging to the temple. The Hindus accordingly decided to kill Faqrud-din and his disciples. The Raja collected an armed force, and demanded the restoration of the bull. Faqrud-din ordered one of his disciples to bring before him the skin, head, feet and tail of the animal, which had been preserved. Striking the skin with his staff, he exclaimed "Rise, Oh! bull, at the command of God." The animal immediately rose in a complete state of restoration, and would not leave the presence of his preserver. Alarmed at this miracle, the Hindus brandished their swords and spears, and were about to fall on the Muhammadans, when a dust-storm arose and blinded them. In their confusion, they began to slay each other, and left the spot in dismay. The Raja then resolved to kill the Muhammadans by poisoning them. He prepared some cakes mixed with poison, and sent them to Faqrud-din for distribution among his disciples. The saint, though he knew that the cakes were poisoned, partook thereof of himself, as also did his disciples, without any evil effect. A few days afterwards, the Raja was attacked with colic, and his case was given up by the court physicians as hopeless. As a last resort, he was taken before Faqrud-din, who offered him one of the poisoned cakes, which cured him. Falling at his feet, the Raja begged for pardon, and offered the village of Penukonda to Faqrud-din as a jaghir (annuity). This offer was declined, and the saint asked that the temple should be converted into a mosque. The Raja granted this request, and it is said that large numbers of Hindus embraced the Muhammadan religion, and were the ancestors of the Dudekulas.

The Dudekulas, like the Hindus, like to possess some visible symbol for worship, and they enrol great personages who have died among the number of those at whose graves they worship. So essential is this grave worship that, if a place is without one, a grave is erected in the name of some saint. Such a thing has happened in recent times in Banganapalle. A Fakir, named Alla Bakhsh, died at Kurnool. A Dudekula of the Banganapalle State visited his grave, took away a lump of earth from the ground near it, and buried it in a village ten miles from Banganapalle. A shrine was erected over it in the name of the saint, and has become very famous for the miracles which are performed at it. An annual festival is held, which is attended by large numbers of Muhammadans and Dudekulas.

Some Dudekulas have names which, though at first sight they seem to be Hindu, are really Muhammadan. For example, Kambannah is a corruption of Kamal Sahib, and Sakali, which in Telugu means a washerman, seems to be an altered form of Sheik Ali. Though Dudekulas say that they are Muhammadans of the Sheik sect, the name Sheik is only occasionally used as a prefix, e.g., Sheik Hussain or Sheik Ali. Names of males are Hussain Sa, Fakir Sa, and Khasim Sa. Sa is an abbreviated form of Sahib. One old Dudekula stated that the title Sahib was intended for pucka (genuine) Muhammadans, and that the Dudekulas could not lay claim to the title in its entirety. Instead of Sa, Bhai, meaning brother, is sometimes used as a suffix to the name, e.g., Ghudu Bhai. Ghudu, meaning ash-heap, is an opprobrious name given to children of those whose offspring have died young, in the hope of securing long life to them. The child is taken, immediately after birth, to an ash-heap, where some of the ashes are sprinkled over it. Some Dudekulas adopt the Hindu termination appa (father), anna (brother), or gadu, e.g., Pullanna, Naganna, Yerkalappa, Hussaingadu, Hussainappa. Typical names of females are Roshamma, Jamalamma, and Madaramma. They have dropped the title Bibi or Bi, and adopted the Hindu title amma (mother).

The ceremony of naming a child is generally performed on the sixth day after its birth. The choice of a name is entrusted to an elderly female member of the family. In some cases, the name of a deceased ancestor who lived to an advanced age is taken. If a child dies prematurely, there is a superstitious prejudice against its name, which is avoided by the family. Very frequently a father and son, and sometimes two or three brothers, have the same name. In such a case prefixes are added to their names as a means of distinguishing them, e.g., Pedda (big), Nadpi (middle), Chinna (little). Sometimes two names are assumed by an individual, one a Hindu name for every day use, the other Muhammadan for ceremonial occasions.

The Dudekulas depend for the performance of their ceremonies largely on the Khazi, by whom even the killing of a fowl for domestic purposes has to be carried out. The Dudekula, like other Muhammadans, is averse to taking animal life without due religious rites, and the zabh, or killing of an animal for food, is an important matter. One who is about to do so should first make vazu (ablution), by cleaning his teeth and washing his mouth, hands, face, forearms, head and feet. He should then face the west, and an assistant holds the animal to be slaughtered upside down, and facing west. Water is poured into its mouth, and the words Bismilla hi Alla hu Akbar uttered. The operator then cuts the throat, taking care that the jugular veins are divided. In remote villages, where a Khazi is not available, the Dudekulas keep a sacrificial knife, which has been sanctified by the Khazi repeating over it the same words from the Koran as are used when an animal is slaughtered.

The first words which a Muhammadan child should hear are those of the azan, or call to prayer, which are uttered in its ear immediately after birth. This ceremony is observed by those Dudekulas who live in towns or big villages, or can afford the services of a Khazi. It is noted by Mr. Francis that the Dudekulas raise the azan at sunset. A few, who have been through a course of religious instruction at a Madrasa (school), may be able to do this. A Muhammadan is supposed to raise the azan five times daily, viz., before sunrise, between noon and 3 P.M., between 4 and 6 P.M., at sunset, and between 8 P.M. and midnight.

