Chapter I (1)

Ichcham (date-palm: Phoenix sylvestris).--Ichcham or Ichanjanar is recorded, in the Tanjore Manual, as a section of Shanan. The equivalent Ichang occurs as a tree or kothu of Kondaiyankottai Maravans.

Idacheri.--An occupational name for a section of Nayars, who make and sell dairy produce. The word corresponds to Idaiyan in the Tamil country.

Idaiyan.--The Idaiyans are the great pastoral or shepherd caste of the Tamil country, but some are landowners, and a few are in Government employ. Those whom I examined at Coimbatore were engaged as milkmen, shepherds, cultivators, gardeners, cart-drivers, shopkeepers, constables, family doctors, and mendicants.

It is recorded in the Tanjore Manual that "the Rev. Mr. Pope says that Ideir are so-called from idei, middle, being a kind of intermediate link between the farmers and merchants." Mr. Nelson [170] considers this derivation to be fanciful, and thinks that "perhaps they are so called from originally inhabiting the lands which lay midway between the hills and the arable lands, the jungly plains, suited for pasturage [i.e., the middle land out of the five groups of land mentioned in Tamil works, viz., Kurinji, Palai, Mullai, Marutam, Neytal]. [171] The class consists of several clans, but they may be broadly divided into two sections, the one more thoroughly organised, the other retaining most of the essential characteristics of an aboriginal race. The first section follow the Vaishnava sect, wear the namam, and call themselves Yadavas. Those belonging to the second section stick to their demon worship, and make no pretensions to a descent from the Yadava race. They daub their foreheads with the sacred cow-dung ashes, and are regarded, apparently from this circumstance alone, to belong to the Saiva sect."

In the Madras Census Report, 1871, it is noted that milkmen and cowherds appear to hold a social position of some importance, and even Brahmans do not disdain to drink milk or curds from their hands. Further, the Census Superintendent, 1901, writes that "the Idaiyans take a higher social position than they would otherwise do, owing to the tradition that Krishna was brought up by their caste, and to the fact that they are the only purveyors of milk, ghi (clarified butter), etc., and so are indispensable to the community. All Brahmans, except the most orthodox, will accordingly eat butter-milk and butter brought by them. In some places they have the privilege of breaking the butter-pot on the Gokulashtami, or Krishna's birthday, and get a new cloth and some money for doing it. They will eat in the houses of Vellalas, Pallis, and Nattamans."

The Idaiyans claim that Timma Raja, the prime minister of Krishna Deva Raya of Vijayanagar, who executed various works in the Chingleput district, was an Idaiyan by caste.

The Idaiyans have returned a large number of divisions, of which the following may be noted:--

Kalkatti and Pasi. The women, contrary to the usual Tamil custom, have black beads in their tali-string. The practice is apparently due to the influence of Telugu Brahman purohits, as various Telugu castes have glass beads along with the bottu (marriage badge). In like manner, the married Pandamutti Palli women wear a necklace of black beads. According to a legend, pasi is a pebble found in rivers, from which beads are made. A giant came to kill Krishna when he was playing with the shepherd boys on the banks of a river. He fought the giant with these pebbles, and killed him.

Pal, milk. Corresponds to the Halu (milk) division of the Canarese Kuruba shepherd caste.

Pendukkumekki, denoting those who are subservient to their women. A man, on marriage, joins his wife's family, and he succeeds to the property, not of his father, but of his father-in-law.

Siviyan or Sivala. An occupational name, meaning palanquin-bearer.

Sangukatti, or those who tie the conch or chank shell (Turbinella rapa). It is narrated that Krishna wanted to marry Rukmani, whose family insisted on marrying her to Sishupalan. When the wedding was about to take place, Krishna carried off Rukmani, and placed a bangle made of chank shell on her wrist.

Samban, a name of Siva. Most members of this division put on the sacred ashes as a sectarian mark. It is said that the Yadavas were in the habit of making offerings to Devendra, but Krishna wanted them to worship him. With the exception of a few Yadavas and Paraiyans who were also employed in grazing cattle, all the shepherds refused to do so. It is stated that "in ancient times, men of the Idaiyan caste ranked only a little above Paraiyans, and that the Idaicheri, or Idaiyan suburb, was always situated close to the Paraicheri, or Paraiyan's suburb, in every properly constituted village." [172]

Pudunattu or Puthukkanattar, meaning people of the new country. The Idaiyans claim that, when Krishna settled in Kishkindha, he peopled it with members of their caste.

Perun (big) Tali, and Siru (small) Tali, indicating those whose married women wear a large or small tali.

Panjaram or Pancharamkatti. The name is derived from the peculiar gold ornament called panjaram or pancharam shaped like a many-rayed sun, and having three dots on it, which is worn by widows. It is said that in this division "widow marriage is commonly practiced, because Krishna used to place a similar ornament round the necks of the Idaiyan widows of whom he became enamoured, to transform them from widows into married women, to whom pleasure was not forbidden, and that this sub-division is the result of these amours." [173]

Maniyakkara. Derived from mani, a bell, such as is tied round the necks of cattle, sheep and goats.

Kalla. Most numerous in the area inhabited by the Kallan caste. Possibly an offshoot of this caste, composed of those who have taken to the occupation of shepherds. Like the Kallans, this sub-division has exogamous septs or kilais, e.g., Deva (god), Vendhan (king).

Sholia. Territorial name denoting inhabitants of the Chola country.

Anaikombu, or elephant tusk, which was the weapon used by Krishna and the Yadavas to kill the giant Sakatasura.

Karutthakadu, black cotton country. A sub-division found mostly in Madura and Tinnevelly, where there is a considerable tract of black cotton soil.

