Chapter I (5)
"'In the name of the Most High God, who created the whole world
after His own pleasure, and maintains justice and righteousness,
I, Erwij Barman, raise my hands, and thank His Majesty for his
grace and blessing bestowed on my reign in Cranganore, when
residing in the fortress of Muricotta. I have granted for good
reasons to my minister Joseph Raban the following privileges;
that he may wear five coloured cloths, long dresses, and hang on
the shoulders certain cloths; that they may cheer together, make
use of drums and tambourines, burn lights during the day, spread
cloths on the roads, use palanquins, umbrellas, trumpet torches,
burning torches, sit under a throne (?), and act as Head of all
the Jews numbering seventy-two houses, who will have to pay him
the tolls and taxes of the country, no matter in what part of the
country they are living; these privileges I give to Joseph Raban
and his descendants, be they males or females, as long as any
one of them is alive, and the sun and moon shine on the earth;
for this reason I have the same engraved on a copper-plate as an
everlasting remembrance. Witnesses are the Kings of Travancore,
Berkenkore, Sammorin, Arangolla, Palcatchery, Collastry, and
Corambenaddo; written by the secretary Kellapen.
"'The aforesaid copper-plate is written in the old broken Northern Tamil language, but with different kinds of characters, viz., Sanskrit and Tamil, and is now read and translated by a heathen scribe named Callutil Atsja, who was born at Calicut, and who, during the war, fled from that place, and stays at present on the hills.
"'When these translations are compared with one another, it will
be observed at once that, in the first, the privileges are granted
to the Jew Joseph Rabban, and to the 72 Jewish families, whereas,
in the second, no trace is found of the word Jew; and Joseph
Rabban is, in the third, not called a Jew, but the minister of
the king, although he may be taken for a Jew from the context in
the course of the translation, for he is there appointed as Head
of all the other Jews to the number of 72 houses. It is equally
certain that the name of Rabaan is not exclusively proper to the
Jews only. Furthermore, the first and last translations grant
the above-mentioned privileges not only to Joseph Rabaan, but
also to the 72 Jewish families, whereas, according to the second
translation, the same are given to Joseph Rabaan, his family
and offspring only. The second translation, besides, does not at
all mention the freedom granted, and the consent to spread the
Jewish religion among the five castes. Thus, it is obvious that
these three translations do not agree, that the first and third
coincide more with each other than they do with the second; that,
for that reason, the first and last translations deserve more to
be believed than the second, which stands alone; but that this,
for that very reason, does not prove what it, properly speaking,
ought to prove, and, whereas I am not acquainted with the Malabar
language, I prefer to refrain from giving my opinion on the
subject. For hitherto I have been unable to come across, either
among the people of Malabar and Canara, or among the literary
priests and natives, any one who was clever enough to translate
these old characters for the fourth time, notwithstanding the
fact that I had sent a copy of these characters to the north and
south of Cochin, in order to have them deciphered.
"'The witnesses who were present at the granting of this charter
differ also. The first and third translations, however, seem also
to concur more with each other than with the second one. But the
discrepancy of the second translation lies in this, that in it
not the personal names of the witnesses are recorded, but only
their offices or dignities, in which they officiated at that time;
whereas the mistake in the first and third translations consists
herein, that the witnesses are called kings, and more so of those
places by which names these places were called some time after and
subsequently when times had changed, and by which names they are
still known. The second translation, however, calls them merely
heads of the countries, in the same manner as they were known at
the time of the Emperor, when these heads were not as yet kings,
because these heads bore the title of king and ruler only after
the well-known division of the Malabar Empire into four chief
kingdoms, and several smaller kingdoms and principalities. It must
be admitted, however, that the head of the country of Cochin is,
in the first and third translations, not mentioned by that name,
although the kingdom of Cochin is in reality one of the four
chief kingdoms of Malabar. I add this here for elucidation,
in order that one should not wonder, when reading this charter,
that inferior heads of countries and districts of the Malabar
Empire could be called kings, because the Empire being at that
time not as yet divided, they were not kings. It seems, therefore,
to have been a free translation, of which the translators of the
first and third translations have made use, and which has been
pointed out in the second translation.
"'The other statements of this charter, especially the authority
over the five castes, must be explained according to the
ancient times, customs, and habits of the people of Malabar,
and need not be taken into consideration here. Whether this
charter has in reality been granted to the Jews or not, it is
certain that not at any time has a Jew had great authority over
his co-religionists, and still less over the so-called five
castes. Moreover, the property of the Jews has never been free
from taxes, notwithstanding the fact that the kings to whom they
were subject appointed as a rule as heads of the Jews men of their
own nationality. They were known by the name of Moodiliars, who
had no other authority than to dispose of small civil disputes,
and to impose small fines of money.
"'There is, however, a peculiarity, which deserves to be
mentioned. Although, in the charter, some privileges are granted,
which were also given to other people, yet to no one was it ever
permitted to fire three salutes at the break of day, or on the
day of a marriage feast of one who entered upon the marriage
state, without a previous request and special permission. This
was always reserved, even to the present day, to the kings of
Cochin only. Yet up to now it was always allowed to the Jews
without asking first. And it is known that the native kings do
not easily allow another to share in outward ceremonies, which
they reserve for themselves. If, therefore, the Jews would have
arrogated to themselves this privilege without high authority,
the kings of Cochin would put a stop to this privilege of this
nation, whose residences are situated next to the Cochin palace,
but for this reason, I suppose, dare not do so.'"