At the naming of an infant on the sixth day, the Dudekulas do not, like other Muhammadans, perform the aguiga ceremony, which consists of shaving the child's head, and sacrificing a he-goat. Children are circumcised before the tenth year. On such occasions the Muhammadans generally invite their friends, and distribute sweets and pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nuts). The Dudekulas simply send for a barber, Hindu or Muhammadan, who performs the operation in the presence of a Khazi, if one happens to be available. When a girl reaches puberty, the Dudekulas invite their friends to a feast. Other Muhammadans, on the contrary, keep the fact a secret.

At the betrothal ceremony, when sweets and pan-supari are taken by the future bridegroom and his party to the house of the girl whom he seeks in marriage, the female members of both families, and the girl herself, are present. This fact shows the absence of the Muhammadan gosha system among Dudekulas. A Muhammadan wedding lasts over five or six days, whereas the ceremonies are, among the Dudekulas, completed within twenty-four hours. On the night preceding the nikka day, a pilau is prepared, and a feast is held at the bridegroom's house. On the following morning, when it is still dark, the bridegroom, accompanied by his relations, starts on horseback in procession, with beating of drums and letting off of fireworks. The procession arrives at the bride's house before sunrise. The Khazi is sent for, and the mahr is settled. This is a nominal gift settled on the wife before marriage by the bridegroom. On the death of a husband, a widow has priority of claim on his property to the promised amount of the mahr. Two male witnesses are sent to the bride, to obtain her assent to the union, and to the amount of the mahr. The Khazi, being an orthodox Muhammadan, treats the Dudekula bride as strictly gosha for the time being, and, therefore, selects two of her near relatives as witnesses. The lutcha (marriage badge), consisting of a single or double string of beads, is brought in a cup filled with sandal paste.

The Khazi chants the marriage service, and sends the lutcha in to the bride with his blessing. It is tied round her neck by the female relations of the bridegroom, and the marriage rites are over.

The usual Muhammadan form of greeting among Muhammadans is the familiar "Peace be with you." "And with you be peace." When a Dudekula greets a Muhammadan, he simply bows, and, with members of his own community, uses a Telugu form of salutation, e.g., niku mokkutamu.

The Dudekulas, male and female, dress exactly like Hindus, but, as a rule, the men do not shave their beard.

Disputes, and social questions affecting the community, are settled by a Khazi.

With the increase in cotton mills, and the decline of the indigenous hand-weaving industry, the demand for cotton-cleaning labour has diminished, and some Dudekulas have, of necessity, taken to agriculture. Land-owners are very scarce among them, but some are abkari (liquor) contractors, village schoolmasters, and quack doctors. In the Ceded Districts, the cotton-cleaning industry is solely confined to the Dudekulas.

The synonyms of Dudekula, Ladaf and Nurbash, recorded at times of census, are corruptions of Nad-daf (a cotton dresser) and Nurbaf (weaving).

Dudi.--A title of Kurumos, who officiate as priests at the temples of village deities.

Dudi (cotton) Balija.--A name for traders in cotton in the Telugu country, and an occupational sub-division of Komati.

Durga (fort).--A gotra of Kurni.

Dutan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as a synonym of Ari.

Dyavana (tortoise).--An exogamous sept of Moger.

E

Eddulu (bulls).--See Yeddulu.

Ediannaya (hornet's nest).--An exogamous sept of Bant.

Egadavan.---Recorded, at times of census, as an exogamous sept of Anappans, who are Canarese cattle-grazers settled in the Tamil country. Possibly it is a corruption of Heggade, a title among Kurubas.

Ekakshara.--A sub-division of Satani. The name is derived from Ekakshara, meaning one syllable, i.e., the mystic syllable Om.

Ekari.--This caste is summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901, under the names Ekari, Ekali, Yakari, and Yakarlu, as a sub-caste of Mutracha. Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [111] that "Ekaris or Yakarlu are a class of cultivators and village watchmen, found chiefly in the northern taluks of North Arcot, and in the adjoining district of Cuddapah. It is very doubtful whether the Ekaris and Mutrachas are identical castes. The census statistics are, I think, sufficient to throw grave doubt on this view. Neither name, for instance, appears as a sub-division of the other, although this would certainly be the case if they were synonymous. Nor is there any similarity in the sub-divisions that are given. They are said, in the Nellore Manual, to be hunters and mercenaries, and in Cuddapah, where they are known to some as Boyas and Kiratas, they are classed as a forest tribe. It is clear, however, that they enjoyed some authority, for several rose to be poligars. Thus the poligars of Kallur, Tumba, Pulicherla, Bangari and Gudipati are of this caste, and many of its members are village policemen. They do not wear the sacred thread, but employ Brahmans as their priests. Their ceremonies differ very little from those of the Kapus. They are flesh-eaters, and their titles are Naidu and Dora. The caste possesses some interest as being that which had, in 1891, the highest proportion of widowed among females between the ages of 15 and 39. Little is known of the caste history. Some assert that they were formerly Hindu cotton cleaners, and that their name is derived from the verb yekuta, to clean cotton. They returned 74 sub-divisions, of which the most important seem to be Dodda (big) and Pala."

There is neither intermarriage, nor free interdining between Ekaris and Mutrachas. By some, Kampin, and Nagiripilla kayalu, and by others Kammi and Yerrai were given as sub-divisions.

One of the recognised names of washermen in Tamil is Egali or Ekali.

Elakayan.--A sub-division of Nayar. It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "its hereditary occupation is to get plantain leaves for the use of the Cherukunnu temple, where travellers are fed daily by the Chirakkal Raja."