The Perumal Madukkarans or Perumal Erudukkarans (see Gangeddu), who travel about the country exhibiting performing bulls, are said to belong to the Pu (flower) Idaiyan section of the Idaiyan caste. This is so named because the primary occupation thereof was, and in some places still is, making garlands for temples.

In the Gazetteer of the Madura district, it is recorded that "Podunattu (Pudunattu?) Idaiyans have a tradition that they originally belonged to Tinnevelly, but fled to this district secretly one night in a body in the time of Tirumala Nayakkan, because the local chief oppressed them. Tirumala welcomed them, and put them under the care of the Kallan headman Pinnai Devan, decreeing that, to ensure that this gentleman and his successors faithfully observed the charge, they should always be appointed by an Idaiyan. That condition is observed to this day. In this sub-division a man has the same right to marry his paternal aunt's daughter as is possessed by the Kallans. But, if the woman's age is much greater than the boy's, she is usually married instead to his cousin, or some one else on that side of the family. A Brahman officiates at weddings, and the sacred fire is used, but the bridegroom's sister ties the tali (marriage badge). Divorce and the remarriage of widows are prohibited. The dead, except infants, are burnt. Caste affairs are settled by a headman called the Nattanmaikaran, who is assisted by an accountant and a peon. All three are elected. The headman has the management of the caste fund, which is utilised in the celebration of festivals on certain days in some of the larger temples of the district. Among these Podunattus, an uncommon rule of inheritance is in force. A woman who has no male issue at the time of her husband's death has to return his property to his brother, father, or maternal uncle, but is allotted maintenance, the amount of which is fixed by a caste panchayat (council). Among the Valasu and Pendukkumekki sub-divisions, another odd form of maintenance subsists. A man's property descends to his sons-in-law, who live with him, and not to his sons. The sons merely get maintenance until they are married."

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Pondan or Pogandan is recorded as a sub-caste of Idaiyans, who are palanquin-bearers to the Zamorin of Calicut. In this connection, it is noted by Mr. K. Kannan Nayar [174] that "among the Konar (cowherds) of Poondurai near Erode (in the Coimbatore district), who, according to tradition, originally belonged to the same tribe as the Gopas living in the southern part of Kerala, and now forming a section of the Nayars, the former matrimonial customs were exactly the same as those of the Nayars. They, too, celebrated tali-kettu kalyanam, and, like the Nayars, did not make it binding on the bride and bridegroom of the ceremony to live as husband and wife. They have now, however, abandoned the custom, and have made the tying of the tali the actual marriage ceremony."

The typical panchayat (village council) system exists among the Idaiyans, and the only distinguishing feature is the existence of a headman, called Kithari or Kilari, whose business it is to look after the sheep of the village, to arrange for penning them in the fields. In some places the headman is called Ambalakkaran. In bygone days, those who were convicted of adultery were tied to a post, and beaten.

In some places, when a girl reaches puberty, her maternal uncle, or his sons, build a hut with green cocoanut leaves, which she occupies for sixteen days, when purificatory ceremonies are performed.

The marriage ceremonies vary according to locality, and the following details of one form therefore, as carried out at Coimbatore, may be cited. When a marriage between two persons is contemplated, a red and white flower, tied up in separate betel leaves, are thrown before the idol at a temple. A little child is told to pick up one of the leaves, and, if she selects the one containing the white flower, the omens are considered auspicious, and the marriage will be arranged. On the day of the betrothal, the future bridegroom's father and other relations go to the girl's house with presents of a new cloth, fruits, and ornaments. The bride price (pariyam) is paid, and betel exchanged. The bridegroom-elect goes to the girl's cousins (maternal uncle's sons), who have a right to marry her, and presents them with four annas and betel. The acceptance of these is a sign that they consent to the marriage. On the marriage day, the bridegroom plants the milk-post, after it has been blessed by a Brahman purohit, and is shaved by a barber. The bride and her female relations fetch some earth, and a platform is made out of it in the marriage pandal (booth). The Brahman makes fire (homam), and places a cowdung Pillayar (Ganesa) in the pandal. The bride then husks some rice therein. The relations of the bride and bridegroom fetch from the potter's house seven pots called adukupanai, two large pots, called arasanipanai, and seven earthen trays, and place them in front of the platform. The pots are filled with water, and a small bit of gold is placed in each. The bridegroom goes to a Pillayar shrine, and, on his return, the bride's brother washes his feet, and puts rings on his second toes. The kankanams (wrist-threads) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and the bridegroom takes his seat within the pandal, to which the bride is carried in the arms of one of her maternal uncles, while another carries a torch light placed on a mortar. The bride takes her seat by the side of the bridegroom, and the light is set in front of them. The tali is taken round to be blessed by those assembled, and handed to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. The couple then put a little earth in each of the seven trays, and sow therein nine kinds of grain. Two vessels, containing milk and whey, are placed before them, and the relations pour a little thereof over their heads. The right hand of the bridegroom is placed on the left hand of the bride, and their hands are tied together by one of the bride's maternal uncle's sons. The bride is then carried into the house in the arms of an elder brother of the bridegroom. At the threshold she is stopped by the maternal uncle's sons, who may beat the man who is carrying her. The bridegroom pays them each four annas, and he and the bride are allowed to enter the house. On the night of the wedding day, they are shut up in a room. During the following days the pots are worshipped. On the seventh day, the ends of the cloths of the newly married couple are tied together, and they bathe in turmeric water. The wrist-threads are removed, they rub oil over each other's heads, and bathe in a tank. The bride serves food to the bridegroom, and their relations eat off the same leaf, to indicate the union between the two families. Into one of the large pots a gold and silver ring, and into the other an iron style and piece of palm leaf are dropped. The couple perform the pot-searching ceremony, and whichever gets hold of the gold ring or style is regarded as the more clever of the two. The bridegroom places his right foot, and the bride her left foot on a grindstone, and they look at the star Arundathi. The stone represents Ahalliya, the wife of the sage Gautama, who was cursed by her husband for her misconduct with Indra, and turned into a stone, whereas Arundathi was the wife of Vasishta and a model of chastity. The newly married couple, by placing their feet on the stone, indicate their intention of checking unchaste desires, and by looking at Arundathi, of remaining faithful to each other. The bride decorates a small grindstone with a cloth and ornaments, and takes it round to all her relations who are present, and who bless her with a hope that she will have many children.