Various authorities have attempted to fix approximately the date of the copper-plate charter. Mr. Burnell gives 700 A.D. as its probable date. The Rev. G. Milne Rae, accepting the date as fixed by Mr. Burnell, argues that the Jews must have received the grant a few generations after the settlement, and draws the conclusion that they might have settled in the country some time about the sixth century A.D. Dr. J. Wilson, in a lecture [244] on the Beni-Israels of Bombay, adopts the sixth century of the Christian era as the probable date of the arrival of the Beni-Israels in Bombay, about which time also, he is inclined to think, the Cochin Jews came to India, for their first copper-plate charter seems to belong to this period. There is no tradition among the Jews of Cochin that they and the Beni-Israels emigrated to the shores of India from the same spot or at the same time, and the absence of any social intercourse between the Beni-Israels and the Cochin Jews seems to go against this theory. In one of the translations of the charter obtained by the Dutch Governor Moens, the following words appear: "Written by the Secretary Calembi Kelapoor, in the year 3481 of the Kali-yuga (i.e., 379 A.D.)." This date does not appear, however, in the translations of Gundert, Ellis, Burnell and Oppert. The charter was given in the thirty-sixth year of the reign of the donor Bhaskara Ravi Varma. And, as all, except the last of the foreign Viceroys of Kerala, are said to have been elected for twelve years only, Cheruman Perumal, reputed to be the last of Perumals, who under exceptional circumstances had his term extended, according to Malabar tradition, to thirty-six years, may be identical with Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who, Mr. Day says, reigned till 378 A.D. Mr. C. M. Whish gives a still earlier date, for he fixes 231 A.D. as the probable date of the grant. In connection with the claim to the antiquity of the settlement of the Jews in Malabar, it is set forth in the Cochin Census Report that they "are supposed to have first come in contact with a Dravidian people as early as the time of Solomon about B.C. 1000, for 'philology proves that the precious cargoes of Solomon's merchant ships came from the ancient coast of Malabar.' It is possible that such visits were frequent enough in the years that followed. But the actual settlement of the Jews on the Malabar coast might not have taken place until long afterwards. Mr. Logan, in the Manual of Malabar, writes that 'the Jews have traditions, which carry back their arrival on the coast to the time of their escape from servitude under Cyrus in the sixth century B.C.,' and the same fact is referred to by Sir W. Hunter in his 'History of British India.' This eminent historian, in his 'Indian Empire' speaks of Jewish settlements in Malabar long before the second century A.D. A Roman merchant ship, that sailed regularly from Myos Hormuz on the Red Sea to Arabia, Ceylon, and Malabar, is reported to have found a Jewish colony in Malabar in the second century A.D. In regard to the settlement of the Jews in Malabar, Mr. Whish observes that 'the Jews themselves say that Mar Thomas, the apostle, arrived in India in the year of our Lord 52, and themselves, the Jews, in the year 69.' In view of the commercial intercourse between the Jews and the people of the Malabar coast long before the Christian era, it seems highly probable that Christianity but followed in the wake of Judaism. The above facts seem to justify the conclusion that the Jews must have settled in Malabar at least as early as the first century A.D."
At Cochin the Jews enjoyed full privileges of citizenship, and were able to preserve the best part of their religious and civil liberty, and to remain here for centuries unseen, unknown, and unsearched by their persecutors. But, in the sixteenth century, they fell victims by turns to the oppression of fanatical Moors and over-zealous Christians. "In 1524, the Mahomedans made an onslaught on the Cranganur Jews, slew a great number, and drove out the rest to a village to the east; but, when they attacked the Christians, the Nayars of the place retaliated, and in turn drove all the Mahomedans out of Cranganur. The Portuguese enlarged and strengthened their Cranganur fort, and compelled the Jews finally to desert their ancient settlement of Anjuvannam." Thus, with the appearance of a powerful Christian nation on the scene, the Jews experienced the terrors of a new exile and a new dispersion, the desolation of Cranganur being likened by them to the desolation of Jerusalem in miniature. Some of them were driven to villages adjoining their ruined principality, while others seem to have taken shelter in Cochin and Ernakulam. "Cranganore," Mr. Adler writes, "was captured by the Mahomedan Sheikh or Zamorin in 1524, and razed to the ground. The Rajah Daniel seems to have previously sent his brother David to Europe to negociate with the Pope and the Portuguese for an offensive and defensive alliance against the Zamorin. Anyhow, a mysterious stranger, who called himself David Rubbeni, appeared in Rome in March, 1524, and, producing credentials from the Portuguese authorities in India and Egypt, was received with much honour by the Pope, King John of Portugal, and the Emperor Charles the Fifth in turn. After some years he fell a victim to the inquisition, but his failure and non-return to India are more easily explained by the fact that he was too late, and that the State he represented was no longer existent, than by the cheap assumption of all our historians, including Graetz, that he was an impostor with a cock-and-bull story. Whether the famous diary of David Rubbeni is genuine or not is less certain. But I have elsewhere sought to re-establish this long-discredited ambassador, and here limit myself to drawing attention to his name, which seems to have been David Rabbani. To this day David is one of the commonest names among the Cochin Jews, as well as the B'nei Israel, and Rabbani is the name of the ruling family under the copper grant. Its alteration into Rubeni was due to sixteenth century interest in the lost ten tribes, and a consequent desire of identifying the Royal family as sprung from Reuben, the first-born of Israel. Reuben, too, is a favourite name among the B'nei Israel. With the destruction of their capital, the Jews left and migrated, though to no great distance. Within 20 miles south of Cranganore are four other places, all on the Cochin back-water, where the Black Jews still have synagogues. Parur, Chennan Mangalam, and Mala have each one synagogue, Ernakulam has two, and Cochin three, of which one belongs to the White Jews. The Parur Jews have also the ruins of another synagogue marked by a Ner Tamid, which they say existed 400 years ago, when there were eighteen Bote Midrash (schools) and 500 Jewish houses. This tradition further confirms the importance of Cranganore before 1524. With the advent of the Dutch, better times ensued for the Jews. The Dutch were bitter foes of the Portuguese and their inquisition, and friends of their enemies. Naturally the Jews were on the side of the Dutch, and, as naturally, had to suffer for their temerity. In 1662 the Dutch attacked the Ranee's palace at Mattancheri and besieged the adjoining town of Cochin, but had to retire before Portuguese reinforcements. The Portuguese therefore burnt the synagogue adjoining the palace, because they suspected the Jews, no doubt with justice, of having favoured the Dutch. In the following year, however, 'the Dutch renewed their attack on Cochin, this time with complete success. The port and town fell into their hands, and with it fell the Portuguese power in India. By a series of treaties, Cochin and Holland became close allies, and the Dutch settlement became firmly established in Cochin.' The Dutch helped the White Jews to rebuild their synagogue. The Dutch clock is still the pride of Cochin Jewry."