Elayad.--For the following note on the Elayads or Ilayatus I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. Ilayatu literally means younger, and the name is employed to denote a caste, which is supposed to be the last among the numerous sub-divisions of Malabar Brahmans. The caste-men make use of two titles, Ilayatu and Nambiyatiri, the latter of which has the same origin as Nambutiri, meaning a person worthy of worship. Women are generally known as Ilayammas, and, in some parts of North Travancore, also Kunjammas. By the caste-men themselves the women are called Akattulavar, or those inside, in the same way as Nambutiri women. Children are called Kunjunnis. The Ilayatus exact from the Nayars the name of Ilayachchan, or little father.

According to the Jatinirnaya, a work ascribed to Parasurama, the Ilayatus were once Brahmans of undiminished purity, but became degraded owing to the priestly service which was performed for a Nayar servant attached to one of their households. Two members of the house of Azhvancheri Tamprakkal were brothers. The younger resolved to go to a foreign country, and could get no other Nayar servant than one who was obliged to perform his mother's anniversary ceremony on the way. He promised to act as the priest on this occasion, and is even believed to have eaten the food prepared by the Nayar. When the matter became known to his elder brother, he assembled all the Vaidik Brahmans, and the younger brother was excommunicated. This tradition, like the majority of Malabar traditions, has to be accepted with reserve. The Ilayatus assert that, until interdicted by Rama Iyen Dalawa in revenge for a supposed dishonour to him, they had the privilege of commensality with Nambutiri Brahmans; but Rama Iyen's authority, large as it was, did not extend to Cochin and British Malabar, where too the Ilayatus appear to labour under the same difficulty. Those who encouraged the higher classes of Nayars with ritualistic functions became Onnam Parisha or the first party of Ilayatus, the remainder being grouped in another class known as Randam or second party. The latter are lower in the social scale than the former. The two sections do not intermarry, and interdining is restricted to the male sex.

The Ilayatus generally have a dejected appearance, and their poverty is proverbial. Most of them earn only a scanty living by their traditional occupation, and yet it is notorious that other walks of life have absolutely no attraction for them. Not only is English education not welcomed, but even the study of Sanskrit finds only a few steadfast votaries. The Ilayatus are, however, a naturally clever, and intelligent community, and, under favourable conditions, are found to take a more prominent place in society.

The house of an Ilayatu is, like that of a Nambutiri, called illam. It is generally large, being the gift of some pious Nayar. Every Ilayatu house possesses a serpent grove, where periodical offerings are made. The dress and ornaments of the Ilayatus are exactly like those of the Nambutiris. The wedding ornament is called kettu-tali. Children wear a ring tied to a thread round the neck from the moment of the first feeding ceremony. The Ilayatus are strict vegetarians, and, though in some of their temples they have to make offerings of liquor to the deity, they are strictly forbidden by caste rules from partaking thereof.

The chief occupation of the Ilayatus is the priesthood of the Nayars. The first division perform this service only for the Ilakkar or highest class of Nayars, while the second division do not decline to be the priests of any section of that community. In performing such services, the Ilayatus recite various liturgic texts, but hardly any Vedic hymns. The Ilayatus have also been the recognised priests in several North Travancore temples, the chief of which are the Kainikkara Bhagavata shrine, the Payappara Sasta shrine, and the Parekkavu Siva temple at Kuttattukulam. Ilayatus are the priests in most of the snake groves of Malabar, that at Mannarsalay commanding the greatest popularity and respect.

Ilayatus are, in all matters of caste such as Smarta-vicharam, or enquiry into charges of adultery, etc., governed by the Nambutiris, who are assisted by Vaidiks belonging to the caste itself. It is the latter who are the regular priests of the Ilayatus, and, though ignorant of the Vedas, they seem to possess considerable knowledge of the priestly functions as carried out in Malabar. Nambutiris are sometimes invited to perform Isvaraseva, Sarpabali, and other religious rites. Purification rites are performed by the caste priests only, and no Nambutiri is called on to assist. Brahmans do not cook food in the houses of Ilayatus.

The Ilayatus are divided mostly into two septs or gotras, called Visvamitra and Bharadvaja. The marriage of girls is performed before or after puberty, between the twelfth and eighteenth years. No bride-price is paid, but a sum of not less than Rs. 140 has to be paid to the bridegroom. This is owing to the fact that, in an Ilayatu family, as among the Nambutiris, only the eldest son can lead a married life. All male members of a family, except the eldest, take to themselves some Nayar or Ambalavasi woman. Widows do not remove their tuft of hair on the death of their husband, but throw their marriage ornament on to the funeral pyre, probably as a symbol of the performance of sati. The Ilayatus resemble the Nambutiris in all questions of inheritance.

The Ilayatus do not omit any of the sixteen religious ceremonies of the Brahmans. The rules of name given are that the eldest son should be named after the paternal grandfather, the second after the maternal grandfather, and the third after the father. A parallel rule obtains in giving names to daughters.

The Ilayatus belong in the main to the white and black branches of the Yajurveda, and observe the sutras of Bodhayana and Asvalayana. They recite only twenty-four Gayatri hymns, thrice a day. Women are believed to be polluted for ninety days after childbirth.

It is noted in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that the Elayads are "their own priests, and for this reason, and from the fact that Nayars perform sradhas (memorial service) in the houses of Elayads, the Nambudris do not cook or take meals in their houses, nor do they, Kshatriyas or Nampidis, take water from Elayads. In former times, the Elayads used to take their meals in Nayar houses during the performance of the sradha ceremony of the Nayars, as Brahmans generally do on such ceremonial occasions amongst themselves, but they now decline to do it, except in a few wealthy and influential families. Muthads and Elayads wear the sacred thread. Though in many respects the Elayads are more Brahmanical than the Muthads, the majority of the Ambalavasi castes do not take the food cooked or touched by the Elayads. There are some temples, in which they officiate as chief priests. The Muthad and Elayad females are gosha. They both practice polygamy, and perform Sarvaswadanam marriages like the Nambudris."