In the Marava country, a grown-up Idaiyan girl is sometimes married to a boy of ten or twelve. Among some Idaiyans, it is customary for the tali to be tied by the sister of the bridegroom, and not by the bridegroom, who must not be present when it is done.

It is said that, in some places, like the Gollas, when an Idaiyan bridegroom sets out for the house of his bride, he is seized by his companions, who will not release him till he has paid a piece of gold. In the Madura Manual it is noted that "at an Idaiyan wedding, on the third day, when the favourite amusement of sprinkling turmeric-water over the guests is concluded, the whole party betake themselves to the village tank (pond). A friend of the bridegroom brings a hoe and a basket, and the young husband fills three baskets with earth from the bottom of the tank, while the wife takes them away, and throws the earth behind. They then say 'We have dug a ditch for charity.' This practice may probably be explained by remembering that, in arid districts, where the Idaiyans often tend their cattle, the tank is of the greatest importance."

It is said that the Siviyan and Pendukkumekki sub-divisions take low rank, as the remarriage of widows is freely permitted among them. In the Ramnad territory of the Madura district, the marriage of widows is attributed to compulsion by a Zamindar. According to the story, the Zamindar asked an Idaiyan whether he would marry a widow. The reply was that widows are aruthukattadhavar, i.e., women who will not tie the tali string again, after snapping it (on the husband's decease). This was considered impertinent by the Zamindar, as marriage of widows was common among the Maravars. To compel the Idaiyans to resort to widow marriage, he took advantage of the ambiguity of the word aruthukattadhavar, which would also mean those who do not tie up in a bundle after cutting or reaping. At the time of the harvest season, the Zamindar sent his servants to the Idaiyans with orders that they were not to tie up the rice plants in sheaves. This led to severe monetary loss, and the Idaiyans consented reluctantly to widow remarriage.

On the death of a married Idaiyan, at Coimbatore, the corpse is placed in a seated posture. A measure of rice, a lighted lamp, and a cocoanut are placed near it, and burning fire-wood is laid at the door of the house. When the relations and friends have arrived, the body is removed from the house, and placed in a pandal, supported behind by a mortar. The male relations put on the sacred thread, and each brings a pot of water from a tank. The widow rubs oil over the head of the corpse, and some one, placing a little oil in the hands thereof, rubs it over her head. On the way to the burning-ground, a barber carries a fire-brand and a pot, and a washerman carries the mat, cloths, and other articles used by the deceased. When the idukadu, a spot made to represent the shrine of Arichandra who is in charge of the burial or burning ground, is reached, the polluted articles are thrown away, and the bier is placed on the ground. A Paraiyan makes a cross-mark at the four corners of the bier, and the son, who is chief mourner, places a small coin on three of the marks, leaving out the one at the north-east corner. The Paraiyan takes these coins and tears a bit of cloth from the winding-sheet, which is sent to the widow. At the burning-ground, the relations place rice, water, and small coins in the mouth of the corpse. The coins are the perquisite of the Paraiyan. The son, who is clean-shaved, carries a pot of water on his shoulder thrice round the pyre, and, at each turn, the barber makes a hole in it with a chank shell, when the head is reached. Finally the pot is broken near the head. The sacred threads are thrown by those who wear them on the pyre, and the son sets fire to it, and goes away without looking back. The widow meanwhile has broken her tali string, and thrown it into a vessel of milk, which is set on the spot where the deceased breathed his last. The son, on his return home after bathing, steps across a pestle placed at the threshold. Arathi (wave offering) is performed, and he worships a lighted lamp within the house. On the following day, rice and Sesbania grandiflora are cooked, and served to the relatives by the widow's brothers. Next day, milk, ghi (clarified butter), curds, tender cocoanuts, nine kinds of grain, water, and other articles required for worship, are taken to the burning-ground. The smouldering ashes are extinguished with water, and the fragments of the bones are collected, and placed on a leaf. A miniature plough is made, and the spot on which the body was burned is ploughed, and the nine kinds of grain are sown. On his return home, a turban is placed on the head of the son who acted as chief mourner by his maternal uncles. A new cloth is folded, and on it a betel leaf is placed, which is worshipped for sixteen days. On the sixteenth day, a Brahman makes a human figure with holy grass, which has to be worshipped by the chief mourner not less than twenty-five times, and he must bathe between each act of worship. The bones are then carried in a new earthen pot, and floated on a stream. At night, food is cooked, and, with a new cloth, worshipped. Rice is cooked at the door. A cock is tied to a sacrificial post, called kazhukumaram, set up outside the house, to which the rice is offered. One end of a thread is tied to the post, and the other end to a new cloth, which is worshipped inside the house. The thread is watched till it shakes, and then broken. The door is closed, and the cock is stuck on the pointed tip of the post, and killed. An empty car is carried in procession through the streets, and alms are given to beggars. A widow should remain gosha (in seclusion) for twelve months after her husband's death. When a grown-up, but unmarried male or female dies, a human figure, made out of holy grass, is married to the corpse, and some of the marriage rites are performed.