It is well known that the Cochin Jews are generally divided into two classes, the White and the Black. Writing in the early part of the eighteenth century, [245] Baldæus states that "in and about the City of Cochin, lived formerly some Jews, who even now have a synagogue allow'd them without the Fortifications; they are neither White nor Brown, but quite black. The Portuguese Histories mention that at a certain time certain blasphemous papers against our Saviour, with some severe reflections against the Jesuit Gonsalvus Pereira (who afterwards suffer'd Martyrdom at Monopatapa) being found in a box set in the Great Church for the gathering of Alms; and the same being supposed to be laid there by some European Jews, who now and then used to resort thither privately, this gave occasion to introduce the Inquisition into Goa." It is noted by the Rev. J. H. Lord [246] that "Jacob Saphir, a Jewish traveller, who visited his co-religionists in Cochin in recent years, having described some of the Jews resident there as black, hastens to tone down his words, and adds, they are not black like the raven, or as the Nubians, but only as the appearance of copper. But Hagim Jacob Ha Cohen, another modern Jewish traveller, chastizing the latter for calling them black at all, declares that he will write of this class everywhere as the non-white, and never anywhere (God forbid!) as the Black." The Black Jews claim to have been the earliest settlers, while the White Jews came later. But the latter assert that the former are pure natives converted to the Jewish faith. These two difficult, yet important, issues of priority of settlement and purity of race have divided antiquarians and historians quite as much as they have estranged the two classes of Jews themselves from one another. According to the Rev. C. Buchanan, [247] the White Jews dwelling in Jews' town in Mattancheri are later settlers than the Black Jews. They had only the Bible written on parchment, and of modern appearance, in their synagogue, but he managed to get from the Black Jews much older manuscripts written on parchment, goat's skin, and cotton paper. He says that "it is only necessary to look at their countenances to be satisfied that their ancestors must have arrived in India many years before the White Jews. Their Hindu complexion, and their very imperfect resemblance to the European Jews, indicate that they had been detached from the parent stocks in Judea many ages before the Jews in the West, and that there have been marriages with families not Israelitish." The Rev. J. Hough observes [248] that the Black Jews "appear so much like the natives of India, that it is difficult at first sight to distinguish them from the Hindu. By a little closer observation, however, the Jewish contour of their countenances cannot be mistaken." In the lecture already referred to, Dr. Wilson states that "their family names, such as David Castile (David the Castilian) go to prove that they (the White Jews) are descended of the Jews of Spain, probably of those driven from that country in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of German and Egyptian Jews. The real ancient Jews of Cochin are the Black Jews' descendants, we believe, of Judea-Arabians and Indian proselytes. Some rather obscure references to the Jews of Cochin and Quilon are made by Benjamin of Tudela, who returned to Spain from his eastern voyage in 1173. He found no White Jews in India. Speaking of those in the pepper country near Chulam (Quilon), he says that all the cities and countries inhabited by these people contain only about 100 Jews (members of the synagogue), who are of black colour as well as the other inhabitants." Referring to Jan Linschoten's 'Itinerary,' published in Holland in 1596, Mr. Adler observes that "the Jews who interested our traveller were the 'rich merchants and of the king of Cochin's nearest counsellers, who are most white of colour like men of Europe, and have many fair women. There are many of them that came of the country Palestine and Jerusalem thither, and spoke over all the exchange verie perfect and good Spanish.' This directly confirms the view that the White Jews were new comers from foreign lands. Their knowledge of Spanish is now quite a thing of the past, but it proves that they were Sephardim."
In regard to the claim of the White Jews to being the only genuine Jews, it may be of interest to record the opinion of a Jew, Rabbi David D'Beth Hithel, who travelled in Cochin in 1832. He says that "the White Jews say of them (the Black Jews) that they are descendants of numerous slaves who were purchased and converted to Judaism, set free and carefully instructed by a rich White Jew some centuries ago. At his cost, they say, were all their old synagogues erected. The Black Jews believe themselves to be the descendants of the first captivity, who were brought to India, and did not return with the Israelites who built the second temple. This account I am inclined to believe correct. Though called Black Jews--they are of somewhat darker complexion than the White Jews--yet they are not of the colour of the natives of the country, or of persons descended from Indian slaves." This passage bears reference to a tradition current among the Black Jews that they are the descendants of the Jews who were driven out of the land of Israel thirteen years before the destruction of the first temple built by Solomon. They are said to have first come to Calicut, whence they emigrated to Cranganur.