Ella (boundary).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha.

Elugoti (assembly).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.

Elugu (bear).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.

Eluttacchan.--Eluttacchan or Ezhuttacchan, meaning teacher or master of learning, is the name for educated Kadupattans of Malabar employed as schoolmasters.

Eman.--A corruption of Yajamanan, lord, recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nayar.

Embrantiri.--Embrantiri or Embran is "a Malayalam name for Tulu Brahmans settled in Malabar. They speak both Tulu and Malayalam. Some of them call themselves Nambudris, but they never intermarry with that class." [112] By Wigram they are defined [113] as "a class of sacrificing Brahmans, chiefly Tulu, who officiate at Sudra ceremonies." It is a name for the Tulu Shivalli Brahmans.

Emme (buffalo).--See Yemme.

Ena Korava.--See Korava.

Enadi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a name for Shanans, derived from Enadi Nayanar, a Saivite saint. It also means Ambattan, or barber." The word denotes a chief, barber, or minister.

Enangan.--Enangan or Inangan is defined by Mr. K. Kannan Nayar [114] as "a member of an Inangu, this being a community of a number of tarwads, the members of which may interdine or intermarry, and are bound to assist one another, if required, in the performance of certain social and religious rites." It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "an Enangan or Inangan is a man of the same caste and sub-division or marriage groups. It is usually translated kinsman, but is at once wider and narrower in its connotation. My Enangans are all who can marry the same people that I can. An Enangatti is a female member of an Enangan's family."

Eneti.--Said to be mendicants, who beg from Gamallas. (See Yanati.)

Entamara.--See Yanati.

Era.--Era Cheruman, or Eralan, is a sub-division of Cheruman.

Eradi.--Eradi has been defined [115] as meaning "a cow-herd. A sub-division of the Nayar caste, which formerly ruled in what is now the Ernad taluk" of Malabar. In the Malabar Manual, Ernad is said to be derived from Eradu, the bullock country. Eradi denotes, according to the Census Report, 1891, "a settlement in Ernad. The caste of Samantas, to which the Zamorin of Calicut belongs."

Eravallar.--The Eravallars are a small forest tribe inhabiting the Coimbatore district and Malabar. For the following note on the Eravallars of Cochin, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer. [116]

Eravallars are a wild tribe of inoffensive hill-men found in the forests of the Cochin State, especially in the Chittur taluk. They are also called Villu Vedans (hunters using bows). Their language is Tamil, though some speak Malayalam. In addressing the elderly members of the caste, they use the titles Muthan (elder) and Pattan (grandfather). Names in use for males are Kannan (Krishna), Otukan, Kothandan, Kecharan, and Attukaran, while females are called Kanni, Keyi, Kaikayi, Otuka, and Ramayi. These Hindu divine names are recent innovations after the names of members of the higher castes, with whom they frequently come in contact.

The Eravallars have no knowledge of the origin of their caste. They appear to be a rude and primitive people, like the other jungle tribes of the State, but are somewhat improving their status under their masters. Their habits are less migratory than those of the Malayars and Kadars. They live in villages called pathis, situated in the forests. Their huts are similar to those of the Malayars and Kadars. They propitiate their sylvan deities before the construction of their huts, and also before their occupation. Some days are believed to be lucky, as Mondays for sowing and weddings, Wednesdays for building, and Fridays for reaping.

Eravallars do not live as small independent communities, but are mostly attached to farmers, under whom they work for a daily wage of two edangazhis and a half of paddy (unhusked rice). The women also work for the same wage, but never agree to serve in a state of bondage. During the festival kathira in the village temple of their landlords, when sheaves of corn are brought, every male member gets from his landlord two veshtis (a cloth with a coloured border 3 yards in length), and every woman a potava (coloured cloth 8 yards in length). During the Onam and Vishu festivals, one para of paddy, two cocoanuts, a small quantity of gingelly (Sesamum) and cocoanut oil are also given. The landlords partly defray their marriage and funeral expenses by a grant of a few paras of paddy, some salt and chillies. Sometimes they agree to work for twenty valloms (a large corn measure) a year. To improve their condition, they borrow money from their landlords, and purchase a bullock or buffalo or two, to cultivate a plot of land, after clearing a portion of the forest belonging to their master. They raise some crops, and make some saving to pay off the debt. Should they be so unfortunate as to fail in the undertaking, they willingly mortgage themselves to their master, or to some other, for the wages above mentioned, and wait for some favourable opportunity to pay off the debt. Women never surrender themselves to work in a state of bondage, but are independent day-labourers. The Eravallars are, as certified by their masters, always truthful, honest, faithful and god-fearing, and never, like the Pulayas of the northern parts of the State, ungratefully run away from their masters.

A girl, when she comes of age, is lodged in a separate hut (muttuchala) erected at a distance of a furlong from the main hut. Only a few girl friends are allowed to be in company with her during the period of her seclusion, which is generally seven days, during which food is served to her at a distance, when she comes to take it. No grown-up member approaches her, for fear of pollution. She bathes on the morning of the seventh day, and is then allowed to enter the hut. The day is one of festivity to her friends and relations. If a girl is married before she attains puberty, her husband contributes something for the expenses of the ceremony. Should a woman cohabit with a man before marriage and become pregnant, she used, in former times, to be put to death, but is now turned out of caste. Instances of the kind are, they say, extremely rare.