The Idaiyans are Vaishnavites, and the more civilised among them are branded like Vaishnava Brahmans. Saturday is considered a holy day. Their most important festival is Krishna Jayanti, or Sri Jayanti, in honour of Krishna's birthday. They show special reverence for the vessels used in dairy operations.

The proverb that the sense of an Idaiyan is on the back of his neck, for it was there that he received the blows, refers to "the story of the shepherd entering the gate of his house with a crook placed horizontally on his shoulders, and finding himself unable to get in, and his being made able to do so by a couple of blows on his back, and the removal of the crook at the same time. Another proverb is that there is neither an Andi among Idaiyans, nor a Tadan among the potters. The Andi is always a Saivite beggar, and, the Idaiyans being always Vaishnavites, they can never have in their midst a beggar of the Saivite sect, or vice versâ. Being extremely stupid, whenever any dispute arises among them, they can never come to any definite settlement, or, as the proverb says, the disputes between Idaiyans are never easily settled. Keeping and rearing cattle, grazing and milking them, and living thereby, are their allotted task in life, and so they are never good agriculturists. This defect is alluded to in the proverb that the field watered by the Idaiyan, or by a member of the Palli caste, must ever remain a waste." [175]

Other proverbs, quoted by the Rev. H. Jensen, [176] are as follows:--

The shepherd can get some fool to serve him.

Like a shepherd who would not give anything, but showed an ewe
big with young.

The shepherd destroyed half, and the fool half.

In 1904, an elementary school for Idaiyans, called the Yadava school, was established at Madura.

The usual title of the Idaiyans is Konan or Kon meaning King, but, in the Census Report, 1901, the titles Pillai and Kariyalan are also recorded. In the Census Report, 1891, Idaiya is given as a sub-division of Vakkaiga; and, in the Salem Manual, Idaiyan appears as a synonym of Shanan.

For the following note on the Idaiyans who have settled in Travancore, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. They consist of two well-defined sections, namely, the Tamil-speaking Idaiyans, who are but recent immigrants, and largely found in Tevala, Agastisvaram and Shenkotta, and the Malayalam-speaking branch, who are early settlers residing chiefly in Kartikapalli and other taluks of Central Travancore. The Idaiyans are not largely found in Travancore, because a branch of the indigenous Sudra community, the Idacheri Nayars, are engaged in the same occupation. They are divided into two classes, viz., Kangayan (shepherds) and Puvandans, who neither interdine nor intermarry. The latter appear to be divided into four classes, Pasi, Gopalan, Nambi, and Valayitayan. Puvandan is another form of the word Pondan, which means a palanquin-bearer. It is well known that, in the Tamil country, this was one of the duties of the Idaiyans, as is evident from a sub-division called Sivi or Siviyar (palanquin) existing among them. In the early settlement records of Travancore, they are referred to as Sibis. Many fancy, though incorrectly, that the word means one who collects flowers. As the Sibis were experts in palanquin-bearing, they must have been brought from the Tamil country to serve the mediæval Rajas. At the present day, besides pursuing their traditional occupation, they also engage in agriculture and trade. The position of the Puvandans in society is not low. They are entitled to the services of the Brahman's washerman and barber, and they may enter temples, and advance as far as the place to which Nayars go, except in some parts of Central Travancore. They are flesh-eaters, and the drinking of intoxicating liquor is not prohibited. On ceremonial occasions, women wear the Tamil Idaiya dress, while at other times they adopt the attire of Nayar women. Their ornaments are foreign, and clearly indicate that they are a Tamil caste. The marriage badge is called sankhu tali, and a small conch-shaped ornament forms its most conspicuous feature. Besides the ordinary Hindu deities, they worship Matam, Yakshi, and Maruta. At weddings, the Idaiyan bridegroom holds a sword in his left hand, while he takes hold of the bride by the right hand. Funeral ceremonies are supervised by a barber, who officiates as priest. Corpses are either burnt or buried. Though they appear to observe only eleven days' death pollution, they cannot enter a temple until the expiry of sixteen days. An anniversary ceremony in memory of the deceased is performed on the new-moon day in the month of Karkatakam (July-August), and, on this day, most members of the caste go to Varkalai to perform the rite. Many purely Tamil names are still preserved in the caste, such as Tambi, Chami, Bhagavati, and Chattu.

Idakottu (those who break).--An exogamous sept of Oddes, who, during their work as navvies, break stones.

Idangai (left-hand).--Recorded, at times of census, as a division of Deva-dasis, who do service for castes belonging to the left-hand section.

Idiga.--The Telugu toddy-drawers, whose hereditary occupation is the extraction of the juice of the date and palmyra palms, go by different names in different localities. Those, for example, who live in the Salem, North Arcot and Chingleput districts, are called Idigas or Indras. In the Northern Circars and the Nellore district, they are known as Gamallas or Gamandlas, and in the Cuddapah district as Asilis.