"The White Jews," Mr. Adler writes, "claiming that they, and they alone, are the true descendants of the aboriginal Jews of Cranganur, retain the copper tablets in their possession, and boast that, about the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Rajah of Cochin invested the head of the Hallegua family with the hereditary title of Mudaliar or Noble [and a wand with a silver knob as a sign of his dignity], with the power of punishing certain crimes. The males of that family still bear the title, but their feudal rights have been abrogated. Nowadays the number of White Jews has dwindled to less than 200, so that it was easy to procure a list of all their names. From the foreign origin of their surnames (Kindel, Ashkenazi, Mizrahi, Koder, Roby, Sassoon), as well as for other reasons, it seems certain that the White Jews are late comers, who did not settle in India till after the destruction of Cranganur. They were traders, who came to Cochin; they prospered under the rule of the Dutch, and built their synagogue and quarter after the Black Jews were already established there. Though, now, they hold themselves jealously aloof from the Black Jews, they were at first quite intimate and friendly. The Indian environment has had the opposite effect to that which England has had upon our Ashkenazim and our no longer exclusive Sephardim. In India caste is varna, which means colour, and their difference in colour has produced caste distinctions among the Indian Jews. But, although the White Jews are fair, some of them are certainly not quite white, nor are the Black Jews quite black. Some of the 'Black' Jews are hardly distinguishable from their 'White' brethren. Their customs, ritual, and religious observances are the same. Their synagogues are so alike that it needs some keenness of eyesight to detect that two pictures are not of the identical building. The only great (?) difference is that the White Jews have theirs tiled with rare old blue tiles, over which newspaper correspondents wax eloquent. They say the tiles are old Dutch, but really they are genuine Chinese [blue and white Canton China], [249] whereby hangs a tale. The synagogue was built nearly 200 years ago in a corner of the Rajah's palace-yard. At that time, the Dutch were in possession of what is now British Cochin, and they were the only people trading with China. The Rajah, through his allies the Dutch, had imported a large quantity of the best China tiles to pave his Darbar hall, but the Jews, says Mr. Thurston, thought they would just do for the synagogue they were building, so they told the Rajah that he could not possibly use them, inasmuch as bullock's blood had been employed in their manufacture. His Highness, much perturbed at the indignity to so sacred an animal, bade them take the tiles away, and never let him see them again. Hence their presence in the synagogue. The other synagogue has tiles also, but they are of gleaming white." The synagogues, it may be added, are square whitewashed buildings, surmounted by a bell-tower. It is said that the Kadyabagan synagogue of the Black Jews is admitted by the White Jews to be the oldest at present existing, having been built in the 12th century.
It is recorded by Governor Moens that "in the Jewish quarters (situated) next to the palace of the king of Cochin at Cochin de Sima there are two synagogues, viz., one for the White Jews, and the other for the Black Jews. The latter have readers of their own tribe, who hold the services, but, when a White Rabbi comes to their synagogue, the honour of conducting the service must be given to him."
"The dates," the Rev. J. H. Lord writes, "of the synagogues of the Black Jews altogether antedate those of the White. Thus, the date on the mural slab of the now disused and dilapidated Cochin Angadi synagogue is A.D. 1344 = 563 years ago. That of the Kadavambagom synagogue in Cochin is A.D. 1639, or = 268 years ago. That of the Cochin Theckumbagom synagogue is A.D. 1586, or = 321 years ago; while that of the synagogue of the White Jews is A.D. 1666 or = 241 years ago. Hence the institutions of the Black Jews are the more ancient. The tomb-stone dates of the Black Jews are also far more ancient than those of the White Jews. The earliest date of any tomb-stone of the Black Jews is six hundred years old."
It is further noted by the Rev. J. H. Lord that "the Black Jews are still the ones who make use of the privileges granted in the copper-plate charter. They still carry a silk umbrella, and lamps lit at day-time, when proceeding to their synagogue on the 8th day after birth of sons. They spread a cloth on the ground, and place ornaments of leaves across the road on occasions when their brides and bridegrooms go to get married, and use then cadanans (mortars which are charged with gunpowder, and fired), and trumpets. After the wedding is over, four silk sunshades, each supported on four poles, are borne, with lamps burning in front, as the bridal party goes home. The Black Jews say that the White Jews use none of these, and never have done so. The White Jews aver that they were accustomed formerly to use such privileges, but have discontinued them."
There is record of disputes between the White and Black Jews for as early a time as that of the Dutch settlement, or even earlier. Jealousy and strife between the two sections on matters of intermarriage and equal privileges seem to have existed even during the time of the Portuguese. Canter Visscher, in his 'Letters from Malabar,' [250] refers to these party feelings. "The blacks," he writes, "have a dark coloured Rabbi, who must stand back if a white one enters, and must resign to him the honour of performing the divine service in the synagogue. On the other hand, when the black Rabbis enter the synagogue of Whites, they must only be hearers. There has lately been a great dispute between the two races; the Black wishing to compel the White Jewesses to keep their heads uncovered, like their own women, and trying to persuade the Rajah to enforce such a rule. The dispute ended, however, with permission given to every one, both men and women, to wear what they chose."