An Eravallan who wishes to see his son married visits the parents of a girl with his brother-in-law and a few relatives, who make the proposal. If the parents agree, the wedding day is fixed, and all the preliminary arrangements are made at the hut of the bride, where the relatives assembled are treated to a dinner. The bride's price is only a rupee. The parents of the bride and bridegroom visit their respective landlords with a few packets of betel leaves, areca nuts, and tobacco, and inform them of the marriage proposal. The landlords give a few paras of paddy to defray a portion of the wedding expenses. They celebrate their weddings on Mondays. On a Monday previous to the wedding ceremony, the sister of the bridegroom, with a few of her relations and friends, goes to the bride's hut, and presents her parents with the bride's money, and a brass ring for the bride. On the Monday chosen for the wedding, the same company, and a few more, go there, and dress the girl in the new garment brought by them. They are treated to a dinner as on the previous occasion. They then return with the bride to the hut of the bridegroom, where also the parties assembled are entertained. On the Monday after this, the bridegroom and bride are taken to the bride's hut, where they stay for a week, and then return to the bridegroom's hut. Marriage is now formally over. The tali (marriage badge) tying is dispensed with. This custom of marriage prevails among the Izhuvas of the Chittur taluk. The bridegroom gets nothing as a present during the wedding, but this is reserved for the Karkadaka Sankranthi, when he is invited by his father-in-law, and given two veshtis and a turban, after sumptuously feeding him. A widow can only marry a widower. It is called Mundakettuka (marrying a widow). When they both have children, the widower must make a solemn promise to his castemen that he will treat and support the children by both marriages impartially. The present of a brass ring and cloth is essential. A man can divorce his wife, if he is not satisfied with her. The divorced wife can mate only with a widower. Such cases, they say, are very rare among them.

No ceremony is performed for a pregnant woman during the fifth or seventh month. If she dreams of dogs, cats, or wild animals coming to threaten her, it is believed that she is possessed of demons. Then a devil-driver from this or some other caste is called in. He draws a hideous figure (kolam) on the floor with powdered rice, turmeric, and charcoal, and the woman is seated in front of it. He sings and beats his small drum, or mutters his mantram (consecrated formula). A lamp is lighted, and frankincense is burned. A kaibali is waved round the woman's face. She is worked up to a hysterical state, and makes frantic movements. Boiled rice, flattened rice, plantains, cocoanuts, and fowl are offered to the demon. Quite satisfied, the demon leaves her, or offers to leave her on certain conditions. If the woman remains silent and unmoved all the time, it is supposed that no demon resides in her body. Very often a yantram (charm) is made on a piece of cadjan (palm) leaf, and rolled. It is attached to a thread, and worn round the neck.

A woman in childbirth is located in a separate small hut (muttuchala) erected at a distance from the main hut. Nobody attends upon her, except her mother or some old woman to nurse her. As soon as delivery takes place, the mother and child are bathed. Her pollution is for seven days, during which she stays in the hut. She then bathes, and is removed to another hut close to the main hut, and is again under pollution for five months. Her diet during this period is simple, and she is strictly forbidden to take meat. The only medicine administered to her during the period is a mixture of pepper, dried ginger, and palm sugar mixed with toddy. She comes back to the main hut after purifying herself by a bath at the end of the five months. The day is one of festivity.

The Eravallers bury their dead, and observe death pollution for five days. On the morning of the sixth day, the chief mourner, who may be the son or younger brother, gets shaved, bathes, and offers to the spirit of the departed boiled rice, parched rice, plantains, and fowl. A feast is given to the castemen once a year, when they have some savings. They think of their ancestors, who are propitiated with offerings.

They are pure animists, and believe that the forests and hills are full of demons disposed to do them harm. Many of them are supposed to live in trees, and to rule wild beasts. They also believe that there are certain local demons, which are supposed to reside in rocks, trees, or peaks, having influence over particular families or villages, and that services rendered to them are intended to mitigate their hunger rather than to seek benefits. Their gods are Kali, Muni, Kannimar, and Karappu Rayan. Kali is adored to obtain her protection for themselves and their families while living in the forest. Muni is worshipped for the protection of their cattle, and to secure good harvest. Kannimar (the seven virgins) and Karappu Rayan are their family deities, who watch over their welfare. Offerings of boiled rice, plantains, cocoanuts, and flattened rice are given to propitiate them. Kali and Muni are worshipped in the forest, and the others in their huts.

The main occupation of the Eravallers is ploughing dry lands for the cultivation of chama (Panicum miliaceum), cholam (Sorghum vulgare), dholl (Cajanus indicus) and gingelly (Sesamum indicum) seeds, and sowing the seeds, which begin in the middle of May, and harvesting in November. During these months, they are wholly occupied with agriculture. During the other months of the year, gardening, fencing, and thatching are their chief occupations. Offerings are made to Kali and Muni, when they plough, sow, and reap. They are so propitiated, as they are supposed to protect their corn from destruction by wild beasts. The Eravallers are skilful hunters. Owing to their familiarity and acquaintance with the forests, they can point out places frequented by wild beasts, which they can recognise by smell, either to warn travellers against danger, or to guide sportsmen to the game. Ten or fifteen of them form a party, and are armed with knives, bows and arrows. Some of them act as beaters, and the animal is driven to a particular spot, where it is caught in a large net already spread, shot, or beaten to death. Animals hunted are hares, porcupines, and wild pigs. The game is always equally divided. Being good marksmen, they take skilful aim at birds, and kill them when flying.