It is recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, that "Idiga is one of the toddy-drawing castes of the Telugu country, the name being derived from Telugu idchu, to draw. The Idigas are supposed to be a branch of the Balija tribe, separated on account of their occupation. They are chiefly Vaishnavites, having Satanis as their priests. They are divided into two classes, the Dandu (army) [177] Idigas and the Balija Idigas, of whom the former used originally to distil arrack, but, now that the manufacture is a monopoly, they usually sell it. The Balija Idigas extract toddy, the juice of the palm tree. They differ from the Shanans in some of their professional customs, for, while the Tamilians in climbing tie their knives behind them, the Telugus tie them on the right thigh. Tamilian drawers extract the juice from palmyras and cocoanuts, but rarely from the date, and the Telugus from the palmyras and dates, but never from cocoanuts. The chief object of their worship is Yellamma, the deity who presides over toddy and liquor. On every Sunday, the pots containing liquor are decorated with flowers, saffron, etc., and offerings are made to them."

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that "it is said that the Idigas are the descendants of Balijas from Rajahmundry in Godavari district, and that their occupation separated them into a distinct caste. They are divided into two endogamous sections called either Dandu and Palli, or Patha (old) and Kotta (new). The headman of the caste is called Gaudu. They employ Brahmans as purohits for their ceremonies, and these Brahmans are received on terms of equality by other Brahmans. They bury their dead, and observe pollution for twelve days, during which they abstain from eating flesh. The consumption of alcohol is strictly prohibited, and is severely punished by the headman of the caste. They eat with all Balijas, except the Gazulu section. Their titles are Aiya, Appa, and Gaudu."

It is noted by Mr. F. Fawcett that "in the northern districts, among the Telugu population, the toddy-drawers use a ladder about eight or nine feet in length, which is placed against the tree, to avoid climbing a third or fourth of it. While in the act of climbing up or down, they make use of a wide band, which is passed round the body at the small of the back, and round the tree. This band is easily fastened with a toggle and eye. The back is protected by a piece of thick soft leather. It gives great assistance in climbing, which it makes easy. All over the southernmost portion of the peninsula, among the Shanans and Tiyans, the ladder and waist-band are unknown. They climb up and down with their hands and arms, using only a soft grummel of coir (cocoanut fibre) to keep the feet near together."

The Idigas claim to be descended from Vyasa, the traditional compiler of the Mahabharata. In a note by Mr. F. R. Hemingway on the Idigas of the Godavari district, they are said to worship a deity, to whom they annually offer fowls on New Year's day, and make daily offerings of a few drops of toddy from the first pot taken from the tree. In this district they are commonly called Chetti.

The insigne of the Idigas, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is a ladder. [178]

Idiya (pounder).--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a division of Konkani Sudras. The Idiyans prepare rice in a special manner. Paddy is soaked in water, and roasted over a fire. While hot, it is placed in a mortar, and pounded with a pestle. This rice is called avil, which is said to be largely used as a delicacy in Travancore, and to be employed in certain religious ceremonies.

The Idiyans are stated to have left their native land near Cochin, and settled in Travancore at the invitation of a former sovereign. On arrival in the land of their adoption, they were given, free of tax, cocoanut gardens and rice land. In return, they were required to supply, free of charge, the palace of the Maharajah and the temple of Sri Padmanabhaswami at Trivandrum with as much beaten rice (avil) as might be required from time to time.

Iga (fly).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha. The equivalent Igala occurs as an exogamous sept of Yanadi.

Ilai (leaf).--Ilai or Ele has been recorded as a sub-division of Tigalas and Toreyas who cultivate the betel vine (Piper betle). Elai Vaniyan occurs as a synonym of Senaikkudaiyans, who are betel leaf sellers in Tinnevelly.

Ilaiyattakudi.--A sub-division of Nattukottai Chetti.

Ilakutiyan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of Nayar.

Ilamagan.--The Ilamagans are described by Mr. Francis [179] as "a cultivating caste found chiefly in the Zamindari taluk of Tiruppattur in Madura. The word literally means a young man, but the young is interpreted by other castes in the sense of inferior. One says that it is made up of the sons of Vallamban females and Vellala males, another that it is a mixture of outcasted Valaiyans, Kallans and Maravans, and a third that it is descended from illegitimate children of the Vellalas and Pallis. Like the Kallans and Valaiyans, the members of the caste stretch the lobes of their ears, and leave their heads unshaven. The caste is divided into two or three endogamous sections of territorial origin. They do not employ Brahmans as purohits; their widows may marry again; their dead are usually buried; and they will eat pork, mutton, fowls, and fish. They are thus not high in the social scale, and are, in fact, about on a par with the Kallans. The headmen of the caste are called Ambalam." It is suggested, in the Census Report, 1891, that, from the fact that Ilamagan appears as a sub-division of the Maravans, it may perhaps be inferred that the two castes are closely allied.

Ilampi.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of Nayar.

Ilayatu.--See Elayad.

Illa (of a house).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.

Illam.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [180] as meaning the house of an ordinary Nambudri Brahman. It is recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of Nayar. The name Illam Vellala has been assumed by some Panikkans in the Tamil country, whose exogamous septs are called Illam. In Travancore, Ilakkar or Illathu, meaning those attached to Brahman houses, is said to be an occupational sub-division of Nayars. Ilakkar further occurs as an exogamous sept of Mala Arayans, known as the Three Thousand.

Illuvellani.--The name, derived from illu, house, and vellani, those who do not go out, of a sub-division of Kammas, whose wives are kept gosha (in seclusion).

Inaka Mukku Bhatrazu.--Beggars attached to Padma Sales.

Inangan.--See Enangan.

Ina Pulaya.--A sub-division of Pulayans of Travancore.

Indla (house).--An exogamous sept of Chenchu and Mutracha.

Indra.--See Idiga.

Inichi (squirrel).--A gotra of Kurni.

Inravar.--A Tamil form of Indra.

Ippi (Bassia longifolia: mahua).--An exogamous sept of Panta Reddi. Members of the Ippala gotra of the Besthas may not touch or use the ippa (or ippi) tree.