More than once, Jewish Rabbis have been appealed to on the subject of racial purity, and they have on all occasions upheld the claims of a section of the Black Jews to being Jews, and the White Jews have as often repudiated such decisions, and questioned their validity. The weight of authority, and the evidence of local facts, seem to militate against the contention of the White Jews that the Black Jews do not belong to the Israelitish community, but are the descendants of emancipated slaves and half castes. The White Jews appear to have maintained the purity of their race by declining intermarriage with the Black Jews. It must be admitted that, in the earlier centuries, the original settlers purchased numerous slaves, who have since then followed the religion of their masters. It is recorded by Stavorinus [251] that "when these Jews purchase a slave, they immediately manumit him; they circumcise him and receive him as their fellow Israelite, and never treat him as a slave." It is noted by Canter Visscher [252] that "the Jews make no objection to selling their slaves who are not of their own religion to other nations, obliging them, however, when sold, to abandon the use of the Jewish cap, which they had before worn on their heads. But slaves, male or female, once fully admitted into their religion by the performance of the customary rites, can never be sold to a stranger." The Jews are said to have had former fugitive connections with the women of these converts, and brought into existence a mixed race of Dravidians and Semitics. It would be uncharitable to infer from this that all the Black Jews are the descendants of converted slaves or half-castes, as it would be unreasonable to suppose that all of them are the descendants of the original settlers. It is noted by Mr. Adler that "the Rev. J. H. Lord quotes an interesting pronouncement on the racial purity of the Black Jews of Malabar made by Haham Bashi of Jerusalem in 1892. The Rabbi is said to have referred to the Maharikash (R. Jacob Castro, of Alexandria), whose responsum in 1610 confirmed the 'Jichus' or the 'Mejuchasim' and decided likewise. He is even said to have allowed one of his relatives to marry a Brown Jew! Nowadays, the White Jews hold aloof from the larger community, black or brown, and profess to be of another caste altogether. But one of the most intelligent of their number, who took us round the synagogues, professed to think such exclusiveness exaggerated and unfair, and admitted that their own grandfathers had lived with Black Jewesses in a more or less binding marital relation, and it is abundantly clear that, till recently, the Black and White Jews were quite friendly, and the very fact of the White Jews holding the title-deeds merely proves that they were trusted by the true owners to keep them for safe custody, as they were richer and possessed safes. In an article in the 'Revue des Deux Mondes,' [253] Pierre Loti, writing of the Black Jews, says that "le rabbin me fait d'ameres doléances sur la fierté des rivaux de la rue proche, qui ne veulent jamais consentir à contracter marriage, ni même à frayer avec ses paroissiens. Et, pour comble, me dit-il, le grand rabbin de Jérusalem, à qui on avait adressé une plainte collective, le priant d'intervenir, s'est contenté d'émettre, en réponse, cette généralité plutôt offensante: Pour nicher ensemble, il faut être des moineaux de même plumage."
In recent years, a distinction appears to have grown up among the Black Jews, so that they now want to be distinguished as Brown Jews and Black Jews, the former claiming to be Meyookhasim or genuine Jews. In this connection, Mr. Adler writes that "the Black Jews are themselves divided into two classes, the Black Jews proper, who are darker, and have no surnames, and the noble, who have family names and legitimate descent, and claim to be the true descendants of the Cranganur or Singili Jews."
The White Jews are generally known by the name of Paradesis (foreigners). This designation is found in some of the Sirkar (State) accounts, and also in a few Theetoorams or Royal writs granted to them. It is argued that they must have been so called at first to distinguish them from the more ancient Israelites. The existence for centuries of three small colonies of Black Jews at Chennamangalam and Mala in the Cochin State, and Parur in Travancore, at a distance of five or six miles from Cranganur, shows that they must have sought refuge in those places on being hard pressed by the Moors and the Portuguese. There are no White Jews in any of these stations, nor can they point to any vested interests in the tracts about Cranganur, the most ancient Jewish settlement in the State.
The Jews wear a long tunic of rich colour, a waistcoat buttoned up to the neck, and full white trousers. They go about wearing a skull cap, and put on a turban when they go to the synagogue. The Black Jews dress more or less like the native Mahomedans. Many of them put on shirts, and have skull caps like the Jonaka Mappilas. They generally wear coloured cloths. The Jews invariably use wooden sandals. These, and their locks brought down in front of the ears, distinguish them from other sections of the population. The Jewesses always wear coloured cloths. Hebrew is still the liturgical language, and is studied as a classic by a few, but the home language is Malayalam. The White Jews celebrate their marriages on Sundays, but the Black Jews still retain the ancient custom of celebrating them on Tuesdays after sunset. Though polygamy is not prohibited, monogamy is the rule. The males generally marry at the age of 20, while the marriageable age for girls is 14 or 15. Marriages are generally celebrated on a grand scale. The festivities continue for seven days in the case of the White Jews, and for fifteen days among the Black Jews, who still make use of some of the ancient privileges granted by the charter of Cheraman Perumal. The Jews of all sections have adopted a few Hindu customs. Thus, before going to the synagogue for marriage, a tali (marriage badge) is tied round the bride's neck by some near female relative of the bridegroom (generally his sister) in imitation of the Hindu custom, amidst the joyful shouts (kurava) of women. Divorce is not effected by a civil tribunal. Marriages are dissolved by the making good the amount mentioned in the kethuba or marriage document. In regard to their funerals, the corpse is washed, but not anointed, and is deposited in the burial-ground, which is called Beth Haim, the house of the living.