The ordinary dietary is kanji (gruel) of chama or cholam, mixed with tamarind, salt and chillies, prepared overnight, and taken in the morning. The same is prepared for the midday meal, with a vegetable curry consisting of dholl, horse gram (Dolichos biflorus), and other grains grown in the garden of their masters, which they have to watch. They eat the flesh of sheep, fowls, pigs, hares, quails, and doves. They take food at the hands of Brahmans, Nayars, Kammalars, and Izhuvas. They refuse to take anything cooked by Mannans, Panans, Parayans, and Cherumans. They bathe when touched by a Chakkiliyan, Parayan, or Cheruman. They stand a long way off from Brahmans and Nayars.

Both men and women are decently clad. Males wear veshtis, one end of which hangs loose, and the other is tucked in between the legs. They have a shoulder cloth, either hanging loosely over their shoulders, or sometimes tied to the turban. They allow their hair to grow long, but do not, for want of means, anoint it with oil. They grow moustaches. They wear round the neck a necklace of small white beads to distinguish them from Malayars, who are always afraid of them. Some wear brass finger rings. Women wear a potava (coloured cloth), half of which is worn round the loins, while the other half serves to cover the body. The hair is not smoothed with oil. It is twisted into a knot on the back. It is said that they take an oil bath once a week. Their ear ornament is made of a long palmyra leaf rolled into a disc, and the ear lobes are sufficiently dilated to contain them.

Erkollar.--A Tamil form of the Telugu Yerragolla, which is sub-division of Tottiyan.

Ernadan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Aranadans are described as a hill tribe in Malabar, who kill pythons, and extract an oil from them, which they sell to people on the plains as a remedy for leprosy. These are, I have no doubt, the Ernadans, concerning whom Mr. G. Hadfield writes to me as follows. They are a small jungle tribe, found exclusively in Malabar, and are considered to be the lowest of the jungle tribes by the inhabitants of Malabar, who consider themselves polluted if an Ernadan approaches within a hundred yards. Even Paniyans and Pariahs give them a wide berth, and they are prohibited from coming within four hundred yards of a village. One of their customs is very singular, viz., the father of a family takes (or used to take) his eldest daughter as his second wife. The Ernadans use bows and arrows, principally for shooting monkeys, to the flesh of which they are very partial. They are not particular as to what they eat, and are, in fact, on a par with jackals in this respect, devouring snakes and the putrid flesh of various animals. They are fond of collecting the fat of snakes, and selling it. Muhammadans employ them in felling timber, and cultivating fields. Their clothing is exceedingly scanty, and, when hard up, they use wild plantain leaves for this purpose.

Through Mr. Hadfield's influence with the tribe, Mr. F. Fawcett was able to examine a few members thereof, who appeared before him accompanied by their Mappilla master, at a signal from whom they ran off like hares, to attend to their work in the fields. Their most important measurements were as follows:--

Max. Min. Av.
Stature (cm.) 156.6 150.6 154.5
Cephalic index 85 77 81
Nasal index 108.8 71.1 88.4

The Ernadans, according to these figures, are short of stature, platyrhine, with an unusually high cephalic index.

Erra.--See Yerra.

Erudandi.--See Gangeddu.

Erudukkaran.--See Gangeddu.

Erumai (buffalo).--An exogamous sept of Toreya.

Eruman.--A sub-division of Kolayan.

Ettarai (eight and a half).--An exogamous sept of Tamil goldsmiths.

Ettuvitan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of Nayar.

Eurasian.--Eurasian (Eur-asian) may, after the definition in 'Hobson-Jobson,' [117] be summed up as a modern name for persons of mixed European and Indian blood, devised as being more euphemistic than half-caste, and more precise than East-Indian. When the European and Anglo-Indian Defence Association was established 17 years ago, the term Anglo-Indian, after much consideration, was adopted as best designating the community. According to Stocqueler, [118] the name Eurasian was invented by the Marquis of Hastings. East Indian is defined by Balfour [119] as "a term which has been adopted by all classes of India to distinguish the descendants of Europeans and Native mothers. Other names, such as half-caste, chatikar, and chi-chi, are derogatory designations. Chattikar is from chitta (trousers) and kar (a person who uses them). The Muhammadans equally wear trousers, but concealed by their outer long gowns. The East Indians are also known as Farangi (Frank), a person of Europe. The humbler East Indians, if asked their race, reply that they are Wallandez or Oollanday, which is a modification of Hollandais, the name having been brought down through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from the Dutch. East Indians have, in India, all the rights and privileges of Europeans. Races with a mixture of European with Asiatic blood possess a proud and susceptible tone of mind." For the purposes of the Lawrence Asylum, Ootacamund, the word East Indian is restricted to the children of European fathers by East Indian or Native mothers, or of East Indian fathers and mothers, both of whom are the children of European fathers.

By a ruling of the Government of India a few years ago, it was decided that Eurasians appointed in England to official posts in India are, if they are not statutory Natives, to be treated as Europeans as regards the receipt of exchange compensation allowance.

Some Eurasians have, it may be noted, had decorations or knighthood conferred on them, and risen to the highest position in, and gained the blue ribbon of, Government service. Others have held, or still hold, positions of distinction in the various learned professions, legal, medical, educational, and ecclesiastical.