Iranderudhu (two bullocks).--A sub-division of Vaniyans, who use two bullocks for their oil-mills.

Irani (earthen vessel used at marriages).--A gotra of Kurni.

Irani.--A territorial name, meaning Persian, of the Shiah section of the Moghal tribe of Muhammadans. The Iranis or Beluchis are described by Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu [181] as a troublesome nomad tribe "committing crime all over India openly from the houses and shops of villages and towns, mostly in broad daylight, with impunity, and escaping punishment except in rare cases. Their ostensible profession is merchandise, dealing in the following articles:--ponies, knives, scissors, padlocks, false stones, false pearls, trinkets of several kinds, toys, beads, quicksilver, and false coins of different kinds.

Their camp generally consists of a few small tents, a few ponies, pack saddles to secure their culinary utensils, their dirty clothes, the leather or gunny bags containing their articles of merchandise; a few fighting cocks, and cages of birds. They are very fond of cock fighting, even on wagers of 10 to 50 rupees on each. They train these cocks specially brought up to fight." For information concerning the criminal methods of the Iranis, I would refer the reader to Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu's account thereof.

Iranyavarma.--The name of one of the early Pallava kings, returned at times of census as a caste name by some wealthy Pallis, who also gave themselves the title of Solakanar, or descendants of Chola Kings.

Irattai Sekkan.--A sub-division of Vaniyans, who use two bullocks for their oil-mills.

Iraya.--A name for Cherumans, in Malabar, who are permitted to come as far as the eaves (ira) of their employers' houses.

Irchakkollan (timber sawyer).--A synonym, in Travancore, of Tacchan (carpenter) Kammalan.

Irkuli.--Irkuli or Irangolli Vellala, said to mean Vellalas who killed dampness, is a name assumed by some Vannans.

Irpina (comb).--An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Irulas of the Nilgiris. In the Kotagiri bazaar, which is an excellent hunting-ground for the anthropologist, may be seen gathered together on market-day Kotas, Badagas, Kanarese, Irulas, Kurumbas, and an occasional Toda from the Kodanad mand. A tribal photograph was taken there, with the result that a deputation subsequently waited on me with a petition to the effect that "We, the undersigned, beg to submit that your honour made photos of us, and has paid us nothing. We, therefore, beg you to do this common act of justice." The deputation was made happy with a pourboire.

In my hunt after Irulas, which ended in an attack of malarial fever, it was necessary to invoke the assistance and proverbial hospitality of various planters. On one occasion news reached me that a gang of Irulas, collected for my benefit under a promise of substantial remuneration, had arrived at a planter's bungalow, whither I proceeded. The party included a man who had been "wanted" for some time in connection with the shooting of an elephant on forbidden ground. He, suspecting me of base designs, refused to be measured, on the plea that he was afraid the height-measuring standard was the gallows. Nor would he let me take his photograph, fearing (though he had never heard of Bertillonage) lest it should be used for the purpose of criminal identification. Unhappily a mischievous rumour had been circulated that I had in my train a wizard Kurumba, who would bewitch the Irulas, in order that I might abduct them (for what purpose was not stated).

As the Badagas are the fairest, so the Irulas are the darkest-skinned of the Nilgiri tribes, on some of whom, as has been said, charcoal would leave a white mark. The name Irula, in fact, means darkness or blackness (irul), whether in reference to the dark jungles in which the Irulas, who have not become domesticated by working as contractors or coolies on planters' estates, dwell, or to the darkness of their skin, is doubtful. Though the typical Irula is dark-skinned and platyrhine, I have noted some who, as the result of contact metamorphosis, possessed skins of markedly paler hue, and leptorhine noses.

The language of the Irulas is a corrupt form of Tamil. In their religion they are worshippers of Vishnu under the name of Rangasvami, to whom they do puja (worship) at their own rude shrines, or at the Hindu temple at Karaimadai, where Brahman priests officiate. "An Irula pujari," Breeks writes, [182] "lives near the Irula temples, and rings a bell when he performs puja to the gods. He wears the Vishnu mark on his forehead. His office is hereditary, and he is remunerated by offerings of fruit and milk from Irula worshippers. Each Irula village pays about two annas to the pujari about May or June. They say that there is a temple at Kallampalla in the Sattiyamangalam taluk, north of Rangasvami's peak. This is a Siva temple, at which sheep are sacrificed. The pujari wears the Siva mark. They don't know the difference between Siva and Vishnu. At Kallampalla temple is a thatched building, containing a stone called Mariamma, the well-known goddess of small-pox, worshipped in this capacity by the Irulas. A sheep is led to this temple, and those who offer the sacrifice sprinkle water over it, and cut its throat. The pujari sits by, but takes no part in the ceremony. The body is cut up, and distributed among the Irulas present, including the pujari."