Like their brethren in other parts of the world, the Cochin Jews observe the Sabbath feasts and fasts blended intimately with their religion, and practice the rite of circumcision on the eighth day, when the child is also named. The Passover is celebrated by the distribution of unleavened bread, but no kid is killed, nor is blood sprinkled upon the door-post and lintel. The other feasts are the feast of Pentecost, feast of Trumpets, and feast of Tabernacles. The day of atonement, and the anniversary of the destruction of Jerusalem, are observed as fasts. On the day of atonement, the Jews pray in the synagogue from 5 A.M. till 7 P.M. The Jewish fasts commence from 5 P.M. on the day previous to the fast, and end at 7 P.M. next day. Their days begin and end with sunset. The feast of Tabernacles is observed with more pomp and ceremony than other feasts. A pandal, or temporary shed, with a flat roof, covered over with plaited leaves of the cocoanut palm, and decorated with festoons, is put up in the court-yard of, or near every house, beneath which the inmates of the house assemble and take their meals. On the last day of the feast, a large can filled with oil is lit up in front of the synagogue. On that day, the congregation assembles in the synagogue. Persons of both sexes and of all ages meet in the house of prayer, which is gorgeously decorated for the occasion. On this day, when the books are taken outside the synagogue by the male congregation, the females, who are seated in the gallery, come into the synagogue, and, when the books are taken back, they return to their gallery.
The genuine Jews are, as indicated, known as M'yukhasim (those of lineage or aristocracy), while converts from the low castes are called non-M'yukhasim. According to the opinion of Jewish Rabbis, Tabila, or the holy Rabbinical bath, removes the social disabilities of the latter. Those who have had recourse to this bath are free to marry genuine Jews, but respect for caste, or racial prejudice, has invariably stood in the way of such marriages being contracted.
From a recent note (1907), I gather that "the Jews, realising that higher and more advanced education is needed, have bestirred themselves, and are earnestly endeavouring to establish an institution which will bring their education up to the lower secondary standard. The proposed school will be open to both the White and Black Jews. In order to place the school on a good financial basis, one of the leading Jews, Mr. S. Koder, approached the Anglo-Jewish Association for aid, and that Society has readily agreed to provide a sum of £150 a year for the upkeep of the school. Generous, however, as this offer is, it is found that the amount is insufficient to cover the expenditure; so the Jews are going to raise a public subscription amongst themselves, and they also intend to apply to the Cochin Darbar for a grant under the Educational Code." [254]
I was present at the Convocation of the Madras University in 1903, when the Chancellor conferred the degree of Bachelor of Arts on the first Jew who had passed the examination.
According to the Cochin Census, 1901, there were 180 White, and 957 Black Jews.
Jhodia.--A sub-division of Poroja.
Jhoria.--A sub-division of Gaudo.
Jilaga (pith).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Jilakara (cumin seeds: Cuminum cyminum). An exogamous sept of Balija and Togata.
Jinigar.--"There are," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [255] "a few members of this caste, chiefly in the Chendragiri taluk, whose ordinary occupation it now is to paint pictures. They were, however, once, it is said, artificers, and the account given of them is as follows. They were originally Razus from the Northern Circars, who, coming to the Chendragiri Raja for employment, were set to watch members of the Kammala caste who served the Raja, in order to prevent idleness or fraud. After some time, the Kammalans finished an idol's car, and, being inflated with pride, demanded to be allowed to sit in it before the swami was himself placed there. For their arrogance they were expelled, and the Razus, having by observation learnt something of their craft, discharged their duties to the community. Under the Nabobs they abandoned this walk of life, and took to saddlery, whence came their name from jini a saddle, and now they are merely muchis."
Mr. W. Francis informs us [256] that "in Bellary wood-carving is done by Jinigaras, who have taught the art to some Muhammadans, who are now often more skilful than their teachers. Two of them made a teak doorway, carved in the Chalukyan style, which obtained a medal at the Arts Exhibition at the Delhi Darbar, and is now in the Madras Museum."
At Nandyal in the Kurnool district, I recently saw a Jinigar, who makes "lacquer" (gesso) fans, trays, large circular table tops, etc., and paintings of Hindu deities and mythological subjects. He made a number of panels used in the dado of Lady Curzon's boudoir at the circuit house, Delhi. A medal was awarded to him for his gesso ware at the Delhi Exhibition, but it was, in colouring, inferior to that of the collection which was sent to the Indo-Colonial Exhibition in 1886. The "lacquer" ware of Kurnool has been said to be perhaps the finest Indian gesso work produced anywhere. The work turned out at Mandasa in Ganjam is much bolder, and suitable for decoration on a large scale. A similar method of decoration was formerly largely used in Saracenic architectural decoration of interiors in various countries. The patterns of the Kurnool ware are floral, and in slight relief, and the colours are very bright with much gilding. At Nossam, in Ganjam, leather dishmats are painted with pictures of deities and floral designs. Native circular playing-cards, and fans made of palmyra leaves or paper and cloth "lacquered" and painted in brilliant colours, are also made here.
In the Nellore district, the Jiniga-vandlu make toys, pictures, and models in paper and pith. At Trichinopoly, very elaborate and accurate models of the great Hindu temples, artificial flowers, bullock coaches, etc., are made of the pith of sola (Æschynomene aspera), which is also used in the construction of sola topis (sun-hats). The Madras Museum possesses a very quaint pith model of the Raja of Tanjore in darbar, with performing wrestlers and Deva-dasis, made many years ago.
Jinka.--(Indian gazelle, Gazella bennetti).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. The equivalent Jinkala is a sept of Boya.
Jira.--In the Bellary district, a Lingayat who sells flowers calls himself a Jira, and his caste Jira kula.
Jirige (cumin: Cuminum cyminum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba, and gotra of Kurni.