The influence of the various European nations--Portuguese, Dutch, British, Danish, and French--which have at different times acquired territory in peninsular India, is clearly visible in the polyglot medley of Eurasian surnames, e.g., Gomes, Da Souza, Gonsalvez, Rozario, Cabral, Da Cruz, Da Costa, Da Silva, Da Souza, Fernandez, Fonseca, Lazaro, Henriquez, Xavier, Mendonza, Rodriguez, Saldana, Almeyda, Heldt, Van Spall, Jansen, Augustine, Brisson, Corneille, La Grange, Lavocat, Pascal, DeVine, Aubert, Ryan, McKertish, Macpherson, Harris, Johnson, Smith, etc. Little did the early adventurers, in the dawn of the seventeenth century, think that, as the result of their alliances with the native women, within three centuries banns of marriage would be declared weekly in Madras churches between, for example, Ben Jonson and Alice Almeyda, Emmanuel Henricus and Mary Smith, Augustus Rozario and Minnie Fonseca, John Harris and Clara Corneille. Yet this has come to pass, and the Eurasian holds a recognised place among the half-breed races of the world.

The pedigree of the early Eurasian community is veiled in obscurity. But the various modes of creation of a half-breed, which were adopted in those early days, when the sturdy European pioneers first came in contact with the native females, were probably as follows:--

A. European man (pure) B. Native woman (pure). C. Male offspring of A + B (first D. Native woman. cross)

E. Female offspring of A + B (first F. European man.
cross) G. Native man.

H. Male offspring of C + D I. Cross--female offspring
of A + B.
J. Native woman.

K. Female offspring of C + D L. Cross--male offspring of
A + B.
M. European man.
N. Native man.

The Eurasian half-breed, thus established, has been perpetuated by a variety of possible combinations:--

European man Eurasian woman.
Native woman.

Eurasian man Native woman.
Eurasian woman.
European woman.

Native man Eurasian woman.
European woman.

In the early days of the British occupation of Madras, the traders and soldiers, arriving with an inadequate equipment of females, contracted alliances, regular or irregular, with the women of the country. And in these early days, when our territorial possessions were keenly contested with both European and Native enemies, an attempt was made, under authority from high places, to obtain, through the medium of the British soldier, and in accordance with the creed that crossing is an essential means of improving a race, and rendering it vigorous by the infusion of fresh blood from a separate stock, a good cross, which should be available for military purposes. Later on, as the number of the British settlers increased, connexions, either with the Native women, or with the females of the recently established Eurasian type, were kept up owing to the difficulty of communication with the mother-country, and consequent difficulty in securing English brides. Of these barbaric days the detached or semi-detached bungalows in the spacious grounds of the old private houses in Madras remain as a memorial. At the present day the conditions of life in India are, as the result of steamer traffic, very different, and far more wholesome. The Eurasian man seeks a wife as a rule among his own community; and, in this manner, the race is mainly maintained.

The number of Eurasians within the limits of the Madras Presidency was returned, at the census, 1891, as 26,643. But on this point I must call Mr. H. A. Stuart, the Census Commissioner, into the witness box. "The number of Eurasians," he writes, "is 26,643, which is 20.76 per cent. more than the number returned in 1881." The figures for the last three enumerations are given in the following statement:--

Year. Total. Males. Females.
1871 26,460 13,091 13,359
1881 21,892 10,969 10,923
1891 26,643 13,141 13,502

"It will be seen that, between 1871 and 1881, there was a great decrease, and that the numbers in 1891 are slightly higher than they were twenty years ago. The figures, however, are most untrustworthy. The cause is not far to seek; many persons, who are really Natives, claim to be Eurasians, and some who are Eurasians return themselves as Europeans. It might be thought that the errors due to these circumstances would be fairly constant, but the district figures show that this cannot be the case. Take Malabar, for example, which has the largest number of Eurasians after Madras, and where the division between Native Christians with European names and people of real mixed race is very shadowy. In 1871 there were in this district 5,413 Eurasians; in 1881 the number had apparently fallen to 1,676; while in 1891 it had again risen to 4,193, or, if we include South-east Wynaad, as we should do, to 4,439. It is to be regretted that trustworthy statistics cannot be obtained, for the question whether the true Eurasian community is increasing or decreasing is of considerable scientific and administrative importance. The Eurasians form but a very small proportion of the community, for there is only one Eurasian in every 1,337 of the population of the Madras Presidency, and it is more than probable that a considerable proportion of those returned as Eurasians are in reality pure Natives who have embraced the Christian religion, taken an English or Portuguese name, and adopted the European dress and mode of living. In the matter of education, or at least elementary education, they are more advanced than any other class of the community, and compare favourably with the population of any country in the world. They live for the most part in towns, nearly one-half of their number being found in the city of Madras."

In connection with the fact that, at times of census, Native Christians and Pariahs, who masquerade in European clothes, return themselves as Eurasians, and vice versâ, it may be accepted that some benefit must be derived by the individual in return for the masking of his or her nationality. And it has been pointed out to me that (as newspaper advertisements testify) many ladies will employ a Native ayah rather than a Eurasian nurse, and that some employers will take Eurasian clerks into their service, but not Native Christians. It occasionally happens that pure-bred Natives, with European name and costume, successfully pass themselves off as Eurasians, and are placed on a footing of equality with Eurasians in the matter of diet, being allowed the luxury of bread and butter, coffee, etc.