In connection with the shrine on Rangasvami peak, the following note is recorded in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. "It is the most sacred hill on all the plateau. Hindu legend says that the god Rangasvami used to live at Karaimadai on the plains between Mettupalaiyam and Coimbatore, but quarrelled with his wife, and so came and lived here alone. In proof of the story, two footprints on the rock not far from Arakod village below the peak are pointed out. This, however, is probably an invention designed to save the hill folk the toilsome journey to Rangasvami's car festival at Karaimadai, which used once to be considered incumbent upon them. In some places, the Badagas and Kotas have gone even further, and established Rangasvami Bettus of their own, handy for their own particular villages. On the real Rangasvami peak are two rude walled enclosures sacred to the god Ranga and his consort, and within these are votive offerings (chiefly iron lamps and the notched sticks used as weighing machines), and two stones to represent the deities. The hereditary pujari is an Irula, and, on the day fixed by the Badagas for the annual feast, he arrives from his hamlet near Nandipuram, bathes in a pool below the summit, and marches to the top shouting 'Govinda! Govinda!' The cry is taken up with wild enthusiasm by all those present, and the whole crowd, which includes Badagas, Irulas, and Kurumbas, surrounds the enclosures, while the Irula priest invokes the deities by blowing his conch and beating his drum, and pours oblations over, and decorates with flowers, the two stones which represent them. That night, two stone basins on the summit are filled with ghee and lighted, and the glare is visible for miles around. The ceremonies close with prayers for good rain and fruitfulness among the flocks and herds, a wild dance by the Irula, and the boiling (called pongal, the same word as pongal the Tamil agricultural feast) of much rice in milk. About a mile from Arakod is an overhanging rock called the kodai-kal or umbrella stone, under which is found a whitish clay. This clay is used by the Irulas for making the Vaishnava marks on their foreheads at this festival."

The following account of an Irula temple festival is given by Harkness. [183] "The hair of the men, as well as of the women and children, was bound up in a fantastic manner with wreaths of plaited straw. Their necks, ears, and ankles were decorated with ornaments formed of the same material, and they carried little dried gourds, in which nuts or small stones had been inserted. They rattled them as they moved, and, with the rustling of their rural ornaments, gave a sort of rhythm to their motion. The dance was performed in front of a little thatched shed, which, we learnt, was their temple. When it was concluded, they commenced a sacrifice to their deity, or rather deities, of a he-goat and three cocks. This was done by cutting the throats of the victims, and throwing them down at the feet of the idol, the whole assembly at the same time prostrating themselves. Within the temple there was a winnow, or fan, which they called Mahri--evidently the emblem of Ceres; and at a short distance, in front of the former, and some paces in advance one of the other, were two rude stones, which they call, the one Moshani, the other Konadi Mari, but which are subordinate to the fan occupying the interior of the temple."

A village near a coffee estate, which I inspected, was, at the time of my visit, in the possession of pariah dogs and nude children, the elder children and adults being away at work. The village was protected against nocturnal feline and other feral marauders by a rude fence, and consisted of rows of single-storied huts, with verandah in front, made of split bamboo and thatched, detached huts, an abundance of fowl-houses, and cucurbitaceous plants twining up rough stages. Surrounding the village were a dense grove of plantain trees, castor-oil bushes, and cattle pens.

When not engaged at work on estates or in the forest, the Irulas cultivate, for their own consumption, ragi (Eleusine Coracana), samai (Panicum miliare), tenai (Setaria italica), tovarai (Cajanus indicus), maize, plantains, etc. They also cultivate limes, oranges, jak fruit (Artocarpus integrifolia), etc. They, like the Kotas, will not attend to cultivation on Saturday or Monday. At the season of sowing, Badagas bring cocoanuts, plantains, milk and ghi (clarified butter), and give them to the Irulas, who, after offering them before their deity, return them to the Badagas.

"The Irulas," a recent writer observes, "generally possess a small plot of ground near their villages, which they assiduously cultivate with grain, although they depend more upon the wages earned by working on estates. Some of them are splendid cattle-men, that is, in looking after the cattle possessed by some enterprising planter, who would add the sale of dairy produce to the nowadays pitiable profit of coffee planting. The Irula women are as useful as the men in weeding, and all estate work. In fact, planters find both men and women far more industrious and reliable than the Tamil coolies."

"By the sale of the produce of the forests," Harkness writes, "such as honey and bees wax, or the fruit of their gardens, the Irulas are enabled to buy grain for their immediate sustenance, and for seed. But, as they never pay any attention to the land after it is sown, or indeed to its preparation further than by partially clearing it of the jungle, and turning it up with the hoe; or, what is more common, scratching it into furrows with a stick, and scattering the grain indiscriminately, their crops are, of course, stunted and meagre. When the corn is ripe, if at any distance from the village, the family to whom the patch or field belongs will remove to it, and, constructing temporary dwellings, remain there so long as the grain lasts. Each morning they pluck as much as they think they may require for the use of that day, kindle a fire upon the nearest large stone or fragment of rock, and, when it is well heated, brush away the embers, and scatter the grain upon it, which, soon becoming parched and dry, is readily reduced to meal, which is made into cakes. The stone is now heated a second time, and the cakes are put on it to bake. Or, where they have met with a stone which has a little concavity, they will, after heating it, fill the hollow with water, and, with the meal, form a sort of porridge. In this way the whole family, their friends, and neighbours, will live till the grain has been consumed. The whole period is one of merry-making. They celebrate Mahri, and invite all who may be passing by to join in the festivities. These families will, in return, be invited to live on the fields of their neighbours. Many of them live for the remainder of the year on a kind of yam, which grows wild, and is called Erula root. To the use of this they accustom their children from infancy."

Some Irulas now work for the Forest Department, which allows them to live on the borders of the forest, granting them sites free, and other concessions. Among the minor forest produce, which they collect, are myrabolams, bees-wax, honey, vembadam bark (Ventilago Madraspatana), avaram bark (Cassia auriculata), deer's horns, tamarinds, gum, soapnuts, and sheekoy (Acacia concinna). The forests have been divided into blocks, and a certain place within each block has been selected for the forest depot. To this place the collecting agents--mostly Sholagars and Irulas--bring the produce, and then it is sorted, and paid for by special supervisors. [184] The collection of honey is a dangerous occupation. A man, with a torch in his hand, and a number of bamboo tubes suspended from his shoulders, descends by means of ropes or creepers to the vicinity of the comb. The sight of the torch drives away the bees, and he proceeds to fill the bamboos with the comb, and then ascends to the top of the rock. [185]

The Irulas will not (so they say) eat the flesh of buffaloes or cattle, but will eat sheep and goat, field-rats, fowls, deer, pig (which they shoot), hares (which they snare with skilfully made nets), jungle-fowl, pigeons, and quail (which they knock over with stones).