Jivala (an insect).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Jogi.--The Jogis, who are a caste of Telugu mendicants, are summed up by Mr. H. A. Stuart [257] as being "like the Dasaris, itinerant jugglers and beggars. They are divided into those who sell beads, and those who keep pigs. They are dexterous snake-charmers, and pretend to a profound knowledge of charms and medicine. They are very filthy in their habits. They have no restrictions regarding food, may eat in the house of any Sudra, and allow widows to live in concubinage, only exacting a small money penalty, and prohibiting her from washing herself with turmeric-water." In addition to begging and pig-breeding, the Jogis are employed in the cultivation of land, in the destruction of pariah dogs, scavenging, robbery and dacoity. Some of the women, called Killekyata, are professional tattooers. The Jogis wander about the country, taking with them (sometimes on donkeys) the materials for their rude huts. The packs of the donkeys are, Mr. F. S. Mullaly informs us, [258] "used as receptacles for storing cloths obtained in predatory excursions. Jogis encamp on the outskirts of villages, usually on a plain or dry bed of a tank. Their huts or gudisays are made of palmyra leaves (or sedge) plaited with five strands forming an arch." The huts are completely open in front.
In the Tamil country, the Jogis are called Dhoddiyan or Tottiyan (q.v.), and those who are employed as scavengers are known as Koravas or Oddans. The scavengers do not mix with the rest of the community. Some Jogis assert that they have to live by begging in consequence of a curse brought on them by Parvati, concerning whose breasts one of their ancestors made some indiscreet remarks. They consider themselves superior to Malas and Madigas, but an Oddan (navvy caste) will not eat in the house of a Jogi. They are said to eat crocodiles, field rats, and cats. There is a tradition that a Jogi bridegroom, before tying the bottu (marriage badge) on his bride's neck, had to tie it by means of a string dyed with turmeric round the neck of a female cat. People sometimes object to the catching of cats by Jogis for food, as the detachment of a single hair from the body of a cat is considered a heinous offence. To overcome the objection, the Jogi says that he wants the animal for a marriage ceremony. On one occasion, I saw a Madiga carrying home a bag full of kittens, which, he said, he was going to eat.
The Jogi mendicants go about, clad in a dirty loin-cloth (often red in colour) and a strip of cloth over the shoulders, with cobras, pythons, or rat snakes in baskets, and carrying a bag slung over the shoulder. The contents of one of these bags, which was examined, were fruits of Mimusops hexandra and flower-spikes of Lippia nodiflora (used for medicine), a snake-charming reed instrument, a piece of cuttle-fish shell, porcupine quills (sold to goldsmiths for brushes), a cocoanut shell containing a powder, narrikombu (spurious jackals' horns) such as are also manufactured by Kuruvikarans, and two pieces of wood supposed to be an antidote for snake-poisoning. The women go about the streets, decorated with bangles and necklaces of beads, sharks' vertebræ, and cowry shells, bawling out "Subbamma, Lachchamma," etc., and will not move on till alms are given to them. They carry a capacious gourd, which serves as a convenient receptacle for stolen articles.
Like other Telugu castes, the Jogis have exogamous septs or intiperu, of which the following are examples:--
Vagiti, court-yard.
Uluvala, horse-gram.
Jalli, tassels of palmyra leaves put round the necks of bulls.
Vavati (relationship).
Gundra, round.
Bindhollu, brass water-pot.
Cheruku, sugar-cane.
Chappadi, insipid.
Boda Dasiri, bald-headed mendicant.
Gudi, temple.
At the Mysore census, 1901, Killekyata, Helava, Jangaliga, and Pakanati were returned as being Jogis. A few individuals returned gotras, such as Vrishabha, Kaverimatha, and Khedrumakula. At the Madras census, Siddaru, and Pamula (snake) were returned as sub-castes. Pamula is applied as a synonym for Jogi, inasmuch as snake-charming is one of their occupations.
The women of the caste are said to be depraved, and prostitution is common. As a proof of chastity, the ordeal of drinking a potful of cow-dung water or chilly-water has to be undergone. If a man, proved guilty of adultery, pleads inability to pay the fine, he has to walk a furlong with a mill-stone on his head.
At the betrothal ceremony, a small sum of money and a pig are given to the bride's party. The pig is killed, and a feast held, with much consumption of liquor. Some of the features of the marriage ceremony are worthy of notice. The kankanams, or threads which are tied by the maternal uncles to the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, are made of human hair, and to them are attached leaves of Alangium lamarckii and Strychnos Nux-vomica. When the bridegroom and his party proceed to the bride's hut for the ceremony of tying the bottu (marriage badge), they are stopped by a rope or bamboo screen, which is held by the relations of the bride and others. After a short struggle, money is paid to the men who hold the rope or screen, and the ceremonial is proceeded with. The rope is called vallepu thadu or relationship rope, and is made to imply legitimate connection. The bottu, consisting of a string of black beads, is tied round the bride's neck, the bride and bridegroom sometimes sitting on a pestle and mortar. Rice is thrown over them, and they are carried on the shoulders of their maternal uncles beneath the marriage pandal (booth). As with the Oddes and Upparavas, there is a saying that a Jogi widow may mount the marriage dais (i.e., remarry) seven times.
When a girl reaches puberty, she is put in a hut made by her brother or husband, which is thatched with twigs of Eugenia Jambolana, margosa (Melia Azadirachta), mango (Mangifera Indica), and Vitex Negundo. On the last day of the pollution ceremony the girl's clothes and the hut are burnt.