Mr. Stuart had at his command no special statistics of the occupations resorted to by Eurasians, but states that the majority of them are clerks, while very few obtain their livelihood by agriculture. In the course of my investigations in the city of Madras, the following occupations were recorded:--

Accountant.
Attendant, Lunatic Asylum.
Baker.
Bandsman.
Bill collector.
Blacksmith.
Boarding-house keeper.
Boatswain.
Boiler smith.
Carpenter.
Chemist's assistant.
Clerk, Government.
Clerk, commercial.
Commission agent.
Compositor.
Compounder.
Contractor.
Coppersmith.
Crane attendant, harbour.
Draftsman.
Electric tram driver.
Electric tram inspector.
Engine-driver, ice factory.
Evangelist.
Filer.
Fireman.
Fitter.
Hammerer.
Harness-maker.
Jewel-smith.
Joiner.
Labourer.
Livery stable-keeper.
Mechanic.
Moulder.
Painter.
Petition writer.
Police Inspector.
Porter.
Printer.
Proof-reader.
Railway--
Auditor.
Chargeman.
Engine-driver.
Engineer.
Goods clerk.
Guard.
Locomotive Inspector.
Parcels clerk.
Prosecuting Inspector.
Shunter.
Signaller.
Station-master.
Storekeeper.
Ticket collector.
Tool-keeper.
Block signaller.
Carriage examiner.
Reporter.
Rivetter.
Saddler.
Schoolmaster.
Sexton.
Spring-smith.
Stereotyper.
Steward.
Telegraph clerk.
Watchmaker.
Watchman.

In the Census Report, 1901, the following statistics of the occupation of 5,718 Eurasians in Madras city (4,083), Malabar (1,149) and Chingleput (486) are given. Most of those in the last of these three reside in Perambur, just outside the Madras municipal limits:--

Number of
workers.
Endowments, scholarships, etc. 813
Pensioners 438
Railway clerks, station-masters, guards, etc. 427
Tailors 378
Merchants' and shop-keepers' clerks 297
Railway operatives 262
Teachers 243
Public service 212
Private clerks 211
Mechanics (not railway) 203
Carpenters 167
Telegraph department 136
Medical department 136
Cooks, grooms, etc. 132
Printing presses: workmen and subordinates 106
Independent means 75
Allowances from patrons, relatives and friends 72
Survey and Public Works department 66
Coffee and tea estate clerks and coolies 60
Inmates of asylums 58
Railway porters, etc. 57
Musicians and actors 54
Harbour service 50
Workmen, gun carriage factories 48
Postal department 48
Non-commissioned officers, Army 46
Mendicants 45
Midwives 42
Priests, ministers, etc. 41
Tramway officials 35
Sellers of hides and bones, shoe and boot makers, 33
tanners, etc.
Local and Municipal service 30
Shipping clerks, etc. 29
Brokers and agents 28
Lawyers' clerks 26
Merchants and shop-keepers 24
Landholders 24
Watch and clock makers 23
Money-lenders, etc. 22
Military clerks 21
Blacksmiths 18
Chemists and druggists 16
Prisoners 15
Pleaders 12
Brass and copper smiths 12
Inmates of convents, etc. 11
Ship's officers, etc. 10
Prostitutes 10
Authors, editors, etc. 10
Cultivating tenants 8
Club managers, etc. 8
Hotel-keepers, etc. 7
Minor occupations 363

As bearing on the subject of Eurasian marriage, I am enabled, through the courtesy of a railway chaplain and the chaplain of one of the principal churches in the city of Madras, to place on record the following statistics abstracted from the registers. It may, in explanation, be noted that M indicates the bridegroom, F the bride, and W widow or widower remarriage:--

(a) Railway.

=======+========+========+========+========+=======
M. | F. | M. | F. | M. | F.
-------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------
25 | 18 | 34 | 19 | 24 | 18
21 | 15 | 27 | 16 | 35 | 21
24 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 24 | 19
21 | 14 | 22 | 18 | 22 | 18
22 | 19 | 25 | 16 | 21 | 20
23 | 17 | 22 | 18 | 32 | 19
23 | 14 | 25 | 16 | 26 | 21
23 | 18 | 23 | 21 | 25 | 18
25 | 16 | W 42 | 18 | 33 | 19
W 45 | 19 | 37 | 28 | 20 | 15
25 | 23 | 25 | 19 | 25 | 18
24 | 17 | 24 | 17 | 24 | 20
22 | 17 | 26 | 16 | 32 | 19
W 42 | 18 | 24 | 19 | 27 | 18
40 | 16 | 23 | | |
23 | 22 | 23 | | |
=======+========+========+========+========+======

(b) Madras City.

========+========+========+========+========+======
M. | F. | M. | F. | M. | F.
--------+--------+--------+--------+--------+------
33 | 26 | 28 | 19 | 27 | 18
W 40 | 18 | 29 | 20 | W 39 | 19
23 | 26 | 23 | 21 | 27 | 31
23 | 23 | 26 | 21 | 23 | 14
25 | 21 | 22 | 18 | 33 | 24
29 | W 24 | 25 | 17 | 25 | 18
31 | 19 | 28 | W 35 | 25 | 18
28 | 25 | 24 | 18 | 21 | 19
26 | 17 | 26 | 19 | 24 | 20
23 | 15 | 32 | 26 | 26 | 19
23 | 18 | 26 | 18 | W 46 | W 39
23 | 19 | 27 | 18 | 23 | 25
30 | 24 | 25 | 21 | 22 | 20
W 38 | 17 | 23 | 16 | 32 | 17
21 | 17 | 27 | 19 | 21 | 16
26 | 21 | 40 | 16 | 21 | W 30
W 53 | W 43 | 28 | 15 | W 40 | 17
28 | 20 | 31 | 24 | 25 | 24
29 | 21 | 27 | 25 | 30 | 20
W 43 | W 36 | 29 | 17 | W 43 | 23
20 | 16 | 24 | W 30 | 22 | 18
22 | 18 | W 42 | W 34 | |
========+========+========+========+========+=======

Analysing these figures, with the omission of remarriages, we obtain the following results:--

(a) Railway.