They informed Mr. Harkness that, "they have no marriage contract, the sexes cohabiting almost indiscriminately; the option of remaining in union, or of separating, resting principally with the female. Some among them, the favourites of fortune, who can afford to spend four or five rupees on festivities, will celebrate their union by giving a feast to all their friends and neighbours; and, inviting the Kurumbars to attend with their pipe and tabor, spend the night in dance and merriment. This, however, is a rare occurrence." The marriage ceremony, as described to me, is a very simple affair. A feast is held, at which a sheep is killed, and the guests make a present of a few annas to the bridegroom, who ties up the money in a cloth, and, going to the bride's hut, conducts her to her future home. Widows are permitted to marry again.

When an Irula dies, two Kurumbas come to the village, and one shaves the head of the other. The shorn man is fed, and presented with a cloth, which he wraps round his head. This quaint ceremonial is supposed, in some way, to bring good luck to the departed. Outside the house of the deceased, in which the corpse is kept till the time of the funeral, men and women dance to the music of the Irula band. The dead are buried in a sitting posture, with the legs crossed tailorwise. Each village has its own burial-ground. A circular pit is dug, from the lower end of which a chamber is excavated, in which the corpse, clad in its own clothes, jewelry, and a new cloth, is placed with a lamp and grain. The pit is then filled in, and the position of the grave marked by a stone. On the third day a sheep is said to be killed, and a feast held. The following description of an annual ceremony was given to me. A lamp and oil are purchased, and rice is cooked in the village. They are then taken to the shrine at the burial-ground, offered up on stones, on which some of the oil is poured, and puja is done. At the shrine, a pujari, with three white marks on the forehead, officiates. Like the Badaga Devadari, the Irula pujari at times becomes inspired by the god.

Writing concerning the Kurumbas and Irulas, Mr. Walhouse says [186] that "after every death among them, they bring a long water-worn stone (devva kotta kallu), and put it into one of the old cromlechs sprinkled over the Nilgiri plateau. Some of the larger of these have been found piled up to the cap-stone with such pebbles, which must have been the work of generations. Occasionally, too, the tribes mentioned make small cromlechs for burial purposes, and place the long water-worn pebbles in them."

The following sub-divisions of the tribe have been described to me:--Poongkaru, Kudagar (people of Coorg), Kalkatti (those who tie stone), Vellaka, Devala, and Koppilingam. Of these, the first five are considered to be in the relation of brothers, so far as marriage is concerned, and do not intermarry. Members of these five classes must marry into the Koppilingam sub-division. At the census, 1901, Kasuva or Kasuba was returned as a sub-caste. The word means workmen, in allusion to the abandonment of jungle life in favour of working on planters' estates, and elsewhere.

It is recorded by Harkness that "during the winter, or while they are wandering about the forests in search of food, driven by hunger, the families or parties separate from one another. On these occasions the women and young children are often left alone, and the mother, having no longer any nourishment for her infant, anticipates its final misery by burying it alive. The account here given was in every instance corroborated, and in such a manner as to leave no doubt in our minds of its correctness."

The following notes are abstracted from my case-book.

Man, æt. 30. Sometimes works on a coffee estate. At present engaged in the cultivation of grains, pumpkins, jak-fruit, and plantains. Goes to the bazaar at Mettupalaiyam to buy rice, salt, chillies, oil, etc. Acquires agricultural implements from Kotas, to whom he pays annual tribute in grains or money. Wears brass earrings obtained from Kotas in exchange for vegetables and fruit. Wears turban and plain loin-cloth, wrapped round body and reaching below the knees. Bag containing tobacco and betel slung over shoulder. Skin very dark.

Woman, æt. 30. Hair curly, tied in a bunch behind round a black cotton swab. Wears a plain waist-cloth, and print body-cloth worn square across breasts and reaching below the knees. Tattooed on forehead. A mass of glass bead necklaces. Gold ornament in left nostril. Brass ornament in lobe of each ear. Eight brass bangles on right wrist; two brass and six glass bangles on left wrist. Five brass rings on right first finger; four brass and one tin ring on right forefinger.

Woman, æt. 25. Red cadjan (palm leaf) roll in dilated lobes of ears. Brass and glass bead ornament in helix of right ear. Brass ornament in left nostril. A number of bead necklets, one with young cowry shells pendent, another consisting of a heavy roll of black beads. The latter is very characteristic of Irula female adornment. One steel bangle, eight brass bangles, and one chank-shell bangle on right wrist; three lead, six glass bangles, and one glass bead bangle on left wrist. One steel and one brass ring on left little finger.

Woman, æt. 35. Wears loin-cloth only. Breasts fully exposed. Cap of Badaga pattern on head.

Girl, æt. 8. Lobe of each ear being dilated by a number of wooden sticks like matches.

Average stature 159.8 cm.; nasal index 85 (max. 100).

Irulas of Chingleput, North and South Arcot. The Irulas, or Villiyans (bowmen), who have settled in the town of Chingleput, about fifty miles distant from Madras, have attained to a higher degree of civilisation than the jungle Irulas of the Nilgiris, and are defined, in the Census Report, 1901, as a semi-Brahmanised forest tribe, who speak a corrupt Tamil.