The dead are always buried. The corpse is carried to the burial-place, wrapped up in a cloth. Before it is lowered into the grave, all present throw rice over the eyes, and a man of a different sept to the deceased places four annas in the mouth. Within the grave the head is turned on one side, and a cavity scooped out, in which various articles of food are placed. Though the body is not burnt, fire is carried to the grave by the son. Among the Jalli-vallu, a chicken and small quantity of salt are placed in the armpit of the corpse. On the karmandhiram, or day of the final death ceremonies, cooked rice, vegetables, fruit, and arrack are offered to the deceased. A cloth is spread near the grave, and the son, and other agnates, place food thereon, while naming, one after the other, their deceased ancestors. The food is eaten by Jogis of septs other than the Jalli-vallu, who throw it into water. If septs other than the Jalli were to do this, they would be fined. Those assembled proceed to a tank or river, and make an effigy in mud, by the side of which an earthen lamp is placed. After the offering of cooked rice, etc., the lamp and effigy are thrown into the water. A man who is celebrating his wife's death-rites then has his waist-thread cut by another widower while bathing.
The Jogis worship Peddavadu, Malalamma, Gangamma, Ayyavaru, Rudramma, and Madura Virudu.
Some women wear, in addition to the marriage bottu, a special bottu in honour of one of their gods. This is placed before the god and worn by the eldest female of a family, passing on at her death to the next eldest.
As regards the criminal propensities of the Jogis, Mr. Mullaly writes as follows. [259] "On an excursion being agreed upon by members of a Joghi gang, others of the fraternity encamped in the vicinity are consulted. In some isolated spot a nim tree (Melia Azadirachta) is chosen as a meeting place. Here the preliminaries are settled, and their god Perumal is invoked. They set out in bands of from twelve to fifteen, armed with stout bamboo sticks. Scantily clad, and with their heads muffled up, they await the arrival of the carts passing their place of hiding. In twos and threes they attack the carts, which are usually driven off the road, and not unfrequently upset, and the travellers are made to give all they possess. The property is then given to the headman of the gang for safe-keeping, and he secretes it in the vicinity of his hut, and sets about the disposal of it. Their receivers are to be found among the 'respectable' oil-mongers of 11 villages in the vicinity of their encampments, while property not disposed of locally is taken to Madras. Readmission to caste after conviction, when imprisonment is involved, is an easy matter. A feed and drink at the expense of the 'unfortunate,' generally defrayed from the share of property which is kept by his more fortunate kinsfolk, are all that is necessary, except the ceremony common to other classes of having the tongue slightly burnt by a piece of hot gold. This is always performed by the Jangam (headman) of the gang. The boys of the class are employed by their elders in stealing grain stored at kalams (threshing-floors), and, as opportunity offers, by slitting grain bags loaded in carts."
Jogi.--A sub-division of Kudubi.
Jogi Gurukkal.--See Yogi Gurukkal.
Jogi Purusha.--The Purushas or Jogi Purushas seem to have come into existence in recent times, and to be divided into two distinct classes, one of which has crystallised into a caste, while the other merely follows a cult practiced by several other castes. Those in South Canara, who speak Marathi and Tulu, say that they form a caste, which will not admit members of other castes into its ranks. There is a head mutt (religious institution) at Kadiri, with subordinate mutts at Halori and Bhuvarasu, all in South Canara. The Jogi Purushas are disciples of one or other of these mutts. Their special deity is Bairava, but some regard Gorakshanath as their god. They are initiated into the Bairava cult by their priest. They may lead either a celibate or married life. The celibates should have a hole bored in the middle of the ear, and wear therein a ring of rhinoceros horn or china-clay. Those who wish to lead a married life need not have a hole in the ear, but, at the time of their initiation, a piece of clay is pressed over the spot where the hole should be. All Jogi Purushas who have become the disciples of a guru (spiritual instructor) of their cult ought to have a brass, copper, or silver pipe, called singanatha, tied on a thread round the neck. Before taking their meals, they are expected to pray to Bairava, and blow the pipe.
The Jogi Purushas follow the Makkalakattu system of inheritance (in the male line), and, for their marriage ceremonies, engage a Karadi Brahman. The dead are buried in a sitting posture. The bojja, or final death ceremony, is usually performed on the twelfth day, and a Brahman priest officiates thereat. The ceremony consists in offering food to the crows, making presents to Brahmans, and undergoing purificatory rites for the removal of death pollution. If the deceased has been initiated into the Bairava cult, puja (worship) must be done at the grave every alternate day from the third day till the bojja day.
Some Jogi Purushas are professional mendicants, while others work as coolies, peons, etc.
Jonagan.--Jonagan is given, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as the name applied to "Musalman traders of partly Hindu parentage. The word is from the Tamil Sonagan, which means Arabia, and is not strictly the name of any Musalman tribe, but is a loose term applied by the Tamils to Musalmans of mixed descent." In the Gazetteer of South Arcot, Mr. Francis says that "the term Jonagan or Sonagan, meaning a native of Sonagan or Arabia, is applied by Hindus to both Labbais and Marakkayars, but it is usually held to have a contemptuous flavour." According to another version, Jonagan is applied to sea-fishermen and boatmen, and the more prosperous traders are called Marakkayars. In a note on the Mappillas of Malabar, Mr. Padmanabha Menon writes that "the Muhammadans generally go by the name of Jonaga Mappillas. Jonaka is believed to stand for Yavanaka, i.e., Greek."
Joti (light).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Jotinagara.--Jotinagara (people of the city of light) and Jotipana are high sounding synonyms of the Canarese oil-pressing Ganigas, who express illuminant oils from seeds. In like manner, the Tamil oil-pressing Vaniyans are known as Jotinagarattar and Tiru-vilakku Nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps).
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Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 2 of 7Chapter I (5)
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